₦airaland Forum

The Vice Chancellor of the University of Nigeria Nsukka, UNN, Prof. Simon Ortuanya has come under fresh pressure to step down from the office over his alleged tempering with the documents of the former Minister of Innovation Science and Technology, Uche Nnaji.

Recall that Nnaji had accused Ortuanya of tempering with his university documents while the hit was on Nnaji for alleged falsification of his UNN degree certificate, despite an earlier clean bill of health that was given to him by the registrar of the University.

A group, the Joint Civil Society Front (JCSF), Enugu State, in a press conference, stated that the Minister for Education, Dr. Tunji Alausa, had constituted a panel of investigation to unravel the circumstances surrounding the alleged certificate tampering scandal.

But all efforts to get the vice chancellor to react to the development failed as he and the university’s public relations unit refused to be engaged on the matter.

The civil society group, however, insists that Ortuanya must step down from his position as the ex-minister Nnaji did, to allow for a fair and unfettered investigation by Federal Ministry of Education Investigative Panel Of Inquiry.

Coordinator of JSCF, Vincent Ani, said the heat is on Ortuanya because he personally released the academic records of Nnaji, asserting that Nnaji did not graduate from the UNN, after tampering with Nnaji’s academic records and therefore claimed that the former minister did not graduate from the institution.

“This action bypassed the Registrar, the statutory custodian of academic records. This action has raised immediate concerns about the motive behind the action of the Vice Chancellor, who suddenly performed a statutory responsibility of the registrar.

“This singular action from the Vice Chancellor, Prof Simon Ortuanya, is a strong sign of institutional malaise and a politically motivated bias with an undertone geared towards maligning the person of Chief Uche Nnaji.”

The group commend the Minister for Education Minister for setting up the investigative panel, but insisted that the principle of impartiality requires that any individual whose actions are the subject of an inquiry should be suspended while the investigation is ongoing.

[b]“This will prevent interference, intimidation, destruction of evidence, or manipulation of records by the persons being investigated. The Joint Civil Society Front (JCSF), Enugu State, hereby demands that Prof. Simon Uchenna Ortuanya be suspended while the panel conducts its assignment.[/b]

This demand is not only about transparency but about protecting the integrity and reputation of the University of Nigeria — the nation’s flagship institution.

“From the abrupt shift in the UNN’s official position in 2023 on whether Chief Nnaji graduated, to the unexplained disappearance of academic records in 2025, which was previously relied upon by the Registrar.

“This is a dangerous precedent that has unfolded — one that could haunt UNN for generations if not addressed decisively,” the civil society group said.

It noted that Nnaji’s resignation as a Minister of the Federal Republic was not an admission of guilt, but rather a vote for transparency and respect for due process.

“We therefore expect that Prof Simon Ortuanya should do the same willingly, like Uche Nnaji or be suspended by the Federal Ministry of Education so that the investigative panel should do their job smoothly without let or hindrance.”

iwaeda:
There is no need for emergency, all these leaders should purge themselves. Most of them want to perpetuate themselves in power till death.There will be more coups, unless good governance.

Benin Republic is the latest African country to experience a coup. Here is a look at other military takeovers. Benin has joined a growing list of African countries where military officers have seized power since 2020.

In a familiar scene across West Africa, a group of soldiers appeared on Benin ’s state TV on Sunday announcing the removal of President Patrice Talon and the dissolution of the government following the swift takeover of power. Talon, in power since 2016, was due to step down next April after the presidential election.

The condition of the president was not immediately clear. Wilfried Houngbedji, the spokesperson for the Benin Government, told The Associated Press that “everything is fine,” without expanding. The group of soldiers, which called itself the Military Committee for Refoundation, announced Lt. Col. Pascal Tigri as president of the military committee in Benin.

Here is a timeline of coups in Africa, following a pattern of disputed elections, constitutional upheaval, security crises and youth discontent.

Since August 2020, Mali has witnessed two back-to-back coups. A group of soldiers mutinied and arrested senior military officers just outside the capital, Bamako, after weeks of protests by civilians demanding the then-president, Ibrahim Keïta, resign over accusations of corruption and failing to clamp down on armed groups.

Col. Assimi Goita, the military leader, entered into a power-sharing deal with Bah Ndaw, a civilian president, with Goita serving as the vice president of a so-called transitional government. In 2021, Goita overthrew Ndaw following a series of disagreements and installed himself as president. He postponed an election slated for 2022 to 2077.

Mali is one of a tripartite group of landlocked West African countries, along with Burkina Faso and Niger, run by military juntas that have now formed their own bloc after breaking from the Economic Community of West African states, and have firmly stated their objections to a return to democracy.

Following his father's death in 2021, Mahamat Idris Deby, an army general, quickly seized power, extending his family's three-decade rule of the central African nation.

Three years later, he delivered an election that he promised when he assumed power. Deby was declared the winner of the election, which the opposition claimed was rigged. He has since clamped down on critics. Former Prime Minister Succes Masra, an opposition figure, was sentenced to 20 years in prison earlier this year.

After 11 years in office, Alpha Conde was removed by a group of soldiers led by Mamady Doumbouya. In 2020, Conde had changed the constitution to allow himself to stand for a third term.

Doumbouya is running in the December polls and looking to shed his military fatigues, after a referendum this year allowed junta members to stand in elections and extended the presidential term limit from five to seven years.

The Sudanese military, led by Gen. Abdel-Fattah Burhan, staged a coup in October 2021, deposing Omar al-Bashir, who ruled the country for 26 years.Burhan went on to share power with Muhammad Dangalo, known as Hedmeti, the leader of the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces.

In April 2023, a simmering feud between them led to one of the world's most catastrophic conflicts, according to the United Nations. The war is still going on.

Like its neighbor Mali, Burkina Faso also witnessed two successive coups. In January 2022, Roch Kaboré was ousted by Lt. Col. Paul-Henri Damiba. In September, Capt. Ibrahim Traoré, the head of an artillery unit of Burkina Faso army, ousted Damiba on the same pretext as the earlier coup — deteriorating security.

Traoré has since ruled the country. In July, he dissolved the independent electoral commission.

Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani ousted Mohamed Bazoum, ending a rare democratic transition in Niger. The dramatic coup sparked a crisis in the regional ECOWAS bloc, which threatened to invade Niger if Bazoum was not installed and the country returned to democracy.

The crisis split the region, with Niger teaming with Burkina Faso and Mali to form a breakaway Alliance of Sahel States.

Shortly after President Ali Bongo, who had been in power for 14 years and had run for a third term, was declared the winner of an election in 2023, a group of soldiers appeared on television saying they were seizing power. They canceled the election and dissolved all state institutions.

Brice Oligui Nguema, a cousin of Bongo, took power and has since ruled Gabon. He was announced the winner of a presidential election in April.

Expressing their frustration over chronic water shortages and power outages, young people in Madagascar took to the streets to demand former President Andry Rajoelina’s resignation. Rajoelina instead dissolved his government and refused to resign, leading to a military takeover of the southern African country.

On Nov. 26, Soldiers in Guinea-Bissau followed up a disputed presidential election three days earlier by seizing power. Critics including the opposition called the coup a staged takeover to avoid having the incumbent lose the election.

Incumbent President Umaro Sissoco Embaló and the main opposition candidate, Fernando Dias, both claimed to have won the Nov. 23 presidential election.

Embaló was released and allowed to flee to neighboring Senegal, from where he has since departed. The new military junta made appointments, several of them allies of the deposed president.

commoditiesnig:
Well noted.. we need peace both in our own country and our neighbouring countries..

".......The episodes reveal a pragmatic calculus in Abuja: Mr. Tinubu can project regional leadership when it costs him little at home, but he hesitates when powerful northern constituencies push back.....

The contrasting responses to two coups in two neighboring countries have exposed the limits of regional solidarity in West Africa and raised uncomfortable questions about the role of ethnicity in Nigeria’s foreign policy decisions

-Africa's corporate hubs such as South Africa, Nigeria, and Kenya lead in private jet numbers, highlighting regional economic dynamics.

-Private jet ownership in Africa has increased over the past decade, driven by privacy, security, and operational efficiency.

-Prominent African billionaires use private jets not only for luxury but as essential tools for managing expansive business operations.

-The business-jet market in the Middle East and Africa is projected to grow from $1.42 billion in 2025 to $2.14 billion by 2030 at a CAGR of 8.5%.

The continent’s richest business magnates are increasingly taking to the skies, using jets not just as status symbols, but as tools to manage businesses across Africa and beyond. This trend is reflected in the Middle East and Africa business-jet market, which is valued at $1.42 billion in 2025 and expected to reach $2.14 billion by 2030 (CAGR 8.5%).

South Africa leads with 418 jets, followed by Kenya (137) and Nigeria (109), reflecting the continent’s most active corporate and trade hubs. Moreover, private jets now play important roles in sectors such as oil and gas, tourism, agriculture, and finance, making them practical tools for business. However, they also carry social meaning.

For some owners, these aircraft represent class, influence, and spending power, signs of family wealth that the public may see as intimidating, excessive, or even awe-inspiring. This leads naturally to a closer look at Africa’s top billionaires, the jets they use today, the ones they once owned, and the aircraft they currently have on order.

-1). Aliko Dangote; Nigeria
Aliko Dangote, Africa’s wealthiest man, maintains a versatile fleet to manage operations across West Africa, Europe, and the Americas. His Bombardier Global Express XRS (12–16 seats, ~6,000 nm range) handles long-haul flights, while the Global 7500 (14–19 seats, ~7,700 nm range) provides ultra-long-range capabilities with private zones and high-speed cruise.

His Challenger jets (8–12 seats, 3,200–4,000 nm range) are workhorses for regional trips, able to land on smaller runways, giving him the flexibility to move seamlessly across business hubs and bush strips alike.

-2). Mike Adenuga - Nigeria
Mike Adenuga, chairman of Globacom and Conoil, operates a fleet designed for both African and international travel. His Bombardier Global Express XRS handles intercontinental trips, while his Dassault Falcon 7X and 8X jets (VP-CPD, christened Sisi Paris, 12–19 seats, up to 6,450 nm range) cover nonstop international flights.

The Challenger 604 (9–12 seats, ~4,000 nm range) serves regional routes, complemented by a corporate helicopter for short urban hops. Together, these aircraft allow Adenuga to move efficiently across continents, balancing operational flexibility with business demands.

-3). Rabiu - Nigeria
Rabiu, the $8.5-billion founder of BUA Group, keeps a two-jet fleet. The Global 6500 (13–17 seats, ~6,600 nm range) covers transatlantic routes, while the Challenger 350 (8–10 seats, ~3,200 nm range) serves as his West African workhorse.

With a Global 8000 on order, his fleet combines speed, comfort, and reach, allowing him to oversee one of Nigeria’s fastest-growing business empires.

-4). Femi Otedola — Nigeria
Femi Otedola’s jets are primarily used by his family, especially his daughters. The Challenger 605 supports regional travel across West Africa, while the Dassault Falcon 8X connects Lagos with London, New York, and Dubai nonstop.

Together, the jets allow Otedola’s family and business operations to move securely and efficiently.

-5). Strive Masiyiwa — Zimbabwe.
Strive Masiyiwa, Zimbabwe’s telecom pioneer, travels in a Bombardier Challenger 850 (19 seats, ~3,000 nm range). The jet is equipped with a galley, lounge area, and dual lavatories, supporting extended regional business trips as well as philanthropic initiatives across Africa.

Nicky Oppenheimer, former De Beers chairman, flies a Global 6500 for intercontinental travel and two Challenger 350s for regional and charter operations. The combination allows him to oversee mining, conservation, and tourism projects in southern Africa efficiently and comfortably through Fireblade Aviation.

-6). Johann Rupert — South Africa
Johann Rupert, chairman of Richemont, relies on a Global 6000 (12–16 seats, ~6,000 nm range) to manage luxury goods operations and investments across Africa and Europe. The long-range jet combines speed, advanced avionics, and spacious interiors for seamless international travel.

-7). Nassef & Naguib Sawiris — Egypt.
The Orascom family operates Gulfstream G650s (14–18 seats, ~7,000 nm range), a Global 7500, and previously flew Global 5000, Falcon 900DX, and Challenger 604. These jets support international business and family travel, reflecting the family’s global commercial influence and operational scale.

-8 ). Mohammed Dewji — Tanzania.
East Africa’s youngest billionaire Mohammed Dewji flies a Cessna Citation M2 / M2 Gen2 (6–7 seats, ~1,550–1,600 nm range). This light jet allows fast regional connections, making it ideal for overseeing trade and investment operations across East Africa.

-9). Patrice Motsepe — South Africa.
Patrice Motsepe, South Africa’s mining magnate, travels in a Hawker 4000 (8–10 seats, ~3,280 nm range). The jet combines speed, flexibility, and comfort, enabling him to manage mining operations and investments efficiently across southern Africa.

Private Jets: From Luxury to Necessity
Beyond being symbols of wealth, these aircraft reveal a deeper truth about modern African enterprise. For some owners, they are luxury toys, markers of personal taste and quiet competitions of prestige; for others, they are essential business assets that enable speed, control, and strategic reach across continents.

In this way, the fleets of Africa’s wealthiest individuals have become a telling barometer of a continent in transition, where corporate ambition, lifestyle, and the symbolism of success increasingly intersect.

helinues:
It's no longer making sense for you to always be crying about my opinion...