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If someone frames 2027 as “Nigerians vs bad leadership,” many Nigerians will naturally ask a tougher question: who exactly created the leadership problems we have been battling for decades? A lot of the political figures now presenting themselves as reformers have also held powerful positions in the past. Their records deserve scrutiny too. Peter Obi often speaks about creating a “new Nigeria” and ending bad leadership, but critics argue that his record as Governor of Anambra State (2006–2014) did not produce the level of economic transformation many expected. Despite the state’s strong commercial base, issues such as youth unemployment, limited industrial expansion, and continued dependence on federal allocations remained significant. Opponents therefore question whether his governance model truly represents the systemic change he now advocates nationally. Atiku Abubakar served as Nigeria’s Vice President from 1999 to 2007, a period when the foundations of the Fourth Republic were being shaped. Critics frequently associate him with controversies surrounding the privatisation programme of that era and long-standing allegations related to corruption and influence in government business. Many Nigerians argue that, having held such a powerful national position, he shares responsibility for the structural economic and governance challenges that still affect the country today. Rotimi Amaechi governed Rivers State from 2007 to 2015 and later served as Minister of Transportation from 2015 to 2022. His tenure in Rivers was marked by intense political conflicts that contributed to long-lasting divisions in the state’s politics. As transport minister, critics also questioned the heavy borrowing used to finance major rail projects and argued that the debt implications for Nigeria were significant, while poverty and infrastructure gaps remained visible in many areas. Rauf Aregbesola served as Governor of Osun State between 2010 and 2018 and later as Nigeria’s Minister of Interior. While his administration introduced several policy reforms, critics highlight that his tenure left Osun with substantial debts and periods when civil servants experienced salary arrears. These financial challenges and controversial policy experiments continue to shape debates about the long-term economic impact of his leadership in the state. David Mark was President of the Nigerian Senate from 2007 to 2015, one of the longest tenures in the position. Critics argue that during that period the National Assembly faced widespread public criticism over high operational costs and limited progress on major structural reforms. Despite his long influence in national politics and strong ties to Benue State, many observers believe the legislative leadership of that era did not significantly change the governance problems facing Nigeria. Segunbabba: |
Fake news |
Who wins? |
Omenlon:Good talk |
TRUTHaDDICTED:You people start again the way you advise Fubara to step on toes |
TRUTHaDDICTED: |
bennybuhari:Tinubu case is not like Fubara's case |
Obeseki also manipulated election in 2020. |
Comparing elections in Nigeria during the People's Democratic Party (PDP) era (1999–2015) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) era (2015–present) in terms of violence reveals both similarities and some differences. Here’s an overview: 1. PDP Era (1999–2015): The PDP held power from Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999 until 2015. Several elections under the PDP regime were marked by significant violence and irregularities. 2003 Elections: This was the first general election in the Fourth Republic after military rule, and it was marred by widespread violence, especially in states like Rivers, Plateau, and Lagos. There were reports of thuggery, voter intimidation, and clashes between political supporters. 2007 Elections: This election, which saw the transition from Olusegun Obasanjo to Umaru Yar'Adua, was particularly violent. Both domestic and international observers labeled it one of the most flawed and violent elections in Nigeria’s history. Several people were killed in various states due to clashes between political groups. Yar'Adua himself admitted that the election was flawed. 2011 Elections: These elections were relatively more peaceful during the voting process, but post-election violence erupted after Goodluck Jonathan of the PDP was declared the winner. This violence was most intense in northern Nigeria, leading to the deaths of over 800 people, with several homes, businesses, and churches destroyed. 2. APC Era (2015–present): The APC took power in 2015, with Muhammadu Buhari defeating the incumbent president, Goodluck Jonathan. Since then, elections under the APC have also experienced their share of violence, though some improvements in electoral processes have been noted. 2015 Elections: Although there was significant pre-election tension, particularly due to ethnic and religious divides, the elections themselves were relatively more peaceful compared to previous ones, with fewer cases of violence. This election was notable for the concession by Goodluck Jonathan, which helped avert potential large-scale post-election violence. However, there were still isolated violent incidents, particularly in Rivers State. 2019 Elections: The 2019 elections witnessed widespread violence in certain areas, including Lagos, Rivers, Kano, and Bayelsa. There were reports of voter suppression, ballot snatching, and clashes between political thugs. International observers noted that the level of violence was concerning, though the scale was not as extreme as in the 2007 election. 2023 Elections: The 2023 elections were marred by violence, especially in areas like Lagos and the South-East region. There were reports of intimidation, destruction of voting materials, and targeted attacks on voters based on ethnic or political affiliations. This election also witnessed increased tensions due to the growing political divide between the ruling APC and opposition parties. Comparison: Prevalence of Violence: Both the PDP and APC eras have seen significant levels of violence during elections, though the nature and scale of violence have varied. The PDP era (especially 2007) was characterized by more widespread electoral violence. Under the APC, while electoral violence remains an issue, there have been some improvements in the process, though incidents of localized violence continue. Electoral Reforms and Tension: Under the PDP, there were consistent calls for electoral reforms due to the flawed nature of many elections. The APC era, particularly with the introduction of technological innovations like electronic voting and card readers, has seen some improvements, but violence persists, driven by ethnic, regional, and political rivalries. Impact of Leadership: The 2015 elections under APC were largely peaceful due to Jonathan’s concession, whereas elections under the PDP often experienced severe post-election violence, as seen in 2011. However, APC elections, especially in 2019 and 2023, still saw violence during voting periods, particularly in contested regions. In summary, both eras have been marked by significant electoral violence, but while the PDP era had a reputation for deeply flawed elections and widespread violence, the APC era has seen some improvements in the electoral process, though violence and intimidation remain issues. |
Comparing elections in Nigeria during the People's Democratic Party (PDP) era (1999–2015) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) era (2015–present) in terms of violence reveals both similarities and some differences. Here’s an overview: 1. PDP Era (1999–2015): The PDP held power from Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999 until 2015. Several elections under the PDP regime were marked by significant violence and irregularities. 2003 Elections: This was the first general election in the Fourth Republic after military rule, and it was marred by widespread violence, especially in states like Rivers, Plateau, and Lagos. There were reports of thuggery, voter intimidation, and clashes between political supporters. 2007 Elections: This election, which saw the transition from Olusegun Obasanjo to Umaru Yar'Adua, was particularly violent. Both domestic and international observers labeled it one of the most flawed and violent elections in Nigeria’s history. Several people were killed in various states due to clashes between political groups. Yar'Adua himself admitted that the election was flawed. 2011 Elections: These elections were relatively more peaceful during the voting process, but post-election violence erupted after Goodluck Jonathan of the PDP was declared the winner. This violence was most intense in northern Nigeria, leading to the deaths of over 800 people, with several homes, businesses, and churches destroyed. 2. APC Era (2015–present): The APC took power in 2015, with Muhammadu Buhari defeating the incumbent president, Goodluck Jonathan. Since then, elections under the APC have also experienced their share of violence, though some improvements in electoral processes have been noted. 2015 Elections: Although there was significant pre-election tension, particularly due to ethnic and religious divides, the elections themselves were relatively more peaceful compared to previous ones, with fewer cases of violence. This election was notable for the concession by Goodluck Jonathan, which helped avert potential large-scale post-election violence. However, there were still isolated violent incidents, particularly in Rivers State. 2019 Elections: The 2019 elections witnessed widespread violence in certain areas, including Lagos, Rivers, Kano, and Bayelsa. There were reports of voter suppression, ballot snatching, and clashes between political thugs. International observers noted that the level of violence was concerning, though the scale was not as extreme as in the 2007 election. 2023 Elections: The 2023 elections were marred by violence, especially in areas like Lagos and the South-East region. There were reports of intimidation, destruction of voting materials, and targeted attacks on voters based on ethnic or political affiliations. This election also witnessed increased tensions due to the growing political divide between the ruling APC and opposition parties. Comparison: Prevalence of Violence: Both the PDP and APC eras have seen significant levels of violence during elections, though the nature and scale of violence have varied. The PDP era (especially 2007) was characterized by more widespread electoral violence. Under the APC, while electoral violence remains an issue, there have been some improvements in the process, though incidents of localized violence continue. Electoral Reforms and Tension: Under the PDP, there were consistent calls for electoral reforms due to the flawed nature of many elections. The APC era, particularly with the introduction of technological innovations like electronic voting and card readers, has seen some improvements, but violence persists, driven by ethnic, regional, and political rivalries. Impact of Leadership: The 2015 elections under APC were largely peaceful due to Jonathan’s concession, whereas elections under the PDP often experienced severe post-election violence, as seen in 2011. However, APC elections, especially in 2019 and 2023, still saw violence during voting periods, particularly in contested regions. In summary, both eras have been marked by significant electoral violence, but while the PDP era had a reputation for deeply flawed elections and widespread violence, the APC era has seen some improvements in the electoral process, though violence and intimidation remain issues. |
givedemwotowoto:You be God |
Sonnobax15:Good talk |
Melagros:Your list of power drinkers is not complete until you add Atiku Obi And others |
Nawaooo |
SmartPolician:Buhari's APC is different from Tinubu's APC. If you can tell me difference amongst the following individuals, then you understood the above statement. Buhari Atiku Obi Tinubu Red cap of Kano Jonathan Obasanjo |
Isokotolopia:How many elections has he conducted? |
stevups:Omo Elero sope Odekunmodo yoo gbe e o She's really from Ilero in Oyo state |
He goes no where. Let him be with DSS until our money is refund |
It is obvious that Peter Obi didn't win the election. No state in NW and NE he won |
No more hope for Peter Obi |
Feintline:Who fought for democracy in Nigeria? Is Peter Obi among them? Is Atiku among them? I'm very sure Tinubu is among them even a financial member. |
Help me check these orders and I need feedback High court to appeal court=apapa High court to appeal court to high court= abure Which one is okay? |
Congratulations to you Mr Governor and congratulations to Tinubu in advance |
RockHard:United Nigeria I stand for |
Deprofessional:Joke of the day |
gidgiddy:Obi inclusive |
adecz:But do you know that the Buhari's government is the one that exposed him. Stop being sentimental my advice |
Initially CAN & PDP are inseparable that's why he was elected as assistant general secretary but now he has defected to APC, they wanted him to obey them. If care is not taking things will go worst for CAN in the nearest future. Mother of ALL should not behave as mother of one. |
Both antiendsars and proendsars are sponsored |
Massiveglory:Do you know the meaning of desperate politician? 1. Politician who jumps from one party to another for more than once to contest - Obi is desperate 2. Politician who jumps from one party to another and contests for more than once in different parties - Atiku is desperate 3. Politician who does not jump party and not contest for a particular seat before - Tinubu is not desperate |
mooremoney:U people should stop this Fulani and that Fulani. You can not do without them. They have the number. For instance, obi + Fulani = LP ATIKU (FULANI) + SS= PDP TINUBU + FULANI/KANURI = APC Now tell me who among them is not associating with Fulani? |
mooremoney:U people should stop this Fulani and that Fulani. You can do without them. They have the number. For instance, obi + Fulani = LP ATIKU (FULANI) + SS= PDP TINUBU + FULANI/KANURI = APC Now tell me who among them is not associating with Fulani? |
