₦airaland Forum

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4erTkB4WSf0?si=rVuYH1TLMseGknXe

https://youtube.com/shorts/wMcbtywlZIQ?si=pBYLYDBtqWN_0fbr

A video of a Railway Protection Force( RPF ) Police officer performing a demo in the wake of a cell phone theft incident is going viral.

The RPF police officer snatched a woman's phone through the window of a railway coach as she was caught off guards completely unaware of the lurking presence while engaging in a conversation with fellow passengers on board the train.

This demonstrates how phones and other person valuable of unsuspecting passengers in crowded places like train/bus stations, airport terminals etc can be suddenly stolen by criminal elements.

"This is how cell phone theft tends to happens" the police officer seems to be explaining in details to the visibly shaken and terrified woman as she nods in affirmation. Passengers, bystanders and the public appreciated the awareness being created by the police officer.

The RPF police officer in India is a law enforcement professional responsible for the security of Indian Railways, protecting passengers, passenger areas, and railway property.

Lanretoye:
Supreme Court of Aba abi which one?

The Supreme Court, yesterday, stated that Section 305 of the Constitution did not confer power on the president to temporarily dissolve executive and legislative institutions of a state during emergency rule.

Alluding to the deliberate silence of the constitution on the spirit of the section 305, the Supreme Court added that the exercise of such powers remained subject to judicial review to prevent arbitrariness and abuse.

The apex court, which delivered judgement in a suit by Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) states against the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State by President Bola Tinubu, however, struck out the suit.

Tinubu had in March, citing threat to peace in Rivers State, declared a state of emergency, and, subsequently, suspended Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, as well as the entire Rivers State House of Assembly members for six months.

Tinubu, in addition, appointed a retired naval chief, Ibok-Ete Ibas, as sole administrator for the state, for the period of the emergency, which lasted six months. While the emergency was in force, 11 PDP governors had through their states’ Attorneys-General approached the apex court to challenge the powers of the president to suspend elected public office holders, such as the governor of Rivers State and the state lawmakers.

The plaintiffs, in arguing their case, pointed out that they were not denying the president’s power to proclaim a state of emergency, but were challenging “the extent to which the proclamation can be made to affect the offices of the governor, deputy governor, and the State House of Assembly”.

Justice Mohammed Idris, who delivered the lead judgement and went into the merit of the suit, pointed out, “By virtue of sections 4-7 of the constitution, governmental powers divided among the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary, and distributed across the Federal, State, and Local Government tiers. “No arm or tier of government is constitutionally superior to another, and none may lawfully usurp the powers expressly vested in another.”

While stating that Section 305 of the Nigerian Constitution was clear in its grant of power to proclaim a state of emergency, Idris remarked that the section was silent on the precise content of the “extraordinary measures” that might follow.

He said, “This silence is intentional. Emergencies are inherently situational, varying in scope, intensity, and threat. The constitution, therefore, entrusts the president with discretion to determine the measures required to restore peace and security, subject always to constitutional limits, proportionality, legislative oversight, and judicial review.”

The majority judgement cited the apex court decisions in the declaration of emergencies in 2004 and 2006 in Plateau and Ekiti states, respectively, and that of 2013 in Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe states, to show that emergency powers were not governed by a rigid formula.

It added that the constitutionally permissible response depended on the magnitude of the threat, the functionality of state institutions, and the necessity of intervention to restore constitutional order.

Idris added, “Nevertheless, the President’s discretion under Section 305 is not unfettered. Emergency measures must be temporary, corrective, and proportionate. They must be directed towards restoring constitutional governance, not extinguishing it. Any permanent displacement or abrogation of democratically elected institutions would constitute a constitutional aberration.

“Outside a validly declared state of emergency, the president possesses no power whatsoever to interfere with State executive or legislative institutions.

“On the whole, a proclamation of a state of emergency is constitutionally valid where it is issued under Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended), approved by not less than two-thirds majority of all the members of each House of the National Assembly in accordance with their Standing Orders, and implemented through measures that are temporary, proportionate, and directed at restoring constitutional order.

“The exercise of such powers remains subject to judicial review to prevent arbitrariness or abuse.

“Having clarified these constitutional principles, I reiterate that the instant suit failed to disclose any reasonable cause of action capable of invoking the original jurisdiction of this Court under Section 232 of the 1999 Constitution as amended. No justiciable dispute between the federation and any or all of the Plaintiffs’ states has been established.”

The apex court, in the split judgement of six-to-one, held that the court lacked the necessary jurisdiction to entertain the suit brought by the 11 PDP states, which were the plaintiffs in the matter.

According to the majority judgement, the plaintiffs could not establish any cause of action that would warrant the apex court to activate its original jurisdiction to hear the matter. The apex court held that the court lacked the necessary jurisdiction to entertain the suit and subsequently struck it out.

Idris, who delivered the lead judgement, explained that the plaintiffs failed to show that there existed any actionable dispute between the plaintiffs and the federation to require the court to exercise its original jurisdiction.

According to the judgement, the emergency declaration was not declared in any of the states of the plaintiffs to clothe them with the necessary legal powers to initiate the suit, in the first place.

The apex court, in the majority judgement, having established that the plaintiffs lacked the necessary locus standi to challenge the action of the president in addition to the absence of a cause of action, proceeded to strike out the suit and subsequently dismissed it for want of jurisdiction.

Meanwhile, Justice Obande Ogbuinya, in a minority judgement, insisted that the president could not suspend elected public officials under a state of emergency.According to Ogbuinya, although the president could declare a state of emergency, he could not use such power as a tool to suspend elected state officials, including governors, deputy governors, and members of legislature.

PDP: It’s an Evil Wind Against Democracy
Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) described the Supreme Court judgement as an evil wind against democracy and its principles. PDP said though it had accepted the judgement, it was counterproductive to democracy and its principles.

The party said the judgement of the Supreme Court consciously promoted authoritarianism and entrenched tyranny. In a statement by its National Publicity Secretary, Comrade Ini Ememobong, PDP said, ‘’While we respect the authority of the apex court and recognise its finality within our jurisdiction, we are, nevertheless, compelled to draw attention to the grave dangers that can emanate from the interpretation of the reasoning in this judgement on the political landscape of our country.

‘’Our concern is anchored on the age-long principle of law that the express mention of one thing excludes others (expressio unius est exclusio alterius), and the clear constitutional position that no person or institution (other than the State House of Assembly or a court of law) is empowered to remove a governor from office, even temporarily, during the subsistence of a constitutional term.

‘’To hold otherwise is to create a pathway by which a President, with the active support of the National Assembly, can compel political alignment or compliance through the instrumentality of emergency powers in ways not envisaged by the constitution.

‘’We submit that the interpretation of this judgement has the potential to reverse the hard-won democratic gains by unwittingly making state governments completely subservient to the Federal Government, forcing them to seek to ‘connect to the centre’ by joining the ruling party, as we are already witnessing.”

The statement added, “‘More troubling is the fact that the logical extension of this reasoning based on the provision of Section 305(3)(c) ‘extraordinary measures to restore peace and security’ could, in the future, be interpreted to justify the suspension of other constitutional institutions, including the judiciary itself.

‘’We cannot reconcile how in a federation (not a unitary state) an elected President can be empowered to dismantle the democratic structures of a federating unit, sack elected officials and appoint leaders there, without consciously promoting authoritarianism and entrenching tyranny.”

PDP said, ‘’As a political party wholly committed to the protection and consolidation of democracy in Nigeria, we hereby call on the National Assembly to urgently initiate constitutional and legislative safeguards that clearly define and limit the scope of emergency powers of the president, to prevent imminent abuse and preserve Nigeria’s federation.

‘’We also urge Nigerians, civil society organisations, the media, and the international democratic community to remain vigilant in the defence of constitutionalism, federalism, and the sanctity of the electoral mandate.

‘’We remain hopeful that, at the next opportunity, the Supreme Court will have cause to extensively clarify the constitutional boundaries of emergency powers, in the overriding interest of justice, democracy, and the long-term stability of our Republic.”

Development in Africa doesn’t move in leaps; it is a back-and-forth progress; it inches forward, sometimes slips back, then steadies again. Yet in 2025, several countries stand out for doing more things right than wrong with better healthcare access, stronger education outcomes, functional infrastructure, and relatively higher living standards.

Based on Business Insider Africa’s 2025 report, which draws heavily from the UN Human Development Index (HDI), Tribune Online takes a look at the most developed African countries this year:

1. Seychelles
Seychelles does not just lead Africa; it dominates the development conversation. With the continent’s highest Human Development Index (HDI), the island nation benefits from long life expectancy, universal healthcare access, and strong public institutions.

Tourism fuels the economy, but smart governance keeps services running smoothly. For a country with fewer than 100,000 people, its development model punches well above its weight.

2. Mauritius
Mauritius is proof that stability compounds over time. Ensuring strong institutions, diversified income streams, and a reliable education system that keep it near the top year after year. The country balances tourism, finance, manufacturing, and ICT with relative ease. In 2025, it remains one of Africa’s clearest development success stories.

3. Algeria
Algeria’s ranking reflects scale, resources, and long-term public investment. Its oil and gas revenues continue to support education, healthcare, and infrastructure. While youth unemployment and reform pressures persist, Algeria’s HDI still places it firmly among Africa’s development leaders.

4. Tunisia
Tunisia’s development strength lies in its people, maintaining high literacy rates, strong healthcare access, and urban infrastructure, which keep it competitive despite recent economic stress. Even through political uncertainty, past investments in human capital continue to pay dividends in 2025, and the country remains steadfast.

5. Egypt
Egypt’s presence on this list is driven by momentum and magnitude. The country has large-scale infrastructure projects, expanded healthcare coverage, and education reforms that have gradually lifted development indicators. As one of Africa’s biggest populations, even modest improvements translate into massive social impact.

6. South Africa
South Africa remains Africa’s most industrialised economy, and it shows in headlines. The country’s advanced financial markets, transport networks, and manufacturing capacity anchor its development ranking. That said, inequality and unemployment still blunt progress. In 2025, South Africa will be developed, but unevenly so.

7. Gabon
Gabon often flies under the radar, yet its numbers tell a different story: controlling high urbanisation, relatively strong healthcare access, and oil revenues support living standards above much of the continent. The challenge ahead is diversification, but in terms of development metrics, Gabon holds its ground.

8. Botswana
Botswana’s story is one of discipline and patience in Africa. With decades of political stability, prudent economic management, and steady investment in education, the country has created a solid development foundation. It is not flashy, but it works, and 2025 proves that consistency still counts.

9. Libya
Libya’s inclusion reflects recovery, not perfection. After years of conflict, rebuilding efforts in health, education, and basic services have improved its development indicators. Also, oil wealth helps, but progress remains fragile. Still, by HDI standards, Libya makes the top ten.

10. Morocco
Fortunately, Morocco rounds out the list through long-term planning. With heavy investment in transport infrastructure, renewable energy, and industrial zones, living standards in the country have gradually improved. Education and healthcare access continue to improve, placing Morocco among Africa’s development frontrunners in 2025.

Meanwhile, the most developed African countries were not ranked by chance. Each followed a different path, some through resource management, and others through institutional stability or human-capital investment.

For decades, the Apapa & Tin Can Island ports have functioned as the country’s dominant ports.
Their rise dates back to colonial-era planning and post-independence investments that cemented Lagos as Nigeria’s industrial and commercial nerve centre.

Jayhome24:
You have started this morning but have you even heard from DHQ if this true or not?......

Nigeria’s ongoing battle for port efficiency has taken a new turn following Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s sharp remarks on the state of the nation’s maritime gateways. His comments have reignited scrutiny of how Lagos and other ports measure up in terms of capacity, competitiveness, and national relevance, writes Festus Akanbi

The renewed debate over the future of Nigeria’s maritime gateways erupted last week after the League of Maritime Editors (LOME) publicly criticised Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu for comments interpreted as unease over the reactivation of ports in Warri, Onne, and Calabar.

What should have passed as a routine sectoral remark has snowballed into a national conversation, touching on economic geography, political sensitivities, inter-agency reforms, and the broader struggle to modernise Nigeria’s logistics backbone.

For decades, the Apapa and Tin Can Island ports have functioned as the country’s dominant trade arteries. Their rise dates back to colonial-era planning and post-independence investments that cemented Lagos as Nigeria’s industrial and commercial nerve centre.

These historical advantages created a gravitational pull, drawing shipping lines, freight forwarders, manufacturers, bonded terminals, and a broad ecosystem of businesses to Lagos. Today, the city handles between 70 and 80 per cent of national imports, a dominance that has become both an economic strength and a structural liability.

Structural Liability
That liability is seen most clearly in the dramatic congestion that has defined Lagos ports for more than a decade. Endless queues of trucks, dilapidated access roads, chaotic traffic flows, and extortion by non-state actors have long frustrated shippers.

Even with reforms introduced by the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) and its technology partner, Trucks Transit Parks (TTP), the corridor is still recovering from years of inefficiency. Billions have been spent, electronic call-up systems have been deployed, and traffic management frameworks have been strengthened. Yet Lagos continues to handle more cargo than its infrastructure was built to handle.

Reducing Logistics Costs
This context explains why the federal government has intensified efforts to revive neglected ports outside Lagos. The Warri, Onne, and Calabar ports, each with its own historical and strategic value, are now seen as crucial to reducing national logistics costs, stimulating regional development, and easing pressure on Lagos.

The NPA’s Managing Director, Dr. Abubakar Dantsoho, has repeatedly emphasised that Nigeria cannot afford a single-city port model. In this context, AUDA/NEPAD, transport economists, shippers’ groups, and industry analysts have argued for a more balanced maritime ecosystem that distributes cargo volumes in line with regional productive capacity.

It was against this backdrop that LOME interpreted Governor Sanwo-Olu’s remarks as an attempt to preserve Lagos’ dominance at the expense of national efficiency. In a strongly worded statement, the group accused the governor of resisting a reform process that benefits the broader Nigerian economy.

They argued that Nigeria’s logistics chain is too vast and complex to continue relying on a single state, particularly one already struggling with urban congestion and infrastructure strain. LOME insisted that the revival of Warri, Onne, and Calabar is not a threat to Lagos but rather an inevitable step toward creating a more competitive maritime system.

Yet to reduce Lagos’ position to simple resistance would be to ignore the deeper economic considerations. Lagos officials have long maintained that the state is not opposed to the growth of other ports but is concerned about the risk of sudden cargo diversion without parallel investment in nationwide logistics infrastructure.

In their view, Lagos hosts the densest cluster of manufacturers, importers, exporters, and service providers in West Africa; a significant rerouting of cargo could disrupt production cycles, alter supply chains, and even destabilise revenue streams on which the state depends. Their argument is not entirely without merit: the success of non-Lagos ports depends heavily on dredging, waterway security, hinterland rail links, and modern cargo-handling systems, areas where progress has been uneven.

This is why the current disagreement is less a clash of political interests and more a question of sequencing. Should Nigeria first invest heavily in upgrading alternative ports before shifting cargo? Should Lagos be further modernised to stabilise current volumes? Or should both happen simultaneously under a coordinated national ports strategy? These are the questions that policymakers have been grappling with, often without clear answers.

Meanwhile, Lagos’ port reforms, although imperfect, have begun producing tangible results. The Ètò electronic call-up system introduced by NPA and operated by TTP has processed more than three million truck journeys. The company says its N4.2 billion investment has helped reduce haulage costs by up to 65 per cent since 2021.

Recent improvements include the deployment of electronic barriers at all terminal gates, eliminating many loopholes that allowed trucks to bypass procedures. In addition, truckers are now required to adhere to a structured movement schedule that prioritises safety and efficiency.

Stakeholders such as the Association of Maritime Truck Owners (AMATO) argue that the narrative of constant congestion in Apapa is outdated. In their view, the corridor is significantly more organised, with reduced waiting times and fewer traffic breakdowns.

But this view contrasts sharply with the assessments of the Nigerian Association of Road Transport Owners (NARTO), whose president, Yusuf Othman, has highlighted persistent extortion, uncoordinated identity checks, and ageing truck fleets as ongoing barriers to efficiency. He acknowledged that Lagos is moving in the right direction but insists that loopholes remain, loopholes that must be sealed if the city is to maintain its role in the wider maritime chain.

The Lagos State Government has also attempted to improve safety by announcing plans to inject 2,000 compressed natural gas (CNG) trucks into the haulage system. Officials argue that this will reduce accidents, cut emissions, and improve last-mile cargo evacuation.

But industry players caution that technology alone cannot solve systemic problems. They argue that a holistic solution must include road reconstruction, consistent enforcement, and a unified command system for traffic management.

These domestic debates carry broader economic implications. Nigeria’s logistics chain is among the most expensive in Africa, with long dwell times, cumbersome processes, and unpredictable trucking costs. Economic studies have consistently shown that the concentration of maritime activity in Lagos contributes to these costs through bottlenecks and inefficiencies.

Reviving the Warri, Calabar, and Onne ports could more evenly distribute economic activity across the regions, shorten the supply chain for Eastern and Northern manufacturers, and reduce overall transport costs. But these outcomes hinge on significant investments in dredging, security, road and rail links, and modern cargo-handling technologies.

Lagos at Crossroads
Lagos, for its part, stands at a crossroads. A gradual shift of cargo to other ports could reduce environmental strain, ease road congestion, and support a transition toward a more high-value logistics ecosystem.

But without careful planning, it could also undermine local businesses, shrink port-related revenues, and disrupt industries built around the Apapa–Tin Can axis. The choice is therefore not binary: Nigeria does not have to choose between Lagos and the other ports.

What the country needs is an integrated national maritime strategy that assigns roles, coordinates investment, and ensures that no port operates in isolation.

There are signs that such thinking may finally be taking root. The federal government’s push for a National Single Window, designed to harmonise documentation across all ports, reflects a desire to modernise the entire system. NPA’s plans to expand the Ètò platform into states such as Cross River, Abia, Bauchi, and Kaduna illustrate its commitment to a unified logistics framework.

Meanwhile, the rehabilitation of rail corridors linking ports to inland terminals, particularly the Lagos–Ibadan standard gauge, suggests a growing recognition that ports are only as efficient as their evacuation mechanisms.

The controversy sparked by Sanwo-Olu’s remarks may therefore have an unintended but constructive effect: it has forced Nigeria to confront the reality that its maritime system is at a turning point. Lagos has borne the burden of national trade for decades, often at high cost to its infrastructure and residents.

Other ports offer relief, but only if they are equipped, governed and connected to meet global standards. The task now is to blend Lagos’ experience with the strategic potential of the eastern and Niger Delta ports to create a maritime network capable of supporting Africa’s largest economy.

In the end, Nigeria’s maritime future should not be framed as a turf war between Lagos and the rest. Instead, it should be seen as an opportunity to build a diverse, resilient, and efficient port system in which each location plays to its strengths.

Suppose this moment becomes a catalyst for coordinated national planning, transparent investment, and genuine reform. In that case, the controversy may prove to be a turning point in Nigeria’s quest for a modern, competitive logistics architecture.

madridguy:
His mates will wait for their time and turn.

madridguy:
There's nothing controversial about having double promotions in a single year. .