olisasegun:
The Special Assistant to President Muhammadu Buhari on Media and Publicity, Garba Shehu, has said that anyone who claims that the President received pensions from the army should face “criminal investigation.”

Garba said this on Wednesday, claiming that the President did not receive pension or cars from the army, as did former commanders-in-chief.

“After his overthrow, they didn’t remember him, even in the annual distribution of diaries or calendars. Since his overthrow as military ruler, the army did not institute a pension for him,” Garba said.

He added that the President stopped collecting “allowances that are usually paid to former heads of state” the moment he took office as elected President last year.

“This is verifiable from the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation,” he said; adding that, “If anyone is laying his/her hand on any such payment, they should face criminal investigation.”

He said though the army was known to supply cars to former heads of the army, Buhari did not get any.

“On the other hand, there is a directorate in the SGF’s office paying allowances to all ex-heads of state. This is not pension. And President Buhari stopped collecting this from last year.

“The cars he got came from the former President through the ONSA. This was after the bomb attack on his convoy in Kaduna.

“Before this time, the Presidency did not supply cars to him as they did to the former heads of state,” Garba said.

http://punchng.com/accuse-buhari-receiving-pension-risk-criminal-investigation/

Alright Sir

RZArecta:
a fellow Nigerian named his goat after Jonathan, nobody heard all this nonsense we're hearing now. Just because a despot is in power now, you want everyone to bow down and worship your tin god

https://www.nairaland.com/3294886/man-name-goat-jonathan-see

For The records, a noun is the name of a Person, animal, place of thing. I think that defines the noun buhari

Lamzee:
This shoe was spotted in Turkey Store displayed for sale.

https://www.instagram.com/p/BJODU1Ahl-Y/?hl=en

Nice one. Exportable commodity

More

ICSL engineers, come see oga pikin o. Money good.

Cniused

Have you checked how you can benefit from this industry? The industry is wide and all encompassing. It is the in-thing now... I no wan let the cat out too much. But hey, how much is $ to naira now? Anything that brings $ now na the king.

Call us fo ur zinc, lead and even silver. Check my signature

There is an ongoing bid tender for mining lease, mineral exploration, licensing etc.


Let us join hands and promote this sector. It is one major means of diversifying our economy.

This is a call by the government of president buhari to diversify the economy. Some companies ae already keying in. It is a patriotic duty as our economy is in tying times.

Nigeria as a country is blessed with
abundance of many resources which
include stones, precious metals and
minerals. Following the history of the
Nigerian mining, In the early 70s, Nigeria
was a major exporter of coal, tin, and
columbite, as such, Nigeria made a lot of revenue from the exportation process.
However, this exportation process and
other activities in the mining sector
suffered premature death when crude oil
was discovered.
Many Nigerians have argued and made a
lot of presentations on the need for the
country to come up with more sectors and
multiply the revenue streams of the
country. When democracy gained
prominence in 1999, President Obasanjo
worked tirelessly in putting in place a
mechanism for diversification of the
country’s revenue and as far as the mining
sector is concerned, the Nigerian Minerals
and Mining Act was inaugurated in 2007 to
revive the mining sector in Nigeria.
It should be noted that though over 40
different minerals are scattered across
Nigeria, some of them are not available in
commercial quantities. The Ministry of
Mines and Steel Development in its mining
sector reformation strategy identified
seven (7) minerals for strategic and
priority development. The identified
minerals are Iron ore, Coal, Lead/Zinc,
Bitumen, Gold, Limestone and Barite.

Mining Sector’s Legal and Regulatory
Framework.
The Nigerian Mineral and mining Act
regulates the mining sector in Nigeria by
vesting the regulation and control of
ownership of Nigeria’s mineral resources.
Also, the provision of Nigeria’s National
Minerals and Metals Policy coupled with
Minerals and Mining Regulations control
the activities of the sector.
In terms of administration of the mining
industry, Ministry of Mines and Steel
Development oversees the industry’s
administrative activities. The
administration is carried out by Mines
Inspectorate Department, Artisanal and
Small Scale Mining Department, Mines,
Environment and Compliance and Mining Cadastre office.

Mining Titles and Licenses.
Mining titles are granted to individuals,
companies and co-operatives. Mining
leases and exploration licenses can be
granted through competitive bidding or
individual request. Under competitive
bidding, mineral locations are
consolidated into blocks by the
government and such blocks are offered
for sale to both local and foreign investors
who have financial and technical muscle to
consummate mining activities. The bidding
process under the competitive bidding
include advertisement in media, due
process of diligence by data room, receipt
of Expression of Interest (EOI), preferred
investor selection, communication of
investors that are selected to National
Assembly Committee on Solid Minerals
and offer of mineral titles to selected
investors.
As far as licensing and leasing is
concerned, the types of licenses and leases
that can be given include Renaissance
Permits (RP), Exploration license, Quarry
Lease, Small-Scale Mining lease, Mining
lease and water use permit.

Mining business in Nigeria.
In Nigerian mining, Nigerians can start
and carry on the business of mining
through partnership, limited liability
companies, unlimited liability companies
and unincorporated joint venture while
foreigners are only authorized to start and
carry on mining business through limited
liability companies as section 54 of
Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA)
states that foreign company cannot carry
on any business in Nigeria. As such, the
documents required for company’s
incorporation in Nigeria are Memorandum
of Association, Articles of Association,
Share Capital statement, compliance with
Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA)
declaration, notice of situation of the
company’s registered office and return of
allotment of shares and particulars of First
Directors of the company.

Challenges in the industry.
The challenges confronted by investors are much and as such, can not be over emphasized.
However, the major challenges that mining industry’s investors are facing are low project funding due to slow reform implementation by the government, appalling level of infrastructural development, inadequate security, illegal mining and community issues.

Dele Akintilo
I am an Economist, a Business
Writer, a Blogger, an eBook
reviewer/publisher and a creative
writer.

www.aolweightloss.com

History never lies.
Internet never forgets.

Excerpts from the paper "After the crisis, the NPC members issued an “eight-point-programme”, to the colonial government to the effects that until their demands were met, they would not return to the House in Lagos. It may be necessary here to reproduce this programme so we can properly situate when “Nigeria unity is not negotiable” mantra became a sing-song. The North asked for the following: (1) That each region shall have complete Legislative and Executive Autonomy with respect to all matters except the following: External Affairs, Defence, Customs and West African Research Institutions; (2) That there should be no Central Legislative body and no Central Executive or Policy making body for the whole of Nigeria; (3) That there shall be Central Agency for all regions which will be responsible for matters mentioned in Paragraph (1) and other matters delegated to it by a Region; (4) That the Central Agency shall be a neutral place preferably Lagos; (5) That the composition and responsibility of the Central Agency shall be defined by the Order-in-Council establishing the constitutional arrangements. The agency shall be a non-political body. (6) That the services of railway, air, posts and telegraphs, electricity and coal mining, shall be organised on an inter-regional basis and shall be administered by public corporations. These corporations shall be independent and covered by the statutes under which they are created by the board of experts with a minority representation of the regional governments; (7) All the revenues shall be levied and collected by the regional government except Customs revenue at the port of discharge by the Central Agency and paid to its treasury; ( The administration of the Customs shall be so organised so as to assure that goods consigned to the region are separately cleared and charged to duty. Each region shall have a separate public service. There can be no other explanation as to why those who made those proposals in 1953 became the very people flogging those making demands for a restructuring that do not go far like they did at the National Theatre in Lagos in 1991 when the late Alao-Aka Bashorun led us to the foyer to demand a National Conference than the oil that was discovered four years after. Beautiful demands The very people who put these beautiful demands together in 1953 now pretend as if they don’t know what we are talking about today because of the gains of iniquity, of a dysfunctional unitarist arrangement we misnamed a federation. To all intents and purposes, the sharp divisions of 1953 still define us till today as our clash of civilizations define our positions on critical issues."

How did the song change? It's simple- the Discovery of oil in a minority region.

WALE  Adebanwi, a Professor of African American and African Studies at the University of California-Davis recently stopped by at Jazz Hole on Awolowo Road in Ikoyi, Lagos to read from his latest book: NATION AS GRAND NARRATIVE: The Nigerian Press and the Politics of Meaning, to a select audience of some of the richest minds around town.

The evening beautifully moderated by the author of What a Country, Mr Kunle Ajibade (reviewed as Not a country by Adebanwi years back) attracted Prof Niyi Osundare, Prof Adigun Agbaje, Bashorun J.K Randle, Mr Jimi Agbaje, Erelu Bisi Fayemi, Mr Laolu Akande, Mr Tayo Koleosho, Mrs. Nike Nedum (Née Ransome-Kuti), Akin Ajayi, Fafaa Dan Princewill, Mr Tuned Fagbenle and a host of others.

Adebanwi was clear about his mission in the book when he states: ”As the following chapters illustrate, despite the constant divisive narratives that present, defend and contests diverse and sometimes contradictory interests of Nigeria’s many ethno-regional, ethnic nationalist, or ethno-religious groups, there is constant gesturing toward a nation of aspiration, a Nigerian grand nation, that it is assumed, surpasses or subsumes the many nations forced to live together within the Nigerian federation”.

That aspiration unfortunately has remained aspiration as the event he chose to open the book illustrates.

Political independence

It was in 1953 when Anthony Enahoro, one of the leading lights of anti-colonial struggle and a prominent member of the Obafemi Awolowo-led Action Group, AG, moved the motion that Nigeria should become independent in 1956 at the Federal parliament.

That motion should have been unanimously supported by members of parliament if an “impossible country” was not in the making.

Enahoro had said in the preamble to his motion on the floor of the Federal House of Representatives that any proposal short of full political independence for Nigeria “has ceased to be a progressive view because Nigerian nationalism has moved forward from that position”.

Adebanwi correctly posits that “in a response that showed the fault lines of Nigerian nationalism in the late colonial era-and since then-Sir Ahmadu Bello of the Northern People’s Congress, NPC, introduced a dilatory motion substituting the phrasing “as soon as practicable for the year “1956” proposed by Enahoro.

In an undisguised reference to the superficiality of the “Nigerian nationalism” which Enahoro and his Southern compatriots were lionizing, Bello added “sixty years ago, there was no Nigeria but merely a collection of communities very different in outlook and mode of life”.

The North threatened to leave Nigeria over the quest for independence by the South. In anticipation that the NPC which had more numbers in the House was going to win the vote, the NCNC and AG members in the House of Representatives walked out of the House. The meeting of the House was adjourned and members of NPC met very unfriendly crowd in Lagos.

They were called all sorts of names before they left for the North. A retaliatory move by Northern leaders in Lagos after the adjournment on March 31, 1953 self- government motion, came during the tour of the Northern Region by the AG led by Chief S.L. Akintola; it was viewed by Northerners as an invasion of another man’s territory. It was while Akintola and his group were in Kano that a riot broke out. Several people lost their lives while many were wounded. After the crisis, the NPC members issued an “eight-point-programme”, to the colonial government to the effects that until their demands were met, they would not return to the House in Lagos.

It may be necessary here to reproduce this programme so we can properly situate when “Nigeria unity is not negotiable” mantra became a sing-song. The North asked for the following: (1) That each region shall have complete Legislative and Executive Autonomy with respect to all matters except the following: External Affairs, Defence, Customs and West African Research Institutions;

(2) That there should be no Central Legislative body and no Central Executive or Policy making body for the whole of Nigeria;
(3) That there shall be Central Agency for all regions which will be responsible for matters mentioned in Paragraph (1) and other matters delegated to it by a Region;
(4) That the Central Agency shall be a neutral place preferably Lagos;
(5) That the composition and responsibility of the Central Agency shall be defined by the Order-in-Council establishing the constitutional arrangements. The agency shall be a non-political body.

(6) That the services of railway, air, posts and telegraphs, electricity and coal mining, shall be organised on an inter-regional basis and shall be administered by public corporations. These corporations shall be independent and covered by the statutes under which they are created by the board of experts with a minority representation of the regional governments;
(7) All the revenues shall be levied and collected by the regional government except Customs revenue at the port of discharge by the Central Agency and paid to its treasury;
( The administration of the Customs shall be so organised so as to assure that goods consigned to the region are separately cleared and charged to duty. Each region shall have a separate public service.

There can be no other explanation as to why those who made those proposals in 1953 became the very people flogging those making demands for a restructuring that do not go far like they did at the National Theatre in Lagos in 1991 when the late Alao-Aka Bashorun led us to the foyer to demand a National Conference than the oil that was discovered four years after.

Beautiful  demands

The very people who put these beautiful demands together in 1953 now pretend as if they don’t know what we are talking about today because of the gains of iniquity, of a dysfunctional unitarist arrangement we misnamed a federation.

To all intents and purposes, the sharp divisions of 1953 still define us till today as our clash of civilizations define our positions on critical issues.

Adebanwi captures vividly this clash of civilizations as it lived through the pages of Nigerian newspapers in the 1950s.

For instance he quoted the Nigerian Tribune, the voice of western region of February 1950 as editorialising that British colonialism, which forced together the different ethnic groups in Nigeria, had “failed to fulfill the mission for which it set out” the “UNITY of the North, East and West they (had) promised us. They have achieved, to our horror, DISUNITY”.

About a year later, a Northern newspaper, Nigerian Citizen editorialised that the new telephone line linking Kaduna, the capital of the Northern region, with Lagos, Enugu, the major cities of the two Southern regions, signified “the gaining of momentum towards bringing the people of Nigeria closer together”, thus urging Nigerians to “sink prejudices as much as possible for wider patriotism” and dismissed “Southern polemics” expressed by The Tribune editorial as “extremism” of the South and its newspapers.

The West African Pilot responded to this by dismissing Citizen as “a very patient imperialist pet and added that “the alliance of imperialism and feudalism will henceforth be fought by the holy crusaders of the nationalist army as they enter the first phase of psychological warfare”.

The main thrust of discussions at Adebanwi’s reading was that aspiration to nationhood will remain a mirage if the lack of consensus that characterised the relationship of Nigeria’s ethnic groups in 1953 continues to define our union.

As it was in 1953, we have hardly agreed on anything except corruption among the elites. To count ourselves accurately has been impossible. We find it difficult to hold free elections. If we fixed voting age to be 18 some civilization will line up six year olds.

We cannot standardise admission criteria into our schools leading to the recent cancellation of post-UTME in our universities. We retire some people on tenure policy and cancel same policy for another set of Nigerians.

Different directions

The Holy Book asks if two can walk together without agreement. Nigeria is answering that question by tying the legs of many racers and making them to run in different directions. The result is pitiful falls all over the place and the very reason why Nigeria lies prostrate at the intensive care unit of failed nations.

Redressing 1953 requires revisiting the eight-point agenda of the North of 1953 and remove the biles therein to create a Nigeria where all constituent units are free to move and develop at their pace and according to their civilizations. Let each section concentrates on its area of comparative advantage and assign its priorities.

A model that seeks to use the instrumentality of the Federal Government of Nigeria to turn the whole country into a grazing land, for instance, negates federalism and can only breed conflicts and perpetual feud.

Nigerians since 1953 after their representatives dispersed in Lagos with riots breaking out in Kano afterwards have not sat anywhere to agree on the terms of their unity concretely and spell it out. So the “unity” that is not “ negotiable” today was not negotiated anywhere .

The closer to such negotiation was the gathering of thoughts as symbolised by the 2014 National Conference around which some consensus have been built; today it’s possible, imperfections notwithstanding. And those dismissing the document should wake up and smell the coffee as the game in town has expired.

http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache%3Ahttp%3A%2F%2Fwww.vanguardngr.com%2F2016%2F07%2Fas-it-was-in-1953%2F

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