I am not a ‘professional historian’

The tragedies of the 1960s are gone.

One of Oguta’s most famous sons believed that he alone should be rich and others poor. He believed and would say in public: ‘How could I empower you to fight me?’ Having muscled his way into power, he did all in his power to diminish his people to ‘igirigu’ (crayfish). He supported every government’s bid to suppress Oguta people

The Biafran question has its roots in the conundrums of the 1960s, arising from man’s stupidity.

It is to me a tragedy that my people are talking of Biafra, and somebody dared to write, ‘In Biafra Africa died.’

Seriously, a cursory glance at Nigeria reveals stories of marginalisation from all corners. Examine the five states that constitute the heart of Biafra and say if you do not see marginalisation everywhere. In Imo State where I come from, Oguta people are totally marginalised.

justicewatchlaw:
THE STUPIDITY OF THE BIAFRAN QUESTION

I am from Oguta. It is the small tract of land blessed with the beautiful lake, bordered by the Orashi River, enhanced by the Obana river and peopled by fascinating characters. The memories of my youth in that wonderful community I wish could be experienced by people everywhere. The culture of communal living, folk tales with guitar accompaniment, haunting and captivating amidst the moonlight plays, provide joyful memories that will last for a lifetime.

That wonderful community of which I have many fond memories has changed greatly in our march to modernity. I wish I could turn back the clock to the Oguta where we shared much love, where we were one another’s siblings despite quarrels, envy and small acrimonies. I wish I could return to the Oguta where our cultural festivals brought everybody home (oh, what joy, what conviviality) amidst the chieftaincy disputes. That Oguta is gone forever but I still love my Oguta. I am proud of Oguta. It is a place I hope to retire to, play with my grandchildren, watch the sun rise and set, fish when in the mood to do so and be entertained by jolly gossip shared with my age grade. It is a place where I wish to die and be buried beside my father and mother.

That small community, beautiful no doubt, contains all the contradictions that I see in my state Imo State, in my ‘region’ South East, in my country Nigeria and in the entire world. One of Oguta’s most famous sons believed that he alone should be rich and others poor. He believed and would say in public: ‘How could I empower you to fight me?’ Having muscled his way into power, he did all in his power to diminish his people to ‘igirigu’ (crayfish). He supported every government’s bid to suppress Oguta people. Consequently, the Oguta that had two commissioners in the old East Central State – a territory that is five states now – has not produced a commissioner in Imo State. It is easy therefore for Oguta people to say they are marginalized. Yes. Do we then ask for a state of our own? I think it would be stupid to do so. Despite not having produced commissioners, Oguta has produced great people. Dr Alban is famed worldwide for his exploits in music. An Oguta indigene became a Justice of the Supreme Court, and his son Charlie Boy became the president of PMAN. Flora Nwapa was Africa’s first female novelist and Ernest Nwapa just retired as the pioneer head of Local Content Board and Lesley Obiora became a Minister of the Federal Republic. Individual strides? Yes. We have many of them worldwide and that small community still stands proud and majestic with its history, its road network better than that of any village in the whole of Nigeria.

I am not a ‘professional historian’ but I am a student of history. I have listened to the proponents of the ‘Biafran Republic.’ I lived in Lagos in the heydays of the Odua People’s Congress, pondered the rationalizations for the creation of Oduduwa Republic, and found them inadequate and empirically invalid. Recently, I heard a Fulani gentleman say: ‘Let the Ibos go, we shall take over their businesses and buildings. They own Nigeria. All the shopping malls and housing estates in Abuja belong to them. Are they going to go with those buildings?’ I felt sorry for the Fulani man, for buildings never a nation made.

But, my siblings of Biafra and the South West, it is an issue worth pondering. Our argument however is not for any region to agitate for the dissolution of Nigeria. To my Igbo brethren, I would say: ‘Yes, we have not produced the President, but Nigeria has been fair to you. The constitution we now have, whatever flaws it is deemed to have, will ensure that you are well-represented in any government, whether that government is anti-Igbo or not. My Oguta community has not been that fortunate with the Imo State Government. Successive governments in Imo State have rained slights on Oguta, but no government can ignore the Igbo community in Nigeria. Assuming that a federal government emerges that would treat Igbos as successive Imo State governments have treated Oguta, and fails to name an Igbo indigene to the federal cabinet, I would still say that Nigeria has been fair to us. Igbos have made strides in every facet of our social and economic life, here in Nigeria and all over the world.’

THE BIAFRAN QUESTION

The Biafran question has its roots in the conundrums of the 1960s, arising from man’s stupidity. The corruption and unrest of 1960s Nigeria cannot be compared with what obtains today. However, some majors set in motion events that ultimately led to the quest for secession. Reading about those events, it is difficult to apportion blame to any part of the Nigerian nation. The reaction of the North in killing Ibos although not justifiable can be explained. The Igbos’ struggle for safety and survival resulting in the secession struggle can be explained. The war produced unspeakable calamities and tragedies. The maturity of the Gowon-led federal government in the ‘no victor, no vanquished’ policy facilitated reconstruction, rehabilitation and reconciliation. There have been cases of marginalisation, most disgracefully in the abandoned property policy in Rivers State. Yet, since 1970, our country has made giant strides in the reconciliation effort. Our leaders, sensitive to the maintenance of balance, entrenched in our laws the federal character principle which insists that every state of the federation must be represented in the federal executive council. Buhari would prefer a leaner cabinet the law mandates him to have at least 36 cabinet members with each state represented.

The tragedies of the 1960s are gone. In philosophy, law and reality, the Igbo nation (nay every other ethnic group) has shared in the pie that is Nigeria and I daresay has been fairly represented. It is to me a tragedy that my people are talking of Biafra, and somebody dared to write, ‘In Biafra Africa died.’ The romance with resurgence of Biafra may have begun with MOSOP, a reaction to the unacceptable military dictatorship of the time. It became a rallying point for many disgruntled and hungry Igbo men. It was fuelled and financed by some Igbo elite who felt they would never get a bite of power in the then existing political structure. The money flowing into the purse of the proponents has enabled the agitation to survive till date.

I cannot say with certainty what prompted Nnamdi Kanu to start Radio Biafra. I have wondered whether Radio Biafra was established for money-making purposes or for historical goals. What I can say with certainty is that Radio Biafra does not project the Igbo cause and cannot represent the Igbo interest. In my address to an Igbo group in Texas in 2006, I touched on one or two issues I considered important and urgent to the Igbo cause. I said that Igbos had Onitsha and Aba, two major commercial cities of Nigeria, in the 1960s. To those two cities flocked people from all corners of Nigeria, the West African sub region and some Central Africa countries. In 2006, those two commercial centres were among the worst places in Nigeria in terms of infrastructure. The criminality that existed was beyond belief. All the roads were bad. No electricity. I proposed then that the South East governors should engage in establishing industrial parks and use those two centres as starting points. I proposed that if need be, the governments of the South East states should borrow, construct their roads, deal with issues of criminality (mostly armed robbery and kidnapping) and ensure adequate power supply. The provision of the suggested facilities in Onitsha and Aba, coupled with investment-friendly policies, would have established in those towns industries that would employ our youth and bring much wealth to the region.

When I made that proposal, I did not believe that a governor could transform Onitsha. However, a governor Obi did. He single-handedly built all the roads in Onitsha and made Onitsha an investment-friendly city. It is therefore sad that Governor Obiano, instead of building on what Obi did, has gone the Chimaroke Nnamani way of doing nothing and attacking his benefactor. Should Obiano bring electricity to Onitsha and deal sufficiently with criminality, Onitsha would become a haven for investment and might transform the fortunes of the South East.

What happened to Aba and Abia State? Weeks without electricity. No roads, yet successive governors of Abia State collect much tax from Aba businessmen. I would advocate that an Nnamdi and his ‘Biafran compatriots’ should concern themselves more with the bad governance that Abia State has had so far. Persistent broadcasts on his Biafran Radio on the conditions of infrastructure in Abia would have struck a chord and probably forced the Aba traders to agitate for decent infrastructure.

What I said in 2006 holds true today. The South East Governors Forum should consider seriously the issue of industrial parks. Incidentally, an Igbo man Ugwu, as minister, tried to start Industrial parks policy in Nigeria. I do not know whether he got the idea from my 2006 lecture. It is sad that despite his influence, he could not make the leaders of thought and governors of South East extraction implement the idea. Within that context, policies on agriculture should be articulated. In fact, whilst Ukpabi Asika was Administrator of the East Central State in the 1970s, many studies were carried out on how to make the South East economically viable. One of such studies centred on Oguta lake and its transformation into a tourist centre. Those studies should be exhumed from the archives and revisited. They should give us useful ideas on how the Igbos could work as a group and transform the South East.

MARGINALISATION

What is marginalisation? Who is marginalising who? I can relate to the South South’s claim on marginalisation. The evidence of marginalisation is clear and abundant. I am from an oil-producing community and can testify firsthand on the evil effect of oil exploitation on our soil. Oguta made Imo State an oil-producing state but what do we as a people in Imo State get from the oil? Nothing, yet we have not complained. But this is not about Oguta or the oil-producing minority communities. It is to stress that the Ibos have no claim to being marginalised.

Seriously, a cursory glance at Nigeria reveals stories of marginalisation from all corners. Examine the five states that constitute the heart of Biafra and say if you do not see marginalisation everywhere. In Imo State where I come from, Oguta people are totally marginalised. The tiny community considered breaking away to form Urashi State. The Mbaises and Owerris are disgruntled that Orlu zone alone has been producing governors. The next governor from Imo State may come from Orlu zone in the person of Senator Hope Uzodimma. In Anambra State, the Onitsha people despite all their educated elite cannot be elected to be the local government chairmen of their indigenous local government. I do not know where the aforementioned Nnamdi is from. It is possible that his community will never produce a local government chairman, let alone a House of Assembly member, or Senator because democracy is a game of numbers, and again because it is crudely practiced in Nigeria. A system that prevents Onitshans, despite all their wealth and education, from producing their own local government chairmen is not a good system and should be overhauled. It is however not a case for secession....

source:
http://justicewatchonline.com/the-stupidity-of-the-biafran-question/

justicewatchlaw:
THE STUPIDITY OF THE BIAFRAN QUESTION

I am from Oguta. It is the small tract of land blessed with the beautiful lake, bordered by the Orashi River, enhanced by the Obana river and peopled by fascinating characters. The memories of my youth in that wonderful community I wish could be experienced by people everywhere. The culture of communal living, folk tales with guitar accompaniment, haunting and captivating amidst the moonlight plays, provide joyful memories that will last for a lifetime.

That wonderful community of which I have many fond memories has changed greatly in our march to modernity. I wish I could turn back the clock to the Oguta where we shared much love, where we were one another’s siblings despite quarrels, envy and small acrimonies. I wish I could return to the Oguta where our cultural festivals brought everybody home (oh, what joy, what conviviality) amidst the chieftaincy disputes. That Oguta is gone forever but I still love my Oguta. I am proud of Oguta. It is a place I hope to retire to, play with my grandchildren, watch the sun rise and set, fish when in the mood to do so and be entertained by jolly gossip shared with my age grade. It is a place where I wish to die and be buried beside my father and mother.

That small community, beautiful no doubt, contains all the contradictions that I see in my state Imo State, in my ‘region’ South East, in my country Nigeria and in the entire world. One of Oguta’s most famous sons believed that he alone should be rich and others poor. He believed and would say in public: ‘How could I empower you to fight me?’ Having muscled his way into power, he did all in his power to diminish his people to ‘igirigu’ (crayfish). He supported every government’s bid to suppress Oguta people. Consequently, the Oguta that had two commissioners in the old East Central State – a territory that is five states now – has not produced a commissioner in Imo State. It is easy therefore for Oguta people to say they are marginalized. Yes. Do we then ask for a state of our own? I think it would be stupid to do so. Despite not having produced commissioners, Oguta has produced great people. Dr Alban is famed worldwide for his exploits in music. An Oguta indigene became a Justice of the Supreme Court, and his son Charlie Boy became the president of PMAN. Flora Nwapa was Africa’s first female novelist and Ernest Nwapa just retired as the pioneer head of Local Content Board and Lesley Obiora became a Minister of the Federal Republic. Individual strides? Yes. We have many of them worldwide and that small community still stands proud and majestic with its history, its road network better than that of any village in the whole of Nigeria.

I am not a ‘professional historian’ but I am a student of history. I have listened to the proponents of the ‘Biafran Republic.’ I lived in Lagos in the heydays of the Odua People’s Congress, pondered the rationalizations for the creation of Oduduwa Republic, and found them inadequate and empirically invalid. Recently, I heard a Fulani gentleman say: ‘Let the Ibos go, we shall take over their businesses and buildings. They own Nigeria. All the shopping malls and housing estates in Abuja belong to them. Are they going to go with those buildings?’ I felt sorry for the Fulani man, for buildings never a nation made.

But, my siblings of Biafra and the South West, it is an issue worth pondering. Our argument however is not for any region to agitate for the dissolution of Nigeria. To my Igbo brethren, I would say: ‘Yes, we have not produced the President, but Nigeria has been fair to you. The constitution we now have, whatever flaws it is deemed to have, will ensure that you are well-represented in any government, whether that government is anti-Igbo or not. My Oguta community has not been that fortunate with the Imo State Government. Successive governments in Imo State have rained slights on Oguta, but no government can ignore the Igbo community in Nigeria. Assuming that a federal government emerges that would treat Igbos as successive Imo State governments have treated Oguta, and fails to name an Igbo indigene to the federal cabinet, I would still say that Nigeria has been fair to us. Igbos have made strides in every facet of our social and economic life, here in Nigeria and all over the world.’

THE BIAFRAN QUESTION

The Biafran question has its roots in the conundrums of the 1960s, arising from man’s stupidity. The corruption and unrest of 1960s Nigeria cannot be compared with what obtains today. However, some majors set in motion events that ultimately led to the quest for secession. Reading about those events, it is difficult to apportion blame to any part of the Nigerian nation. The reaction of the North in killing Ibos although not justifiable can be explained. The Igbos’ struggle for safety and survival resulting in the secession struggle can be explained. The war produced unspeakable calamities and tragedies. The maturity of the Gowon-led federal government in the ‘no victor, no vanquished’ policy facilitated reconstruction, rehabilitation and reconciliation. There have been cases of marginalisation, most disgracefully in the abandoned property policy in Rivers State. Yet, since 1970, our country has made giant strides in the reconciliation effort. Our leaders, sensitive to the maintenance of balance, entrenched in our laws the federal character principle which insists that every state of the federation must be represented in the federal executive council. Buhari would prefer a leaner cabinet the law mandates him to have at least 36 cabinet members with each state represented.

The tragedies of the 1960s are gone. In philosophy, law and reality, the Igbo nation (nay every other ethnic group) has shared in the pie that is Nigeria and I daresay has been fairly represented. It is to me a tragedy that my people are talking of Biafra, and somebody dared to write, ‘In Biafra Africa died.’ The romance with resurgence of Biafra may have begun with MOSOP, a reaction to the unacceptable military dictatorship of the time. It became a rallying point for many disgruntled and hungry Igbo men. It was fuelled and financed by some Igbo elite who felt they would never get a bite of power in the then existing political structure. The money flowing into the purse of the proponents has enabled the agitation to survive till date.

I cannot say with certainty what prompted Nnamdi Kanu to start Radio Biafra. I have wondered whether Radio Biafra was established for money-making purposes or for historical goals. What I can say with certainty is that Radio Biafra does not project the Igbo cause and cannot represent the Igbo interest. In my address to an Igbo group in Texas in 2006, I touched on one or two issues I considered important and urgent to the Igbo cause. I said that Igbos had Onitsha and Aba, two major commercial cities of Nigeria, in the 1960s. To those two cities flocked people from all corners of Nigeria, the West African sub region and some Central Africa countries. In 2006, those two commercial centres were among the worst places in Nigeria in terms of infrastructure. The criminality that existed was beyond belief. All the roads were bad. No electricity. I proposed then that the South East governors should engage in establishing industrial parks and use those two centres as starting points. I proposed that if need be, the governments of the South East states should borrow, construct their roads, deal with issues of criminality (mostly armed robbery and kidnapping) and ensure adequate power supply. The provision of the suggested facilities in Onitsha and Aba, coupled with investment-friendly policies, would have established in those towns industries that would employ our youth and bring much wealth to the region.

When I made that proposal, I did not believe that a governor could transform Onitsha. However, a governor Obi did. He single-handedly built all the roads in Onitsha and made Onitsha an investment-friendly city. It is therefore sad that Governor Obiano, instead of building on what Obi did, has gone the Chimaroke Nnamani way of doing nothing and attacking his benefactor. Should Obiano bring electricity to Onitsha and deal sufficiently with criminality, Onitsha would become a haven for investment and might transform the fortunes of the South East.

What happened to Aba and Abia State? Weeks without electricity. No roads, yet successive governors of Abia State collect much tax from Aba businessmen. I would advocate that an Nnamdi and his ‘Biafran compatriots’ should concern themselves more with the bad governance that Abia State has had so far. Persistent broadcasts on his Biafran Radio on the conditions of infrastructure in Abia would have struck a chord and probably forced the Aba traders to agitate for decent infrastructure.

What I said in 2006 holds true today. The South East Governors Forum should consider seriously the issue of industrial parks. Incidentally, an Igbo man Ugwu, as minister, tried to start Industrial parks policy in Nigeria. I do not know whether he got the idea from my 2006 lecture. It is sad that despite his influence, he could not make the leaders of thought and governors of South East extraction implement the idea. Within that context, policies on agriculture should be articulated. In fact, whilst Ukpabi Asika was Administrator of the East Central State in the 1970s, many studies were carried out on how to make the South East economically viable. One of such studies centred on Oguta lake and its transformation into a tourist centre. Those studies should be exhumed from the archives and revisited. They should give us useful ideas on how the Igbos could work as a group and transform the South East.

MARGINALISATION

What is marginalisation? Who is marginalising who? I can relate to the South South’s claim on marginalisation. The evidence of marginalisation is clear and abundant. I am from an oil-producing community and can testify firsthand on the evil effect of oil exploitation on our soil. Oguta made Imo State an oil-producing state but what do we as a people in Imo State get from the oil? Nothing, yet we have not complained. But this is not about Oguta or the oil-producing minority communities. It is to stress that the Ibos have no claim to being marginalised.

Seriously, a cursory glance at Nigeria reveals stories of marginalisation from all corners. Examine the five states that constitute the heart of Biafra and say if you do not see marginalisation everywhere. In Imo State where I come from, Oguta people are totally marginalised. The tiny community considered breaking away to form Urashi State. The Mbaises and Owerris are disgruntled that Orlu zone alone has been producing governors. The next governor from Imo State may come from Orlu zone in the person of Senator Hope Uzodimma. In Anambra State, the Onitsha people despite all their educated elite cannot be elected to be the local government chairmen of their indigenous local government. I do not know where the aforementioned Nnamdi is from. It is possible that his community will never produce a local government chairman, let alone a House of Assembly member, or Senator because democracy is a game of numbers, and again because it is crudely practiced in Nigeria. A system that prevents Onitshans, despite all their wealth and education, from producing their own local government chairmen is not a good system and should be overhauled. It is however not a case for secession....

source:
http://justicewatchonline.com/the-stupidity-of-the-biafran-question/

hagmond1:
on behalf of Yorubas, we are not your brothers

justicewatchlaw:
THE STUPIDITY OF THE BIAFRAN QUESTION

I am from Oguta. It is the small tract of land blessed with the beautiful lake, bordered by the Orashi River, enhanced by the Obana river and peopled by fascinating characters. The memories of my youth in that wonderful community I wish could be experienced by people everywhere. The culture of communal living, folk tales with guitar accompaniment, haunting and captivating amidst the moonlight plays, provide joyful memories that will last for a lifetime.

That wonderful community of which I have many fond memories has changed greatly in our march to modernity. I wish I could turn back the clock to the Oguta where we shared much love, where we were one another’s siblings despite quarrels, envy and small acrimonies. I wish I could return to the Oguta where our cultural festivals brought everybody home (oh, what joy, what conviviality) amidst the chieftaincy disputes. That Oguta is gone forever but I still love my Oguta. I am proud of Oguta. It is a place I hope to retire to, play with my grandchildren, watch the sun rise and set, fish when in the mood to do so and be entertained by jolly gossip shared with my age grade. It is a place where I wish to die and be buried beside my father and mother.

That small community, beautiful no doubt, contains all the contradictions that I see in my state Imo State, in my ‘region’ South East, in my country Nigeria and in the entire world. One of Oguta’s most famous sons believed that he alone should be rich and others poor. He believed and would say in public: ‘How could I empower you to fight me?’ Having muscled his way into power, he did all in his power to diminish his people to ‘igirigu’ (crayfish). He supported every government’s bid to suppress Oguta people. Consequently, the Oguta that had two commissioners in the old East Central State – a territory that is five states now – has not produced a commissioner in Imo State. It is easy therefore for Oguta people to say they are marginalized. Yes. Do we then ask for a state of our own? I think it would be stupid to do so. Despite not having produced commissioners, Oguta has produced great people. Dr Alban is famed worldwide for his exploits in music. An Oguta indigene became a Justice of the Supreme Court, and his son Charlie Boy became the president of PMAN. Flora Nwapa was Africa’s first female novelist and Ernest Nwapa just retired as the pioneer head of Local Content Board and Lesley Obiora became a Minister of the Federal Republic. Individual strides? Yes. We have many of them worldwide and that small community still stands proud and majestic with its history, its road network better than that of any village in the whole of Nigeria.

I am not a ‘professional historian’ but I am a student of history. I have listened to the proponents of the ‘Biafran Republic.’ I lived in Lagos in the heydays of the Odua People’s Congress, pondered the rationalizations for the creation of Oduduwa Republic, and found them inadequate and empirically invalid. Recently, I heard a Fulani gentleman say: ‘Let the Ibos go, we shall take over their businesses and buildings. They own Nigeria. All the shopping malls and housing estates in Abuja belong to them. Are they going to go with those buildings?’ I felt sorry for the Fulani man, for buildings never a nation made.

But, my siblings of Biafra and the South West, it is an issue worth pondering. Our argument however is not for any region to agitate for the dissolution of Nigeria. To my Igbo brethren, I would say: ‘Yes, we have not produced the President, but Nigeria has been fair to you. The constitution we now have, whatever flaws it is deemed to have, will ensure that you are well-represented in any government, whether that government is anti-Igbo or not. My Oguta community has not been that fortunate with the Imo State Government. Successive governments in Imo State have rained slights on Oguta, but no government can ignore the Igbo community in Nigeria. Assuming that a federal government emerges that would treat Igbos as successive Imo State governments have treated Oguta, and fails to name an Igbo indigene to the federal cabinet, I would still say that Nigeria has been fair to us. Igbos have made strides in every facet of our social and economic life, here in Nigeria and all over the world.’

THE BIAFRAN QUESTION

The Biafran question has its roots in the conundrums of the 1960s, arising from man’s stupidity. The corruption and unrest of 1960s Nigeria cannot be compared with what obtains today. However, some majors set in motion events that ultimately led to the quest for secession. Reading about those events, it is difficult to apportion blame to any part of the Nigerian nation. The reaction of the North in killing Ibos although not justifiable can be explained. The Igbos’ struggle for safety and survival resulting in the secession struggle can be explained. The war produced unspeakable calamities and tragedies. The maturity of the Gowon-led federal government in the ‘no victor, no vanquished’ policy facilitated reconstruction, rehabilitation and reconciliation. There have been cases of marginalisation, most disgracefully in the abandoned property policy in Rivers State. Yet, since 1970, our country has made giant strides in the reconciliation effort. Our leaders, sensitive to the maintenance of balance, entrenched in our laws the federal character principle which insists that every state of the federation must be represented in the federal executive council. Buhari would prefer a leaner cabinet the law mandates him to have at least 36 cabinet members with each state represented.

The tragedies of the 1960s are gone. In philosophy, law and reality, the Igbo nation (nay every other ethnic group) has shared in the pie that is Nigeria and I daresay has been fairly represented. It is to me a tragedy that my people are talking of Biafra, and somebody dared to write, ‘In Biafra Africa died.’ The romance with resurgence of Biafra may have begun with MOSOP, a reaction to the unacceptable military dictatorship of the time. It became a rallying point for many disgruntled and hungry Igbo men. It was fuelled and financed by some Igbo elite who felt they would never get a bite of power in the then existing political structure. The money flowing into the purse of the proponents has enabled the agitation to survive till date.

I cannot say with certainty what prompted Nnamdi Kanu to start Radio Biafra. I have wondered whether Radio Biafra was established for money-making purposes or for historical goals. What I can say with certainty is that Radio Biafra does not project the Igbo cause and cannot represent the Igbo interest. In my address to an Igbo group in Texas in 2006, I touched on one or two issues I considered important and urgent to the Igbo cause. I said that Igbos had Onitsha and Aba, two major commercial cities of Nigeria, in the 1960s. To those two cities flocked people from all corners of Nigeria, the West African sub region and some Central Africa countries. In 2006, those two commercial centres were among the worst places in Nigeria in terms of infrastructure. The criminality that existed was beyond belief. All the roads were bad. No electricity. I proposed then that the South East governors should engage in establishing industrial parks and use those two centres as starting points. I proposed that if need be, the governments of the South East states should borrow, construct their roads, deal with issues of criminality (mostly armed robbery and kidnapping) and ensure adequate power supply. The provision of the suggested facilities in Onitsha and Aba, coupled with investment-friendly policies, would have established in those towns industries that would employ our youth and bring much wealth to the region.

When I made that proposal, I did not believe that a governor could transform Onitsha. However, a governor Obi did. He single-handedly built all the roads in Onitsha and made Onitsha an investment-friendly city. It is therefore sad that Governor Obiano, instead of building on what Obi did, has gone the Chimaroke Nnamani way of doing nothing and attacking his benefactor. Should Obiano bring electricity to Onitsha and deal sufficiently with criminality, Onitsha would become a haven for investment and might transform the fortunes of the South East.

What happened to Aba and Abia State? Weeks without electricity. No roads, yet successive governors of Abia State collect much tax from Aba businessmen. I would advocate that an Nnamdi and his ‘Biafran compatriots’ should concern themselves more with the bad governance that Abia State has had so far. Persistent broadcasts on his Biafran Radio on the conditions of infrastructure in Abia would have struck a chord and probably forced the Aba traders to agitate for decent infrastructure.

What I said in 2006 holds true today. The South East Governors Forum should consider seriously the issue of industrial parks. Incidentally, an Igbo man Ugwu, as minister, tried to start Industrial parks policy in Nigeria. I do not know whether he got the idea from my 2006 lecture. It is sad that despite his influence, he could not make the leaders of thought and governors of South East extraction implement the idea. Within that context, policies on agriculture should be articulated. In fact, whilst Ukpabi Asika was Administrator of the East Central State in the 1970s, many studies were carried out on how to make the South East economically viable. One of such studies centred on Oguta lake and its transformation into a tourist centre. Those studies should be exhumed from the archives and revisited. They should give us useful ideas on how the Igbos could work as a group and transform the South East.

MARGINALISATION

What is marginalisation? Who is marginalising who? I can relate to the South South’s claim on marginalisation. The evidence of marginalisation is clear and abundant. I am from an oil-producing community and can testify firsthand on the evil effect of oil exploitation on our soil. Oguta made Imo State an oil-producing state but what do we as a people in Imo State get from the oil? Nothing, yet we have not complained. But this is not about Oguta or the oil-producing minority communities. It is to stress that the Ibos have no claim to being marginalised.

Seriously, a cursory glance at Nigeria reveals stories of marginalisation from all corners. Examine the five states that constitute the heart of Biafra and say if you do not see marginalisation everywhere. In Imo State where I come from, Oguta people are totally marginalised. The tiny community considered breaking away to form Urashi State. The Mbaises and Owerris are disgruntled that Orlu zone alone has been producing governors. The next governor from Imo State may come from Orlu zone in the person of Senator Hope Uzodimma. In Anambra State, the Onitsha people despite all their educated elite cannot be elected to be the local government chairmen of their indigenous local government. I do not know where the aforementioned Nnamdi is from. It is possible that his community will never produce a local government chairman, let alone a House of Assembly member, or Senator because democracy is a game of numbers, and again because it is crudely practiced in Nigeria. A system that prevents Onitshans, despite all their wealth and education, from producing their own local government chairmen is not a good system and should be overhauled. It is however not a case for secession....

source:
http://justicewatchonline.com/the-stupidity-of-the-biafran-question/

attackgat:
OP, as Oguta man and from Imo state, what do you have say about your sister that was recently beheaded in Kano and her head paraded around town? 'One Nigeria' dey sweet abi?

justicewatchlaw:
THE STUPIDITY OF THE BIAFRAN QUESTION

I am from Oguta. It is the small tract of land blessed with the beautiful lake, bordered by the Orashi River, enhanced by the Obana river and peopled by fascinating characters. The memories of my youth in that wonderful community I wish could be experienced by people everywhere. The culture of communal living, folk tales with guitar accompaniment, haunting and captivating amidst the moonlight plays, provide joyful memories that will last for a lifetime.

That wonderful community of which I have many fond memories has changed greatly in our march to modernity. I wish I could turn back the clock to the Oguta where we shared much love, where we were one another’s siblings despite quarrels, envy and small acrimonies. I wish I could return to the Oguta where our cultural festivals brought everybody home (oh, what joy, what conviviality) amidst the chieftaincy disputes. That Oguta is gone forever but I still love my Oguta. I am proud of Oguta. It is a place I hope to retire to, play with my grandchildren, watch the sun rise and set, fish when in the mood to do so and be entertained by jolly gossip shared with my age grade. It is a place where I wish to die and be buried beside my father and mother.

That small community, beautiful no doubt, contains all the contradictions that I see in my state Imo State, in my ‘region’ South East, in my country Nigeria and in the entire world. One of Oguta’s most famous sons believed that he alone should be rich and others poor. He believed and would say in public: ‘How could I empower you to fight me?’ Having muscled his way into power, he did all in his power to diminish his people to ‘igirigu’ (crayfish). He supported every government’s bid to suppress Oguta people. Consequently, the Oguta that had two commissioners in the old East Central State – a territory that is five states now – has not produced a commissioner in Imo State. It is easy therefore for Oguta people to say they are marginalized. Yes. Do we then ask for a state of our own? I think it would be stupid to do so. Despite not having produced commissioners, Oguta has produced great people. Dr Alban is famed worldwide for his exploits in music. An Oguta indigene became a Justice of the Supreme Court, and his son Charlie Boy became the president of PMAN. Flora Nwapa was Africa’s first female novelist and Ernest Nwapa just retired as the pioneer head of Local Content Board and Lesley Obiora became a Minister of the Federal Republic. Individual strides? Yes. We have many of them worldwide and that small community still stands proud and majestic with its history, its road network better than that of any village in the whole of Nigeria.

I am not a ‘professional historian’ but I am a student of history. I have listened to the proponents of the ‘Biafran Republic.’ I lived in Lagos in the heydays of the Odua People’s Congress, pondered the rationalizations for the creation of Oduduwa Republic, and found them inadequate and empirically invalid. Recently, I heard a Fulani gentleman say: ‘Let the Ibos go, we shall take over their businesses and buildings. They own Nigeria. All the shopping malls and housing estates in Abuja belong to them. Are they going to go with those buildings?’ I felt sorry for the Fulani man, for buildings never a nation made.

But, my siblings of Biafra and the South West, it is an issue worth pondering. Our argument however is not for any region to agitate for the dissolution of Nigeria. To my Igbo brethren, I would say: ‘Yes, we have not produced the President, but Nigeria has been fair to you. The constitution we now have, whatever flaws it is deemed to have, will ensure that you are well-represented in any government, whether that government is anti-Igbo or not. My Oguta community has not been that fortunate with the Imo State Government. Successive governments in Imo State have rained slights on Oguta, but no government can ignore the Igbo community in Nigeria. Assuming that a federal government emerges that would treat Igbos as successive Imo State governments have treated Oguta, and fails to name an Igbo indigene to the federal cabinet, I would still say that Nigeria has been fair to us. Igbos have made strides in every facet of our social and economic life, here in Nigeria and all over the world.’

THE BIAFRAN QUESTION

The Biafran question has its roots in the conundrums of the 1960s, arising from man’s stupidity. The corruption and unrest of 1960s Nigeria cannot be compared with what obtains today. However, some majors set in motion events that ultimately led to the quest for secession. Reading about those events, it is difficult to apportion blame to any part of the Nigerian nation. The reaction of the North in killing Ibos although not justifiable can be explained. The Igbos’ struggle for safety and survival resulting in the secession struggle can be explained. The war produced unspeakable calamities and tragedies. The maturity of the Gowon-led federal government in the ‘no victor, no vanquished’ policy facilitated reconstruction, rehabilitation and reconciliation. There have been cases of marginalisation, most disgracefully in the abandoned property policy in Rivers State. Yet, since 1970, our country has made giant strides in the reconciliation effort. Our leaders, sensitive to the maintenance of balance, entrenched in our laws the federal character principle which insists that every state of the federation must be represented in the federal executive council. Buhari would prefer a leaner cabinet the law mandates him to have at least 36 cabinet members with each state represented.

The tragedies of the 1960s are gone. In philosophy, law and reality, the Igbo nation (nay every other ethnic group) has shared in the pie that is Nigeria and I daresay has been fairly represented. It is to me a tragedy that my people are talking of Biafra, and somebody dared to write, ‘In Biafra Africa died.’ The romance with resurgence of Biafra may have begun with MOSOP, a reaction to the unacceptable military dictatorship of the time. It became a rallying point for many disgruntled and hungry Igbo men. It was fuelled and financed by some Igbo elite who felt they would never get a bite of power in the then existing political structure. The money flowing into the purse of the proponents has enabled the agitation to survive till date.

I cannot say with certainty what prompted Nnamdi Kanu to start Radio Biafra. I have wondered whether Radio Biafra was established for money-making purposes or for historical goals. What I can say with certainty is that Radio Biafra does not project the Igbo cause and cannot represent the Igbo interest. In my address to an Igbo group in Texas in 2006, I touched on one or two issues I considered important and urgent to the Igbo cause. I said that Igbos had Onitsha and Aba, two major commercial cities of Nigeria, in the 1960s. To those two cities flocked people from all corners of Nigeria, the West African sub region and some Central Africa countries. In 2006, those two commercial centres were among the worst places in Nigeria in terms of infrastructure. The criminality that existed was beyond belief. All the roads were bad. No electricity. I proposed then that the South East governors should engage in establishing industrial parks and use those two centres as starting points. I proposed that if need be, the governments of the South East states should borrow, construct their roads, deal with issues of criminality (mostly armed robbery and kidnapping) and ensure adequate power supply. The provision of the suggested facilities in Onitsha and Aba, coupled with investment-friendly policies, would have established in those towns industries that would employ our youth and bring much wealth to the region.

When I made that proposal, I did not believe that a governor could transform Onitsha. However, a governor Obi did. He single-handedly built all the roads in Onitsha and made Onitsha an investment-friendly city. It is therefore sad that Governor Obiano, instead of building on what Obi did, has gone the Chimaroke Nnamani way of doing nothing and attacking his benefactor. Should Obiano bring electricity to Onitsha and deal sufficiently with criminality, Onitsha would become a haven for investment and might transform the fortunes of the South East.

What happened to Aba and Abia State? Weeks without electricity. No roads, yet successive governors of Abia State collect much tax from Aba businessmen. I would advocate that an Nnamdi and his ‘Biafran compatriots’ should concern themselves more with the bad governance that Abia State has had so far. Persistent broadcasts on his Biafran Radio on the conditions of infrastructure in Abia would have struck a chord and probably forced the Aba traders to agitate for decent infrastructure.

What I said in 2006 holds true today. The South East Governors Forum should consider seriously the issue of industrial parks. Incidentally, an Igbo man Ugwu, as minister, tried to start Industrial parks policy in Nigeria. I do not know whether he got the idea from my 2006 lecture. It is sad that despite his influence, he could not make the leaders of thought and governors of South East extraction implement the idea. Within that context, policies on agriculture should be articulated. In fact, whilst Ukpabi Asika was Administrator of the East Central State in the 1970s, many studies were carried out on how to make the South East economically viable. One of such studies centred on Oguta lake and its transformation into a tourist centre. Those studies should be exhumed from the archives and revisited. They should give us useful ideas on how the Igbos could work as a group and transform the South East.

MARGINALISATION

What is marginalisation? Who is marginalising who? I can relate to the South South’s claim on marginalisation. The evidence of marginalisation is clear and abundant. I am from an oil-producing community and can testify firsthand on the evil effect of oil exploitation on our soil. Oguta made Imo State an oil-producing state but what do we as a people in Imo State get from the oil? Nothing, yet we have not complained. But this is not about Oguta or the oil-producing minority communities. It is to stress that the Ibos have no claim to being marginalised.

Seriously, a cursory glance at Nigeria reveals stories of marginalisation from all corners. Examine the five states that constitute the heart of Biafra and say if you do not see marginalisation everywhere. In Imo State where I come from, Oguta people are totally marginalised. The tiny community considered breaking away to form Urashi State. The Mbaises and Owerris are disgruntled that Orlu zone alone has been producing governors. The next governor from Imo State may come from Orlu zone in the person of Senator Hope Uzodimma. In Anambra State, the Onitsha people despite all their educated elite cannot be elected to be the local government chairmen of their indigenous local government. I do not know where the aforementioned Nnamdi is from. It is possible that his community will never produce a local government chairman, let alone a House of Assembly member, or Senator because democracy is a game of numbers, and again because it is crudely practiced in Nigeria. A system that prevents Onitshans, despite all their wealth and education, from producing their own local government chairmen is not a good system and should be overhauled. It is however not a case for secession....

source:
http://justicewatchonline.com/the-stupidity-of-the-biafran-question/

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