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Military regimes and anti-corruption initiatives by karlmax2: 3:17pm On Apr 04, 2011
Military regimes and anti-corruption initiatives

Since independence, Nigeria has alternated between democratic civilian governments and military rule brought about by coups (see table below). After every coup in Nigeria, the military has repudiated the venality of the government it displaced and has announced to cheering citizens plans to curb corruption and revamp the economy. For example, General Sani Abacha, who seized power in November 1993, indicated his desire to restore probity in government. He announced the setting up of a national committee to fight corruption and indiscipline in Nigerian society.7 It was the same Sani Abacha who looted more than $5 billion (US) in Nigeria before his death.

The first military regime in Nigeria promulgated the Public Officers (Investigation of Assets) Decree No 5 of 1966 which empowered the head of state to require public officers to declare their assets. In addition to the above decree, tribunals were set up with the power to investigate whether any public official corruptly enriched himself while in office.8



In 1975, General Murtala Mohammed made several efforts to combat corruption. His regime set up an Assets Investigation Panel to examine the assets of state governors, federal commissioners, and high-ranking officials. Those who were found guilty of corruption were dismissed and their assets confiscated by the government. His regime also enacted the Corrupt Practices Decree of 1975, which extended the scope of his regime’s anti-corruption measures to officers of public bodies as well as government employees. The regime also established a bureau to try offences under this decree. Unfortunately, Mohammed was assassinated in a coup, the decree was repealed after his death and the war against corruption suffered.9

In 1984, the General Muhammad Buhari regime brought in the Special Military Tribunals Decree to deal with corruption in government. It was believed that draconian anti-corruption measures, including long prison sentences and forfeiture of assets, would assure the public of the regime’s seriousness in fighting corruption. It differed from the criminal code in that trials were conducted by a tribunal, chaired by high-ranking military officers and with serving or retired judges of the High Court as members. Under this arrangement, appeals could only be made to the highest military body, the Supreme Military Council (SMC). These tribunals convicted a number of high-ranking public officials including some Second Republic state governors, ministers, presidential advisers and state commissioners. Many of them were sent to jail after conviction.

In August 1985, another coup brought General Ibrahim Babangida to power. His regime released some of the public officials awaiting trial for corruption and also set up a panel to review the cases of those convicted under the Buhari administration. Many that were convicted of corruption under the Buhari regime were released by Babangida. According to Edwin Maduagwu, a renowned Nigerian political economist and regular columnist in Nigeria’s Guardian newspaper, “Babangida saw corruption as a legitimate tool of governance and used it extensively to shore up support.”10 Indeed, the Babangida administration was synonymous with corruption. Little wonder that he referred to himself as an evil genius!

"The Babangida administration was synonymous with corruption. Little wonder that he referred to himself as an evil genius!"

Like his predecessors, however, General Babangida also wanted to be seen as addressing the problem of corruption. In his superficial war against it, he introduced the Audit Alarm System (AAS) at the local government level. The AAS was to serve as an internal check on the finances of the various local government councils; however, since most of the corruption was at the federal and state levels, the AAS measure failed woefully.11 Bagangida also set up the National Committee on Corruption and Other Economic Crimes under the chairmanship of Justice Kayode Esho, a retired justice of the Nigeria Supreme Court. At the end of the committee’s consultations and public hearings, it recommended a single national law to deal with corruption and economic crimes in Nigeria. It also recommended the establishment of an independent agency to tackle corruption in the country. Nothing tangible was done with Justice Esho’s report.

In 1993, under the pretext that his regime was planning to hand power to a democratically elected government, General Babangida imposed two political parties on Nigeria, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC). In the presidential election that followed, the SDP candidate, Alhaji Kasimawo Abiola, a renowned international business man and philanthropist, was declared the winner by several international and local election observers. However, this result was not acceptable to the Babangida regime and so the election was annulled and an interim civilian government announced, with Chief Earnest Shonekan as the appointed head. It lasted less than three months before being overthrown by General Sani Abacha.

When General Abacha took power, he printed Esho’s report on anti-corruption and sent it to all the state governments for comment. At the end of this exercise, however, no concrete action was taken either to implement the report or the feedback of the state governments.12

It is important to stress that all of Nigeria’s military regimes failed primarily because they were superimposed on existing corrupt administrative and social structures and relied on tainted, insincere and inefficient bureaucrats. This resulted in:

a lack of genuine commitment to eradicating corruption;

anti-corruption measures exclusively focussed on post hoc punishment of corruption;

no effort to institute preventive mechanisms and programmes to address the root causes of corruption.

"All of Nigeria’s military regimes failed primarily because they were superimposed on existing corrupt administrative and social structures and relied on tainted, insincere and inefficient bureaucrats."

Democratic initiatives before the Fourth Republic

Since corruption was not an issue that attracted much national attention in Nigeria’s First Republic, not much effort was geared towards combating the problem in the country then.

In the Second Republic, Alhaji Shehu Shagari initiated the Ethical Revolution (ER). Although several governors, ministers and special assistants were convicted of corruption under his administration (1979-1983), his “revolution” generally failed. Indeed, his government was found to be more corrupt more than the military regime that handed over power to it. After General Buhari took power, Shagari himself was not found guilty by the Military Tribunal set up to investigate corrupt government officials in the Second Republic, but the majority of his ministers and other elected officials were.

Nigeria’s Third Republic was short-lived. Although General Babangida had put in place transitional programmes that led to the election of civilian governors in each state, the annulment of the presidential election precluded any significant anti-corruption initiatives.
Re: Military regimes and anti-corruption initiatives by oderemo(m): 3:22pm On Apr 04, 2011
abeg go siddon, na today. see im head.
Re: Military regimes and anti-corruption initiatives by Pataki: 3:26pm On Apr 04, 2011
Must you deranged people keep posting subject headliners that are false, mischievous and totally bereft of any well thought out process? The verbiage you posted, referred to Buhari in that article as thus:

In 1984, the General Muhammad Buhari regime brought in the Special Military Tribunals Decree to deal with corruption in government. It was believed that draconian anti-corruption measures, including long prison sentences and forfeiture of assets, would assure the public of the regime’s seriousness in fighting corruption. It differed from the criminal code in that trials were conducted by a tribunal, chaired by high-ranking military officers and with serving or retired judges of the High Court as members. Under this arrangement, appeals could only be made to the highest military body, the Supreme Military Council (SMC). These tribunals convicted a number of high-ranking public officials including some Second Republic state governors, ministers, presidential advisers and state commissioners. Many of them were sent to jail after conviction.

In August 1985, another coup brought General Ibrahim Babangida to power. His regime released some of the public officials awaiting trial for corruption and also set up a panel to review the cases of those convicted under the Buhari administration. Many that were convicted of corruption under the Buhari regime were released by Babangida. According to Edwin Maduagwu, a renowned Nigerian political economist and regular columnist in Nigeria’s Guardian newspaper, “Babangida saw corruption as a legitimate tool of governance and used it extensively to shore up support.”10 Indeed, the Babangida administration was synonymous with corruption. Little wonder that he referred to himself as an evil genius!

So pray tell me, how did Buhari institutionalize corruption

Would the moderators be kind enough and correct this silly error from one of these pro-GEJ bigots?
Re: Military regimes and anti-corruption initiatives by 10cirenoh: 3:48pm On Apr 04, 2011
Jarus/Aisha, do something about the title of this thread, IT'S MISLEADING.
Re: Military regimes and anti-corruption initiatives by karlmax2: 3:56pm On Apr 04, 2011
"All of Nigeria’s military regimes failed primarily because they were superimposed on existing corrupt administrative and social structures and relied on tainted, insincere and inefficient bureaucrats."
Last I checked saint buhari was part and parcel of amry arrangement that institutionalized corruption by pretending to fight it
Re: Military regimes and anti-corruption initiatives by debosky(m): 4:01pm On Apr 04, 2011
The degree of stupidity associated with political supporters on NL is staggering.

The article by the OP praises Buhari, yet the dimwit still thought it necessary to post a misleading title that bears no semblance to the content therein.

It sort of reminds me of GEJ. . . .go beyond the name of goodluck and you see there is no substance within beyond the aforementioned luck. grin

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