₦airaland Forum

Na normal thing na

Muhammadu Dullard , 150 cows

DrSage:
He is of Yoruba blood,bravo !!!

Must you be a tribal bigot at all times? Congratulations to my fellow Nigerian

That's good, you still need to come here and start learning Naija law afresh, Law is one of those courses you don't wanna do outside our shores

Soon they would kill him, I'm so sure about that

He raped me when we were in church , shoro niyen, fp tinz

lanrema:
Yoruba man making us proud everywhere

Is there a tribe that isn't important to Nigeria? Stop the ethnic jingoism

This place had 24hrs power supply, running water, power good o

This was yesterday at my CDS ....

Nice move President Buhari

The road — Obalende Road — that leads to Dodan Barracks, Ikoyi in Lagos State was paved with ‘gold.’ The stench of the liquid dry gold of urine filled the air leaving a bitter, acidic taste in passers-by’s mouth.
At 7:30am, street urchins gathered in groups smoking hemp. Residents, who were around when Dodan Barracks was the seat of power, said with the relocation of the seat of government to Abuja, a lot of things have changed — not for the better — in the neighbourhood.
A relic of coups and counter-coups, the military base occupies a large area located off Awolowo Road, Lagos.

It was the residence of the heads of state of various military governments in the country and also the Supreme Military Headquarters from 1966 until the move to Abuja in 1991.

Mr. Gbenga Jacobs, an Obalende resident who appeared to be in his 60s, told SUNDAY PUNCH that being the immediate neighbours of the military seat of power afforded residents peace of mind and privilege
of hobnobbing with soldiers. According to him, residents once enjoyed camaraderie with soldiers.
“Except during coups, we had no cause for fear. You see all these gutters, when there were coups, the soldiers would hide inside them; they also laid ambush in the cemetery. During the time heads of state lived in Dodan Barracks, we did not have problems with criminals. But
things have changed. The barracks and the soldiers have also changed.

Before now, we had unhindered access into the barracks to polish shoes for soldiers when we were young. We went there to watch films. We had very cordial relationships with the soldiers — we could go to the senior officers’ mess without fear. I think that’s impossible for teenagers to do today.
“Not only has the relationship between civilians and the military suffered, the playing fields in the barracks have been overtaken by various buildings in the barracks — great fields that we used to play in when we were young. Let me just say that the beauty of Dodan Barracks is gone. At that time, there was discipline; you don’t see soldiers anyhow on the streets. Today, they have become like policemen,” Jacobs said.
Mr. Sabiu Durojaiye, also in his 60s, expressed similar nostalgia. “When we were teenagers, we had the opportunity to go to the officers’ mess. Sometimes we went there to polish their shoes or to play. We entered the place freely. But today, we can hardly have access to it. We used to enter the barracks to pick fruits from the trees. You can hardly see any tree there today. Even during the Nigerian Civil War, we still had a great time with the soldiers,” Durojaiye said.
For Mr. Abiodun Goodluck, in his late 40s, who lives close to the barracks, recalling the glorious era of the military base, a smile formed on his face. He spoke about peace, the security, adequate social amenities and civilian-soldier relationship in the neighbourhood of
Obalende.
Goodluck said, “From the time of Yakubu Gowon to Ibrahim Babangida, we had everything in terms of adequate power and water supply. Security was fantastic. Criminals could hardly operate in this area. I
remember the time Gowon was getting married. I was there. My mother took me to Gowon’s wedding party. Life was great around here. I could remember that Obalende had the best suya (barbeque) in Nigeria. I
remember fun spots like City Fellow, Last Bus Stop, Aunty, Iya Moji and Iya Paul, just opposite Dodan Barracks.
“When the seat of power was moved away from here, all the good things including the cordial relationship we once had with the soldiers disappeared too. Security has worsened. People now litter everywhere with refuse. The barracks is living on its former glory. We were able to play with children of the leaders of the country then. Life was free and peaceful between us in the neighbourhood and the soldiers in the barracks.”
Having spent 27 years in Obalende, close to the garrison, Umaru Yusuf, a tailor, could only shake his head in disappointment, saying many things have changed for the worse.
“Many things have changed. I know because I have lived long in this area to see the various changes that have occurred. Is it electricity or water supply? Sometimes, we don’t have electricity for a week. It was
not like this when the seat of power was here. We don’t enjoy the security the barracks once provided. Many things have changed. You can’t even enter the barracks as you like,” Yusuf, in his late 40s, told our correspondent.
What Mr. Kayode Fajumobi, in his 60s, miss most about the military base when it served as the seat of government, he said, is the comradeship between the military and the civilians.
“I miss the mutual interaction. To be candid, the relationship between civilian residents in this neighbourhood and the soldiers was very cordial.
However, it turned sour when the capital was moved to Abuja. Today, as a civilian, you can’t enter the barracks anyhow. In the past, a lot of us had access to the barracks without fear or intimidation.
“We used to pass through the barracks to Ikoyi Road — many students passed through there. Today, many of the gates of the barracks are shut. No more playing fields. It is also regrettable that during the glorious days of Dodan Barracks, the military forbade having storey
buildings constructed in this area. That has really affected this area economically,” Fajumobi recalled.
For Tony Adama, the barracks remains a source of security in the area.
He said his neighbourhood along Obalende Road have not had any big challenge with insecurity.
“I remember that barracks was a source and is still a source of protection for this area. Today, it is not easy to enter the barracks as one likes. I think that is a big change,” Adama noted.
Inside the barracks is the old State House. Attempts made by our correspondent to enter the premises were rebuffed by security operatives at its main gate. A man in mufti, who identified himself as Mr. Samuel, told SUNDAY PUNCH that he was in charge of the State
House and he would not permit our correspondent to enter the premises without first getting approval from the Abuja State House.
“I am not convinced by your explanation; besides, you will have to get permission in the form of a letter granting you the approval to gain entry into this place. Please don’t make any further attempt to enter
this place. You are advised to turn back from here. There is nothing special about this place that you want to work about. It has no relationship with the elections,” Samuel said.
Dodan Barracks was one of the bases of a group of army majors who attempted a coup against the civilian government in January 1966. Maj.-Gen. Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi seized power after an attempted coup and
became the Head of State.
In July 1966, Dodan Barracks became the seat of power in Nigeria after a counter-coup in which Ironsi was murdered and his Chief of Staff, Gen. Gowon became the Head of State, moving into the Federal Guard
Officer’s Mess. It was there that Gowon received the formal surrender of Biafra at the end of the Nigerian Civil War (Biafran War) in January 1970. The barracks was also where a meeting was held in April 1978 between the then-United States President Jimmy Carter and former military Head of State, Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo.
The last occupant, General Ibrahim Babangida, left the old State House shortly after the April 1990 coup attempt by Major Gideon Orkar.

NOTHING IN LIFE IS PERMANENT.... SENATOR AMARA

jammani:
.

Is that all?

I would eat that spaghetti anyways

To make calls

Evil bleeping fowl

Tightening things

This man would be ashamed of what Buhari has become, a clown

Beautiful

PDP shall rise again

Buhari or DaftHarry, you promised us heaven and earth if you win, now you've won, get to work

The only true African leader after Gaddafi

At least he's not dull

Finally made FP, I never expected anything from a dullard, honestly

She bleeps Buhari? Where's Aishat?

One Nigeria is not by force, sai Biafra

Babatunde (Tunde) Idiagbon, one of the few respected officers and former second-in-command during the military rule of Gen.Mohammadu Buhari, January 1, 1984- August 1987 died on March 24,1999. He was only 56 years old and reportedly collapsed in his home in Ilorin, Kwara State. Let's place the man within a historical context to achieve a better meaning regarding what I believe was a very remarkable and consequential life. First, Idiagbon, famous for his stern attitude, morose demeanor and iron-fist approach to governing
had a love-hate relationship with his countrymen. Initially, many felt he was too dictatorial and left no room for compassion for errant fellows.
Some, at the time, also felt his approach was right for Nigerians, an unusually boisterous group of people in their country.
Second, I believe that Nigeria benefitted and learned major lessons from the firm hands and watchful eyes of Idiagbon. Why? However shortlived, he contributed immensely to clean the mess and stinking indiscipline which continues to eat deep like a cancerous growth in the country's social, organizational, governmental and individual fabric.
Recall that shortly after his removal from office through the military coup which brought Gen. Ibrahim Babangida to power August 27, 1985, most Nigerians seemed to have missed Idiagbon's style and substance.
Third, his efforts imposed some sense of orderliness to most aspects of public life in Nigeria. In many ways, he improved Nigerians' attitude to work, sanitation and ethics. He led the national campaign known as War
Against Indiscipline, WAI. Streets, public and private buildings and other dirty areas and corners of every major city started to shine in the wake of WAI. WAI's mechanism rested on command, threat and actual
use of force and sanctions by Idiagbon's team. With WAI under his watch, Nigeria was cleaner, although some buildings owned by many poor
folks were callously smashed by bulldozers. After less than 5 months of being replaced by Babangida, Nigeria relapsed to dirt as usual. Ever since, mountains of rubbish struggle for attention with imported vehicles.
Fourth, he set a clear, firm tone for ruling (with his boss retired Gen. Muhammadu Buhari). Comparatively, retired Generals Obasanjo, Babangida and Nigeria's current ruler Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar
Buhari are quite different from the late Idiagbon. Where Obasanjo, Babangida and Abubakar employ wily tactics to deal with most issues and gradually revealing their intent as masking other numerous goals, Idiagbon never left you in doubt. His uncharitable critics say that's why
he did not survive in the system. Unlike Idiagbon, the other three had cheerful outlooks regardless of whatever was happening in (and to) the
country.
Fifth and significantly, Idiagbon did not leave office with tons and millions of Deutsche Marks, Pounds Sterling and the almighty U.S.Dollars as did the civilian men (and some women) whose removal from office he plotted. When compared with most of the now retired soldiers and politicians who overthrew the Buhari-Idiagbon regime to usher in the Babangida team and later the demonic kill-and-go squad of Abacha's, Idiagbon is positively etched in the minds of millions of his compatriots. I recall in the late 1980s while I was serving for Nigeria's National Youth Corps program in Ilorin, the city which was home to
Idiagbon, I was introduced to a very modest ice cream shop. The ice cream shop was said to be operated by Idiagbon's wife. In Nigeria, the wives of army officers, moreso the wife of a Nigerian General and the country's Number Two man, are more in the line of selling very expensive diamonds, trinkets and assorted designer wears; they are champions at awarding, forwarding and backwarding government contracts and
serving as the clearing houses for all manner of things which do not belong to their province. The wives of Nigeria's army Generals are served rather than serve ordinary folks and "idle civilians" like us especially through that fine, humble art of running a small ice cream parlor.
The Idiagbons' ice cream shop (I believe it's on Ibrahim Taiwo road) and their modest home remain fitting ethical symbols and metaphor for a man and a family who served without recourse to the economic
brigandage, economic looting and armed robbery we witness, daily in Nigeria, in the name of "governments."
Sixth, Nigerians will miss Idiagbon, among other fine if imperfect qualities, for proving, although by force and threat of sanction, that Nigerians can stand on a bus line, and indeed any line (INSIDE Nigeria), to wait their turn. Miracles will never end, my compatriots said, at the time. He proved conclusively that it's not in our stars to be disorderly.
The late patriot Idiagbon embodied the capacity for Nigeria's renewal. He, alongside other patriots like Mokwugo Okoye, Aminu Kano and millions of other patriots dead and alive, validate the fact that
Nigerians and Nigeria are not cursed to a bestial gamut of unethical damnation and wanton corruption. Even after leaving government, he refused to be "purchased" or used as prop for any regime's slimy games and uncouth shenanigans. Babatunde was not one, to the best of my knowledge, to be used by any regime, including the more-you-look-the- less-you-see regime of incumbent Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar.
Seventh, history will recall the late Idiagbon, son of a very modest Muslim family, as a nationalist, albeit an iron-surgeon in search of solutions for his ailing fatherland. Where his military colleagues flinched and became the triple-horned architects of economic decline and king toads of the moral swamp and corruption which have dwarfed Nigeria's destiny, Tunde Idiagbon had the gumption and courage to jail the terribly corrupt, the not-so-corrupt and their team of enablers.
Eight, as is commonplace with dictators, he had blanket solutions to all manner of ailments for the country and its citizenry: lock 'em up and whip 'em where necessary. He believed in Nigeria but doubted Nigerians. He believed, like Buhari (in his earlier years as military ruler)
that to cure Nigeria and Nigerians of their problems, he needed to reach the physical senses of Nigerians. For Buhari and Idiagbon (and Abacha, in this instance), the Igbo adage that 'the body hears more than the ear' was elevated to the cardinal theology for achieving
"discipline" and imposing ethics. Yet it is important to note that the concept of an "Ethical Revolution" in Nigeria was articulated for the country by an elder of the Presbyterian Church, author and Nigeria's former consul general to the U.S., Mazi Aggrey Kanu Oji. While Mazi Oji sought ethical re-socialization and positive cues achieved through institutional changes rather than raw military chastisement, Buhari and Idiagbon preferred to be feared rather just to be loved. Machiavelli would have winked and probably said: 'Those Nigerian Generals, disciples of The Prince, followers of my book....'
Also, on this issue of re-engineering political behavior, their methods reflected more of their training as soldiers, seeped in command and obey methods, than all the fine political socialization paradigms established by scholars of all climes, of all times. In removing the
civilian/elected government led by Alhaji Shehu Shagari, the twosome appeared to have halted a declining turn for Nigeria. Today, makes me wonder, if Shagari should not have "managed" Nigeria until the other "idle civilians", professional antagonists and tribalists changed their ways and Nigerian Police/politicians allowed a freer press to expose their excesses. Makes you, wonder, eh? Let's go back to Idiagbon, the
departed patriot.

Yellowbar fiful and poor governance, Sai Ara, looter of billions and a follower of President Buhari

Is the house boy dead? He wasn't relevant while alive

We were not meant to be one in the first place

My name is Buhari and I'm a tribalistic dullard

I love this Man, AMAECHI is a big loser, useless looter

House slave of the Hausa dullards