₦airaland Forum

Nnamdi Kanu is a Joke

Just because an election is around the corner our beloved Nnamdi Kanu, the hero of the Utopia Republic of Biafra has suddenly risen from the ashes of deception. Because he heard Atiku is sharing dollars, he wants a cut of the action. several months ago after the infamous python dance, IPOB and its sympathizers were telling the whole world that Kanu was abducted by the government.

A few months ago some brave women even demonstrated demanding his release, they were all arrested and charged by the government; not knowing that the coward simply ran away. Now that the deserter has suddenly resurfaced, I wonder how the women will feel considering the fact that the cases are still in court. Freedom is not free, it comes from sweat, pain, and blood. if the likes of Kanu is all the Igbo have to articulate Biafra; project Biafra would always be a dream. Nnamdi Kanu is a Joke

[size=20pt]The APC’s Steep Learning Curve[/size], By Chris Ngwodo


The APC’s Steep Learning Curve, By Chris NgwodoPremium Times June 10, 2015 The APC’s Steep Learning Curve, By Chris Ngwodo2015-06-10T07:17:43+00:00 Guest Columns, Opinion Comment (1)
In going against the APC hierarchy and Tinubu, in particular, to contest and clinch the presidency of the senate, Senator Saraki has exhibited the same skills for which Tinubu has been lionised as a sagacious politician, rare strategist and political genius. Saraki emerged against the wishes of his party in exactly the same way that Tambuwal did, to much acclaim four years ago – by reaching across the aisle and negotiating with the opposition.

During the 2003 elections, the Peoples Democratic Party routed the opposition Alliance for Democracy in its stronghold in the South-West. Only one AD state governor survived – Governor Bola Tinubu of Lagos, who in the course of electioneering had promised to secure five million votes for President Olusegun Obasanjo, even though the latter was of the PDP. As the sole surviving AD governor, Tinubu set about building a political machine that would supplant and decommission the gerontocratic cult known as the Afenifere – the group of veteran politicians – whose overbearing influence in the AD had contributed significantly to its atrophy. In short order, the AD was fictionalised while Tinubu moved on to establish a new party, the Action Congress in 2006 with the then Vice President Atiku Abubakar and a number of other defectors from the PDP. By that time, Tinubu had retired the Afenifere gerontocrats and had set his sights on establishing a powerbase in the South-West from which he could aim for higher things.

There followed the maneuvers for which Tinubu has earned admiration, grudging acclaim and antipathy. The Action Congress picked Nuhu Ribadu as its presidential candidate in the 2011 polls, but on the eve of the election, he was unceremoniously jettisoned as part of a series of eleventh hour deals that included a potential (and ultimately abortive) merger with Muhammadu Buhari’s Congress for Progressive Change and then finally (allegedly) a tacit accord with the PDP that enabled Goodluck Jonathan win the South-West. With his regional powerbase intact, Tinubu then helped scuttle the election of Mulikat Akande-Adeola, the preferred candidate of the PDP as Speaker of the House of Representatives in 2011 and urged ACN legislators to instead elect Aminu Tambuwal in defiance of both the Jonathan presidency and the PDP. It was a shrewd gambit to avert the emergence of a powerful ruling party functionary in the South-West who would then become an arrowhead threatening his dominance of the zone.

The tendency towards back room deals, shadowy “consensus” arrangements and secret anointment of candidates in coven-like congresses to be later imposed on the polity is one of our more reprehensible political traditions. It is a habit that subverted the AD in 1999…

When the coalition that eventually became the All Progressives Congress was founded in 2014, the initial alliance was between the ACN, the CPC and the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP). But the game-changer in retrospect was the arrival of members of the New PDP (nPDP), a rebel faction of the PDP which included five state governors and scores of federal and state legislators and other operatives. Looking back, this was the moment the tide began to turn imperceptibly in the APC’s favour. Among the waves of defectors from the PDP was Senator Bukola Saraki, who subsequently worked for the party’s and President Buhari’s eventual victory.

This brief historical excursion is necessary to put the recent National Assembly election and its fallout in perspective. In going against the APC hierarchy and Tinubu, in particular, to contest and clinch the presidency of the senate, Senator Saraki has exhibited the same skills for which Tinubu has been lionised as a sagacious politician, rare strategist and political genius. Saraki emerged against the wishes of his party in exactly the same way that Tambuwal did, to much acclaim four years ago – by reaching across the aisle and negotiating with the opposition.

In an ill-advised statement reacting to the emergence of Saraki and Yakubu Dogara as Speaker of the House of Representatives, the APC used words like “treachery” to describe the development. This from the same party that joyously welcomed the influx of “traitors” from the PDP barely a year ago and which spent the election campaigns gleefully boasting that its fifth columnists within the ranks of the PDP were subverting President Jonathan from within. At the time, the APC failed to recognise the “treachery” that was serving it so well. To say that Lai Mohammed’s statement reeked of hypocrisy is an understatement.

By reaching across the aisle to negotiate with the PDP legislators, Saraki has introduced a complex and interesting dynamic that could potentially serve the republic better than the spectre of one-party dominance as anticipated by some APC partisans.

The larger question is why the APC did not simply follow President Buhari’s Inauguration Day pledge of non-interference in the legislative branch and leave the National Assembly alone to elect its own leaders (as President Yar’Adua did in 2007). The tendency towards back room deals, shadowy “consensus” arrangements and secret anointment of candidates in coven-like congresses to be later imposed on the polity is one of our more reprehensible political traditions. It is a habit that subverted the AD in 1999 after the Afenifere surreptitiously selected Olu Falae instead of Bola Ige as the party’s presidential candidate – a move that effectively triggered the AD’s implosion, with Ige subsequently joining Obasanjo’s cabinet. This was also one of the habits that fatally injured the PDP.

The question remains why Nigerian politicians are so allergic to free and open democratic contests. By taking the route of the consensual arrangement instead of simply enabling an open and fair contest among peers, the APC showed that some within its ranks have not thought deeply enough about what they are meant to be progressing from or where they are meant to be progressing to. Some exponents of “change” clearly have not reflected on what exactly is meant to have changed. Godfatherism and surreptitious anointments by secret party conclaves are dead. They were wrong when perpetrated by the PDP and they are wrong now. One of the ironies from the National Assembly polls is that Femi Gbajabiamila, an affable and articulate candidate for the House speakership may well have won had he not been cursed with the toga of being a godfather’s anointed protégé. In this instance, the approval of an overbearing party baron served only as a political kiss of death.

The APC has tried to invoke the supremacy of the party but party discipline is a tenuous concept where parties themselves are not defined by overarching ideological bonds and where Machiavellian self-interest is the dominant political paradigm. When such interests coincide…it can give the impression of party operatives loyally walking in lockstep and dancing to the same drumbeat, but this is an illusion.

There are some important gains here. President Buhari kept a dignified distance from the fray and thus retains personal currency with which to handle the National Assembly leadership in matters of more pressing concern to him. By reaching across the aisle to negotiate with the PDP legislators, Saraki has introduced a complex and interesting dynamic that could potentially serve the republic better than the spectre of one-party dominance as anticipated by some APC partisans.

Past experience tells us that having the presidency and the legislature under one party’s control is no guarantee of stability. PDP legislators were at the forefront of several impeachment plots against Obasanjo. Party lines have always proven less consequential than the lines between self-interested politicians and that between the executive and the legislature. Hegemony by any party, not just the PDP is a bad idea. Politicians across partisan divides are notoriously susceptible to the arrogance it breeds. Thus, Saraki’s bipartisan maneuvers could prove yet beneficial, making for a more robust legislative process, but time will tell.

The APC has tried to invoke the supremacy of the party but party discipline is a tenuous concept where parties themselves are not defined by overarching ideological bonds and where Machiavellian self-interest is the dominant political paradigm. When such interests coincide as they did recently for Jonathan’s eviction from the presidency, it can give the impression of party operatives loyally walking in lockstep and dancing to the same drumbeat, but this is an illusion. Once the common enemy in Jonathan left the scene, the politics of sharing the spoils of victory was always going to severely test the APC’s coherence and expose its internal contradictions as a coalition of convenience. The inevitable price of the APC’s evolution into a viable national party is that it now has onboard several heavyweight politicians (think Atiku Abubakar and Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso for example) whose interests have to be accommodated.

…if we are to make progress – if we are to stop being serially hoodwinked by politicians – we must dispense with the myth that our current two-party system features a Manichean divide in which a party of angels is ranged against a party of demons.

Saraki and Tinubu are dyed-in-the-wool Nigerian politicians. They are alpha males and big men who subscribe to the same cold-blooded pragmatism, ambition and calculating self-interest common to their peers. None of them is morally superior to the other and indeed both are of equivalent orientation. Like Tinubu, Saraki is a two-term state governor and as Tinubu does with Lagos, he sees Kwara as his fiefdom. Saraki is also a scion of one of Nigeria’s more durable political clans and clearly inherited his father, Olusola Saraki’s acumen. Since his time in the Nigerian Governors Forum where he proved instrumental to the making of the Yar’Adua presidency in 2007, Saraki has been carefully positioning himself for greater things. This is not a man who sees the red chamber as his last bus stop. In short, Tinubu and Saraki are quite alike.

…where strong egos are contesting power – the only real guarantee of maintaining the peace and minimising discontent is to enable free and fair contests without favouring any contestant. The APC failed to do so…We can chalk this down as part of the learning curve of managing power at the national level…The hope is that the APC apparatchiks will prove to be fast learners and not add to the already onerous challenges facing President Buhari.

Partisan tribalism and selective amnesia often blind us to the moral symmetry of the political class but if we are to make progress – if we are to stop being serially hoodwinked by politicians – we must dispense with the myth that our current two-party system features a Manichean divide in which a party of angels is ranged against a party of demons. The good, the bad and the ugly men and women of our politics are to be found in both parties. Thus, the investment of our allegiances, and mental and emotional energies should be on a case by case basis weighing the merits of each circumstance and the antecedents of the actors involved and then acting in accordance with good conscience. No party or politician is worthy of uncritical adulation.

Recent court rulings that have barred public office holders from retaining their posts when they cross-carpet to other parties could help make both parties solid blocs by eliminating one of the main incentives for defections which is that politicians pay no price for defecting. In the time being, where strong egos are contesting power – the only real guarantee of maintaining the peace and minimising discontent is to enable free and fair contests without favouring any contestant. The APC failed to do so, provoked a needless acrimonious internal squabble and received an avoidable black eye for its trouble. We can chalk this down as part of the learning curve of managing power at the national level. It is a heady place to be in but it is also a far larger arena than Lagos or the South-West. It is a much broader canvas with more shades and colours of interests and egos than are typically visible from the sedate precincts of Bourdillon Road. The hope is that the APC apparatchiks will prove to be fast learners and not add to the already onerous challenges facing President Buhari.

Chris Ngwodo is a writer, consultant and analyst.


http://blogs.premiumtimesng.com/?p=167805

"Personally, I don’t know what I did to him, other than he said, he borrowed N200 million to finance my election. I didn’t see any N200 million that Chief Anenih contributed to finance my election. But I’m aware that he contributed N100 million to the PDP in Edo State and as governor, I ensured that money was paid to him. So he was then saying that we never paid him any money, that he borrowed N200 million". - Prof Osunbor

By Emman Ovuakporie
FORMER Governor of Edo State, Prof. Oserheimen Osunbor in this interview spoke on expectations from the new federal administration, his frosty relationship with Chief Tony Anenih, his governorship ambition among other national issues.

You left the PDP to join APC at the very critical time when the party needed people like you most. Why did you?

Well, the PDP didn’t show they needed people like me whether at the state or at the national level. The PDP never accorded me the respect I deserved or that many people felt I deserved.

So first of all, PDP traded off my position as governor of Edo State.
Anenih and Prof. Oserheimen

Anenih and Prof. Oserheimen

So, if PDP government gave me an appointment as the chairman of Nigerian Law Reform Commission, was that really a fair compensation for removing me? Because at that time, (Vincent) Ogbulafor, the National Chairman boasted to me that the PDP had 28 states and that the PDP was not bound to win everything. That the PDP was ready to concede some states to the opposition.

He told me if I didn’t succumb to Chief Tony Anenih I ran the risk of losing my seat. And after I was removed, he told me; ‘you see what I was telling you. Did you see what has happened?’ That if I had listened to him, I wouldn’t have been removed.

And when Adams Oshiomole came in, he gave three commissionership slots to Chief Anenih in appreciation for the help he gave him to become governor. That was before 2012. So when people claimed I supported Adams Oshiomole; who gave Adams Oshiomole more support, the PDP leadership or myself?

But, of course, I supported Adams Oshiomole in 2012 when it dawned on me that the PDP leadership was not ready to win the election. I knew that all the leadership wanted was to trade with PDP in that election and amass billions for themselves. And I was not prepared to be led by people who were out to use the party to enrich themselves.

Then I said to myself that if we have all decided to make things very easy for Oshiomhole, why should I withhold my support for him? After all, he did more work in four years than the PDP could have ever done in all its years as a ruling party in Edo State.

And as for the issue of begging Chief Anenih, the newspapers have reported the countless number of times that I have gone to beg Chief Anenih.

Personally, I don’t know what I did to him, other than he said, he borrowed N200 million to finance my election. I didn’t see any N200 million that Chief Anenih contributed to finance my election. But I’m aware that he contributed N100 million to the PDP in Edo State and as governor, I ensured that money was paid to him. So he was then saying that we never paid him any money, that he borrowed N200 million.

And if he spent N200 million of his money to install me as governor, how much contribution did he receive from the PDP national headquarters? The State House also sent out money to states for governorship elections in the states. How much was sent, I don’t know because the money was not sent to me. And how much did he get from other individuals and corporate bodies who were contributing money for the election in Edo State? I don’t know how much he was given, and if he borrowed N200 million for my election after all the contributions, I never saw any N200 million.

But in the interest of peace, I ensured that the one I knew he contributed was paid back to him. So what offence did I really commit against Chief Anenih that he doesn’t want to forgive? Of course it doesn’t surprise me because he had told me before when the relationship was rosy that he doesn’t forgive people. So if I have offended him in one way or another, I know he would not forgive because he told me he never forgives people.

Although, he is not my God, and he cannot influence my destiny or whatever God wants me to become in life. So, if I’m begging him does not mean he can make me anything, or can prevent anything that God wants me to achieve. I only asked for forgiveness in the interest of peace and the development of our people.

Do you agree with some that the PDP lost the last election because of the quality of advisers such as Chief Anenih that the president had?

Let me say that I have been very reluctant in judging former President Jonathan. I wouldn’t want to judge him or any other man for that matter. I leave posterity to judge him. But there are a few groups, a few people, one of them you just mentioned now.

So essentially, he allowed some elements to create a fence around him and fence off a lot of people from reaching him. And this is a complaint that I’ve heard from different people across the length and breadth of Nigeria.

People who did a lot to help him win the 2011 election and yet were unable to reach him one-on-one after the elections are too numerous to count. I’ve heard of people who held him hostage. People who were not necessarily political assets to him. People who were more of a political liability to him than assets. But as to why he allowed himself to be in that position is what I wouldn’t know. I think that’s as much that I want to say about Jonathan.

Except that he did his best under the circumstances for five years; but his best was not good enough, there is really nothing that anybody can do about it now. He is a lucky man. From not even having any political ambition, he became a Deputy Governor, Governor, Vice President, then acting President and finally President of a country like Nigeria for a period of five years. I think it’s an achievement that anybody should be contented with for the rest of his life.

And I do hope, listening to former President Jonathan at his thanksgiving that he feels contented and grateful for having the opportunity to lead a country like Nigeria even though, he has his faults. No man is perfect. I also have my own faults. He has served his term and I wish him a happy retirement.

What’s more important now is the present. We now have a President, Vice President who can be trusted to do a good job, though they have a government which is facing lots of challenges. And we do hope that they will be able to meet the very high expectations of Nigerians.

Some say that the government is starting on a very slow pace and given the continuing onslaught of the Boko Haram insurgents, do you think the government is doing well?

Well, two quick comments on that. Nigerians should learn how to be patient. There is so much impatience on the part of Nigerians which is why traffic congestion, gridlock and jams on the road are always a recurrent decimal, due essentially not to the bad nature of the roads but due to the impatience of Nigerians.

There are so many things wrong with Nigeria today due to impatience. The government has been in place for less than one week and already people are being impatient wanting to see magic happen. At least, let them give the government a period of grace to settle down. The fact that these appointments have not been announced yet doesn’t mean that things are not being done. Just a few days ago, the appointments of his media aides were announced.

This man was one of the best generals of his time. He had, as a former general confronted a lot of religious fanaticism in the North. He dealt with foreign incursion into Nigerian territory under President Shagari in the past. He knows very well what the terrain is like because he is from that region of the country which is more affected by terrorism.

President Buhari is a war-time Presidential material who knows what strategies to adopt and get the job done.

So when he made the pronouncement of moving the military central command to the North East, I wasn’t surprised. He has set out to do things differently having realised that directing the pace and mode of operations from Abuja has not really worked. He understands the problem much more than any of us. So let’s give him the benefit of patience and time.

Let’s allow the government to settle down. He has not even appointed his security team. He has not appointed his ministers. What do you think should be the priority areas the new government?

Well, I have been asked this question before by a journalist, and my answer was that a government should be judged by the manifesto of the party which produced it. If political parties and their elected officials work to implement their manifestos, then we will achieve a lot in Nigeria. Because, no party will ever put out a bad manifesto and hope to get voted into positions.

But there are also other key areas such as the economy and job creation and the issue of power supply which are all related to security.

However, I want to say that not enough was done by the past government in this regard. Because you can’t have some elements bursting the pipelines all the time and the government was helpless and unable to do anything even when we heard that billions of the nation’s scarce resources were being paid to some contractors to safeguard these infrastructures.

A situation which drove the former minister of Power, Prof Chinedu Nebo to tears, saying that despite the enormous efforts being made by government, these criminals kept bursting the pipelines and preventing gas supply to the power plants. But there was a government in place. Is it spirits who go to burst the pipelines? They are human beings, some of whom are even known, because there had been cases of oil thieves who were caught and set free following interventions from some highly placed people in the country. So that is for the problem of power. We must not be helpless as a nation to say oh, we don’t have electricity because some people are bursting pipelines which are supposed to supply gas to the generating plants thereby reducing the amount of power generated to the national grid for distribution. It is pathetic and unacceptable. And I hope that this government will not feed us with that kind of apologies.

The other issue which is not very tangible is the issue of entrenching democratic institution in Nigeria and allow it to work well. And first, the independence of the Judiciary has to be addressed. Judicial reform and independence need to be a priority in the list of items the APC leaders are talking about. Because Nigerians must be made to have faith in our Judiciary. As of now, very few people will say with confidence that they are satisfied with the performance of the Judiciary. So I do hope and pray that something will be done in that sector. But then you cannot scrub everybody with the same brush. It is not every judge that is corruptible and indulges in the kinds of unprofessional things that go on in the Judiciary.

Which segment of the Judiciary then is the problem?

As you know, there are support staff in the management and adjudication of justice. Courts don’t just sit to pronounce judgements, they must serve summons, take applications and hear cases before reaching judgements. And in all of these processes, there are support staff who prepare summons, deliver them and even type verdicts as delivered by Judges. And in most cases, you find that these support staff sit on these processes waiting for people to come and grease their palms before they can do what is necessary. It is that bad. So many cases or judgement are delayed due to practises like that apart from the greed and mischief of lawyers and some judges whose behaviours have brought the system to disrepute.

There are rumours that you left the PDP because you want to contest the next governorship election on the platform of the APC. Is it true?

That I’m now in the APC is no longer a rumour. Why I left the PDP is no longer a rumour. I have always been an APC supporter in Edo State. I only formally joined on the 7th of April. As for the reasons why I joined, I couldn’t exhaust the reasons, because there are so many of them. I mentioned it before that PDP in Edo State is like a personal property of one man.

If that one man who is the owner of PDP says he doesn’t like you and you have committed an offence that he will never forgive, would you still remain in that party if you were in my shoes?

Many people in Edo State left the PDP over the years on account of this one person. If you have watched the television when people were decamping, they were saying that they were leaving PDP because they were tired of the dictatorship of that one man. And the whole of Nigeria now knows who that one man is. So it’s not a secret or rumour that I left the PDP because the conditions in that party were no longer acceptable.

And I would say that the cancer or the disease that killed the PDP in Edo State was allowed to spread to the PDP at the national level. Somebody destroyed the party at the State, and then you now place the party at the national level on his laps, what did you expect? So people also left the PDP across Nigeria on the account of this same man. So that is one.

The other issue as to my governorship ambition, that also should not be a rumour. The newspapers, I think it was October last year carried news reports of some youth groups that visited my country home in Iruekpen in Edo State and made a passionate appeal for me to come into the race; come back and complete the work that I’ve started and I have not completed.

And in my response, I assured them that I would go into consultation with leaders of thought within my party, the APC and so many other people who have also made the same appeal for me to come back with the same vigour, determination with which I governed the State before. And I said yes, that I’m now ready and available to come back and serve the people of Edo State once more. So if your people show you so much respect and honour and they are calling on you that please, come back and govern us, I don’t think it is proper to say no to them. There is no greater feeling than for your people to come and say please, come and provide leadership for us. And I told you that – that is one of the reasons that made me to answer the clarion call by joining the APC. Of course I can only aspire on the platform of my political party which is the APC.

Do you agree with some in Edo State that the incumbent governor slowed down his performance in the second term?

Well, like I said before, I don’t want to sit here and judge people. Like I didn’t want to judge Jonathan, I won’t judge my governor. If you want to know, Adams Oshiomole has done and is still doing very well. I supported him in 2012 because I saw what he was able to do with the meagre resources coming to the state. I saw that he was better, far better than the people in PDP. And he showed more commitment toward the common man in Edo State than the so-called political leaders in PDP had shown in so many years. Adams Oshiomole is by far a better human being than some of the so-called leaders in PDP who are only interested in their pockets, and not in the welfare of the people. Ask some of them. What have they ever done for the people of Edo State? Some of them have been in politics for as long as we can remember, can they compare themselves with what the APC government led by Adams Oshiomole has been able to do in less than eight years? Go round and ask what has this so-called PDP emperor done for his own people of Uromi, his Senatorial District or even his own camp, let alone the people of Edo State? Go and ask. But you can see what Oshiomole has done for his community, his Senatorial District of Edo North, what he has done for other Senatorial Districts and the people of Edo State generally.

And to address your question as to the good things the people remembered my administration for and asked me to come back and lead them, again the list will be inexhaustible. I won’t go too deep into that. But what I can say is that, if given another opportunity by my party and the people of the state to serve again, I will work to consolidate on the legacy of Adams Oshiomole, because he has set a clear standard that subsequent administrations should live by.

Nobody can undo that nor afford to do below what he has done. And you need creativity and courage to do what he has done, both of which our people must have seen in my short stay in the Government House which is why they asked me to come and serve again.
- See more at: http://www.vanguardngr.com/2015/06/the-money-quarrel-between-anenih-and-i-prof-osunbor/#sthash.G2kmNNXR.dpuf



http://www.vanguardngr.com/2015/06/the-money-quarrel-between-anenih-and-i-prof-osunbor/

Vote for change

[size=20pt]If u are hungry and u vote Jonathan, you will be hungry for another 4 years[/size]

Vote for change

[size=20pt]If u are poor and vote PDP u are going to remain poor for another 4 more years[/size]

See Pic

Yes oooooo, stealing is not corruption, according to our Phd educated president

The guy is clueless

Shameless fools

[size=28pt]Buhari vs Jonathan: Beyond The Election - part-2 [/size]

By Chukwuma Charles Soludo


Despite presiding over the biggest oil boom in our history, it has not added one percentage point to the growth rate of GDP compared to the Obasanjo regime especially the 2003- 07 period. Obasanjo met GDP growth rate at 2% but averaged 7% within 2003- 07. The current government has been stuck at 6% despite an unprecedented oil boom. Income (GDP) growth has actually performed worse, and poverty escalated. This is the only government in our history where rapidly increasing government expenditure was associated with increasing poverty. The director general of NBS stated in his written press conference address in 2011 that about 112 million Nigerians were living in poverty. Is this the record to defend? Obama had a tough time in his re-election in 2012 because unemployment reached 8%. Here, unemployment is at a record 24% and poverty at an all-time 71% but people are prancing around, gloating about ‘performance’. As I write, the Naira exchange rate to the dollar is $210 at the parallel market. What a historic performance! Please save your breathe and save us the embarrassment. The President promised Nigeria nothing in the last election and we did not get value for money. He should this time around present us with his plan for the future, and focus on how he would redeem himself in the second term—if he wins!

Sadly the government’s economic team is very weak, dominated by self-interested and self-conflicted group of traders and businessmen, and so-called economic team meetings have been nothing but showbiz time. The very people government exists to regulate have seized the levers of government as policymakers and most government institutions have largely been “privatized” to them. Mention any major government department or agency and someone will tell you whom it has been ‘allocated’ to, and the person subsequently nominates his minion to occupy the seat. What do you then expect? The economy seems to be on auto pilot, with confusion as to who is in charge, and government largely as a constraint. There are no big ideas, and it is difficult to see where economic policy is headed to. My thesis is that the Nigerian economy, if properly managed, should have been growing at an annual rate of about 12% given the oil boom, and poverty and unemployment should have fallen dramatically over the last five years. This is topic for another day.

So far, the Government’s response to the self-inflicted crisis is, at best, laughable. They blame external shocks as if we did not expect them and say nothing about the terrible policy choices they made. The National Assembly had described the 2015 budget as unrealistic. The fiscal adjustments proposed in the 2015 budget simply play to the gallery and just to pander to our emotions. For a $540 billion economy, the so-called luxury tax amounts to zero per cent of GDP. If the current trend continues, private businesses will come under a heavy crunch soon. Having put economics on its head during the boom time, the Government now proposes to increase taxes during a prospective downturn and impose austerity measures. Unbelievable!

Fortuitously, just as he succeeded Shagari when Nigeria faced similar situations, Buhari is once more seeking to lead Nigeria. But times have changed, and Nigeria is largely different. First, this is a democracy and dealing with corruption must happen within the ambit of the rule of law and due process. Getting things done in a democracy requires complicated bargaining, especially where the legislature, labour, the media, and civil society have become strong and entrenched. Second, the size, structure and institutions of the economy have fundamentally altered. The market economy, especially the capital market and foreign exchange market, impose binding constraints and discipline on any regime. Third, dealing with most of the other issues— insecurity, unemployment/poverty, infrastructure, health, education, etc, require increased, smarter, and more efficient spending. Increased spending when the economy is on the reverse gear?

If oil prices remain between 40- 60 dollars over the next two years, the current policy regime guarantees that foreign reserves will continue the precipitous depletion with the attendant exchange rate depreciation, as well as a probable unsustainable escalation in debt accumulation, fiscal retrenchment or taxing the private sector with vengeance. The scenario does not look pretty. The poor choices made by the current government have mortgaged the future, and the next government would have little room to manoeuvre and would inevitably undertake drastic but painful structural adjustments. Nigerians loathe the term ‘structural adjustment’. With falling real wages and depreciating currency, I can see any belated attempt by the government to deal with the bloated public sector pitching it against a feisty labour. I worry about regime stability in the coming months, and I do not envy the next team.

The seeming crisis is not destiny; it is self-imposed. However, we must see it as an opportunity to be seized to fundamentally restructure Nigeria’s political economy, including its fiscal federalism and mineral rights. The current system guarantees cycles of consumption loop and I cannot see sustainable long term prosperity without major systemic overhaul. The proposals at the national conference merely tinker at the margins. In totality, the outcome of the national conference is to do more of the same, with minor amendments on the system of sharing and consumption rather than a fundamental overhaul of the system for productivity and prosperity. President Jonathan promises to implement the report of the national conference if he wins. I commend him for at least offering ‘something’, albeit, marginal in my view. I have not heard anything from the APC or Buhari regarding the national conference report or what kind of federalism they envisage for Nigeria.

In Nigeria’s recent history, two examples under the military and civilian governments demonstrate that where the political will exists, Nigeria has the capacity to overcome severe challenges. The first was under President Babangida. Not many Nigerians appreciate that given the near bankrupt state of Nigeria’s finances and requirements for debt resolution under the Paris Club, the country had little choice but to undertake the painful Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). I want to state for the record that the foundation for the current market economy we operate in Nigeria was laid by that regime (liberalization of markets including market determined exchange rate, private sector-led economy including licensing of private banks and insurance, de-regulation, privatization of public enterprises under TCPC, etc). Just abolishing the import licensing regime was a fundamental policy revolution. Despite the criticisms, these policy thrusts have remained the pillars of our deepening market economy, and the economy recovered from almost negative growth rate to average 5.5% during the regime and poverty incidence at 42% in 1992.

Under our democratic experience, President Obasanjo inherited a bankrupt economy (with the lost decade of the 1990’s GDP growth rate of 2.2% and hence zero per capita income growth for the decade). His regime consolidated and deepened the market economy structures (consolidation of the banking system which is powering the emergence of a new but truly private sector-led economy and simultaneously led to a new awareness and boom in the capital market; telecommunications revolution; new pension regime; debt relief which won for Nigeria policy independence from the World Bank and Paris Club; deepening of de-regulation and privatization including the unbundling of NEPA under PHCN for privatization; agricultural revolution that saw yearly growth rate of over 6% and remains unsurpassed ever since; sound monetary and fiscal policy and growing foreign reserves that gave confidence to investors; establishment of the Africa Finance Corporation which is leading infrastructure finance in Africa; backward integration policy that saw the establishment and growth of Dangote cement and others; established ICPC and EFCC to fight corruption, etc). The economy roared to average yearly growth of 7% between 2003 and 2007 (although average monthly oil price under his regime was $38), and poverty dropped from estimated 70% in1999 to 54% in 2004. Obasanjo was his own coordinating minister of the economy and chairman of the economic management team— which he chaired for 90 minutes every week. I met with him daily. In other words, he did not outsource economic management.

We expected that the next government after Obasanjo would take the economy to the next level. So far, we have had two great slogans: the 7-point agenda and currently, the transformation agenda. They remain empty slogans without content or direction.

Let me suggest that the fundamental challenge for the next government on the economy can be framed around the goal of creating twelve million jobs over the next four years to have a dent on unemployment and poverty. The challenge is to craft a development agenda to deliver this within the context of broken public finance, and an economy in which painful structural adjustments will be inevitable if current trends in oil prices continue. Most other programmes on corruption, security, power, infrastructure, etc, are expected to be instruments to achieve this objective.

So far, neither the APC nor the PDP has a credible programme for employment and poverty reduction. The APC promises to create 20,000 jobs per state in the first year, totalling a mere 720,000 jobs. This sounds like a quota system and for a country where the new entrants into the labour market per annum exceed two million. If it was intended as a joke, APC must please get serious. On the other hand, President Jonathan targets two million jobs per annum but his strategy for doing so is a Job Board— another committee of sort. Sorry, Mr. President, a Job Board is not a strategy. The principal job Nigerians hired you to do for them is to create jobs for them too. You cannot outsource that job, Sir. Creating 3 million jobs per annum under the unfolding crisis would task our creativity and audacity to the limits.

I heard one politician argue that once we fix power, private sector would create jobs. Not necessarily! Well, this government claims to have added 1,700MW to the national grid and yet unemployment soars. Ask Greece, Spain, etc with power and infrastructure and yet with high unemployment. Structural dislocations play a key role. For example, currently in Nigeria, it is estimated that more than 60% of graduates of our educational system are unemployable. You can understand why many of us are amused when the government celebrates that it has established 12 more glorified secondary schools as universities. I thought they would have told us how many Nigerian universities made it in the league of the best 200 universities in the world. That would have been an achievement. Surely, creating millions of jobs in this economy would, among other things, require ‘new money’ and extraordinary system of coordination among the three tiers of government plus the private sector. Unfortunately, from what I read, the CBN is largely likely to be asleep at this time the country needs the most revolutionary finance. This is a topic for another day. Only the President can lead this effort. Moreover, we are waiting for the two parties/candidates to spell out HOW they will create jobs, whether it is the 20,000 jobs per state by APC or 2 million per annum by President Jonathan. Let us know how you arrived at the figures. Whichever of the two that is declared winner will have his job cut out for him, and I expect him to declare a national emergency on job creation.

Surprisingly, none of the parties/candidates has any grand vision about African economic integration, led by Nigeria. There is no programme on how to make the naira the de facto currency of ECOWAS or the international financial centre that can attract more than $100 billion per annum. Where is the strategy for orchestrating the revolutionary finance to power the economy during this downturn? For President Jonathan, I find it shocking that the most important initiative of his government to secure the future of the economy by Nigeria refusing to sign the ruinous Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the European Union is not even being mentioned. President Obasanjo saved Nigeria from the potential ruin of an ECOWAS single currency while to his credit Jonathan safeguarded our industrial sector/economy by refusing to sign the EPA. Or does the government not understand the import of that? It will be interesting to know the APC’s strategy for exploiting strategic alliances within Africa, China, and the world for Nigeria’s prosperity.

If Buhari wins, he will ride on the populist wind for “change”. Most people I have spoken to who have decided to vote for Buhari do not necessarily know the specifics of what he would offer or how Nigeria would be different under him. I asked my driver, Usman, whom he would vote for President. He responded: “If they no rig the election, na Buhari everybody go vote for”. I asked him why, and his next response sums it: “The man dey honest. In short, people just want to see another face for that villa”. But if he wins, the honeymoon will be brief and the pressure will be immense to magically deliver a ‘new Nigeria’ with no corruption, no Boko Haram or insecurity, jobs for everyone, no poverty, infrastructure and power in abundance, etc. As a first point, Buhari and his team must realize that they do not yet have a coherent, credible agenda that is consistent with the fundamentals of the economy currently. The APC manifesto contains some good principles and wish-lists, but as a blue print for Nigeria’s security and prosperity, it is largely hollow. The numbers do not add up. Thus, his first job is to present a credible development agenda to Nigerians.

The second key challenge for Buhari and his team will be to transit and transform from a group of what I largely refer to as aggrieved people’s congregation to build a true political party with a soul from the patchwork of political associations. It is surely easier to oppose than to govern. This should not worry us much. After all, even the PDP which has been in power for 16 years is still an assembly of people held together by what I refer to as dining table politics. I am not sure how many members can tell you what their party stands for or its mission and vision for Nigeria. The third but more difficult agenda is cobbling together a truly ‘progressive team’ that will begin to pick the pieces. The lesson of history is that the best leaders have been the ones who went beyond their narrow provincial enclaves to recruit talents and mobilize capacities for national transformation. In Nigeria’s history, the two presidents who made the most fundamental transformation of the economy, Babangida and Obasanjo, were exceptional in the quality of the teams they put together. I therefore pray that Buhari will be magnanimous in victory – if he wins—to put together a ‘team Nigeria’ for the rescue mission.

If Jonathan wins, then God must have been magnanimous to give him a second chance to redeem himself. Most people I know who support Jonathan do so either out of self-interest or fear of the unknown. As a friend summed it: the devil you know is better than the angel you do not know. One person assured me that we would see a ‘different Jonathan’ if he wins as he has been rattled by the harsh judgment of history on his presidency so far. I just pray that he is right. In that case, I would just draw the President’s attention to two issues:

First, beside the coterie of clowns who literally make a living with the sing-song of transformation agenda, President Jonathan must know that it remains an empty slogan. His greatest challenge is how to save himself from the stranglehold of his largely provincial palace jesters who tell him he has done better than God, and seek out ‘enemies’ and friends who can help him write his name in history. Propaganda won’t do it.

Second, Jonathan must claw back his powers as President of Nigeria. He largely outsourced them, and must now roll his sleeves for a new beginning. I take liberty to tell you this brutal truth: if you are not re-elected, there is little to remember your regime after the next few years. On 7th January 2004, I made a special presentation to an expanded economic management team to set agenda for the new year (as chief economic adviser). The focus of my presentation was for us to identify seven iroko trees that would be the flagship markers for the administration as well as how to finance them. I use the same framework to evaluate your administration. What I say to you, Mr. President, is that your record of performance so far is like a farmland filled with grasses. Yes, they are many but there is no tree, let alone any iroko tree, that stands out. Think about this. The beginning of wisdom for every President in his second term is to admit that he is racing against time to cement his legacy. So far, your report card is not looking great. You need a team of big and bold thinkers, as well as with excellent execution capacity. So far, it is not working!

Under the executive presidential system, Nigerians elected you to manage their economy. You cannot outsource that job. Our constitution envisages a federal coordination of the economy, and that function is performed by the National Economic Council (NEC) with Vice-President as chairman. Indeed, the constitution and other laws of Nigeria envisage the office of the VP as the coordinator on the economy. All major economic institutions of the federal government are, by law, chaired by the Vice-President including the national planning (see functions of the national planning commission as coordinator of federal government economic and development programmes), debt management office, National Council on Privatization, etc. As chairman of National Planning (with Ministers of Finance, Agriculture, CBN governor, etc as members), the VP oversees the federal planning and coordination. Then the Constitution mandates the VP as representative of the federal government to chair the NEC, with only CBN governor and state governors as members—to coordinate national economy between federal and states. No minister is a member of NEC. Many people do not understand the logic of the design of our constitution and the role of the VP. Of course, the buck stops on the desk of Mr. President. Only the President and VP have our mandate to govern us. Every other person is an adviser/assistant.

I bet that you will only appreciate this article AFTER you leave office. Now that you are in power, truth will only hurt! Be assured that those of us who are prepared to die for Nigeria will never spare you or anyone else this bitter truth.

Nigeria must survive and prosper beyond Buhari or Jonathan!

http://blogs.premiumtimesng.com/?p=166625

[size=28pt]Buhari vs Jonathan: Beyond The Election, [/size]

By Chukwuma Charles SoludoPremium Times





I need to preface this article with a few clarifications. I have taken a long sabbatical leave from partisan politics, and it is real fun watching the drama from the balcony. Having had my own share of public service (I do not need a job from government), I now devote my time and energy in pursuit of other passions, especially abroad. A few days ago, I read an article in Thisday entitled “Where is Charles Soludo?”, and my answer is that I am still there, only that I have been too busy with extensive international travels to participate in or comment on our national politics and economy.

But I occasionally follow events at home. Since the survival and prosperity of Nigeria are at stake, the least some of us (albeit, non-partisan) must do is to engage in public debate. As the elections approach, I owe a duty to share some of my concerns.

In September 2010, I wrote a piece entitled “2011 Elections: Let the Real Debate Begin” and published by Thisday. I understand the Federal Executive Council discussed it, and the Minister of Information rained personal attacks on me during the press briefing. I noted more than six newspaper editorials in support of the issues we raised. Beside other issues we raised, our main thesis was that the macro economy was dangerously adrift, with little self-insurance mechanisms (and a prediction that if oil prices fell below $40, many state governments would not be able to pay salaries). I gave a subtle hint at easy money and exchange rate depreciations because I did not want to panic the market with a strong statement. Sadly, on the eve of the next elections, literally everything we hinted at has happened. Part of my motivation for this article is that five years after, the real debate is still not happening.

The presidential election next month will be won by either Buhari or Jonathan. For either, it is likely to be a pyrrhic victory. None of them will be able to deliver on the fantastic promises being made on the economy, and if oil prices remain below $60, I see very difficult months ahead, with possible heady collisions with labour, civil society, and indeed the citizenry. To be sure, the presidential election will not be decided by the quality of ‘issues’ or promises canvassed by the candidates. The debates won’t also change much (except if there is a major gaffe by either candidate like Tofa did in the debate with Abiola). My take is that more than 95% of the likely voters have pretty much made up their minds based largely on other considerations. A few of us remain undecided. During my brief visit to Nigeria, I watched some of the campaign rallies on television. The tragedy of the current electioneering campaigns is that both parties are missing the golden opportunity to sensitize the citizenry about the enormous challenges ahead and hence mobilize them for the inevitable sacrifices they would be called upon to make soon. Each is promising an El-Dorado.

Let me admit that the two main parties talk around the major development challenges—corruption, insecurity, economy (unemployment/poverty, power, infrastructure, etc) health, education, etc. However, it is my considered view that none of them has any credible agenda to deal with the issues, especially within the context of the evolving global economy and Nigeria’s broken public finance. The UK Conservative Party’s manifesto for the last election proudly announced that all its programmes were fully costed and were therefore implementable. Neither APC nor PDP can make a similar claim. A plan without the dollar or Naira signs to it is nothing but a wish-list. They are not telling us how much each of their promises will cost and where they will get the money. None talks about the broken or near bankrupt public finance and the strategy to fix it.

In response to the question of where the money will come from, I heard one of the politicians say that the problem of Nigeria was not money but the management of resources. This is half-truth. The problem is both. No matter how efficient a father (with a monthly salary of N50,000) is at managing the family resources, I cannot see how he could deliver on a promise to buy a brand new Peugeot 406 for each of his three children in a year. Even with all the loopholes and waste closed, with increased efficiency per dollar spent, there is still a binding budget constraint. To deliver an efficient national transport infrastructure alone will still cost tens of billions of dollars per annum even by corruption-free, cost-effective means. Did I hear that APC promises a welfare system that will pay between N5,000 and N10,000 per month to the poorest 25 million Nigerians? Just this programme alone will cost between N1.5 and N3 trillion per annum. Add to this the cost of free primary education plus free meal (to be funded by the federal budget or would it force non-APC state governments to implement the same?), plus some millions of public housing, etc.

I have tried to cost some of the promises by both the APC and the PDP, given alternative scenarios for public finance and the numbers don’t add up. Nigerians would be glad to know how both parties would fund their programmes. Do they intend to accentuate the huge public debt, or raise taxes on the soon to-be-beleaguered private businesses, or massively devalue the naira to rake in baskets of naira from the dwindling oil revenue, or embark on huge fiscal retrenchment with the sack of labour and abandonment of projects, and which areas of waste do they intend to close and how much do they estimate to rake in from them, etc? I remember that Chief Obafemi Awolowo was asked similar questions in 1978 and 1979 about his promises of free education and free medical services. Even as a teenager, I was impressed by how he reeled out figures about the amounts he would save from various ‘waste’ including the tea/coffee served in government offices. The point is that at least he did his homework and had his numbers and I give credit to his team. Some 36 years later, the quality of political debate and discourse seems to border on the pedestrian. From the quality of its team, I did not expect much from the current government, but I must confess that I expected APC as a party aspiring to take over from PDP to come up with a knock-out punch. Evidently, from what we have read from the various versions of its manifesto as well as the depth of promises being made, it does not seem that it has a better offer.

Let me digress a bit to refresh our memory on where we are, and thus provide the context in which to evaluate the promises being made to us. Recall that the key word of the 2015 budget is ‘austerity’. Austerity? This is just within a few months of the fall in oil prices. History repeats itself in a very cruel way, as this was exactly what happened under the Shehu Shagari administration. Under the Shagari government, oil price reached its highest in 1980/81. During the same period, Nigeria ratcheted up its consumption and all tiers of government were in competition as to which would out-borrow the other. Huge public debt was the consequence. When oil prices crashed in early 1982, the National Assembly then passed the Economic Stabilization (Austerity Measures) Act in one day— going through the first, second, and third readings the same day. The austerity measures included the rationing of ‘essential commodities’ and most states owed salary arrears. Corruption was said to be pervasive, and as Sani Abacha said in that famous coup speech, ‘unemployment has reached unacceptable proportions and our hospitals have become mere consulting clinics’. General Muhammadu Buhari/Tunde Idiagbon regime made the fight against corruption and restoration of discipline the cardinal point of their administration which lasted for 20 months. I am not sure they had a credible plan to get the economy out of the doldrums (although it must be admitted that poverty incidence in Nigeria as of 1985 when they left office was a just 46%— according to the Federal Office of Statistics).

We have come full circle. If the experience under Shagari could be excused as an unexpected shock, what Nigeria is going through now is a consequence of our deliberate wrong choices. We have always known that the unprecedented oil boom (in both price and quantity—despite oil theft) of the last six years is temporary but the government chose to treat it as a permanent shock. The parallels with the Shagari regime are troubling. First, at the time of oil boom, Nigeria again went on a consumption spree such that the budgets of the last five years can best be described as ‘consumption budgets’, with new borrowing by the federal government exceeding the actual expenditure on critical infrastructure. Second, not one penny was added to the stock of foreign reserves at a period Nigeria earned hundreds of billions from oil. For comparisons, President Obasanjo met about $5 billion in foreign reserves, and the average monthly oil price for the 72 months he was in office was $38, and yet he left $43 billion in foreign reserves after paying $12 billion to write-off Nigeria’s external debt. In the last five years, the average monthly oil price has been over $100, and the quantity also higher but our foreign reserves have been declining and exchange rate depreciating.

I note that when I assumed office as Governor of CBN, the stock of foreign reserves was $10 billion. The average monthly oil price during my 60 months in office was $59, but foreign reserve reached the all-time peak of $62 billion (and despite paying $12 billion for external debt, and losing over $15 billion during the unprecedented global financial and economic crisis) I left behind $45 billion. Recall also that our exchange rate continuously appreciated during this period and was at N117 to the dollar before the global crisis and we deliberately allowed it to depreciate in order to preserve our reserves. My calculation is that if the economy was better managed, our foreign reserves should have been between $102 –$118 billion and exchange rate around N112 before the fall in oil prices. As of now, the reserves should be around $90 billion and exchange rate no higher than N125 per dollar.

Third, the rate of public debt accumulation at a time of unprecedented boom had no parallel in the world. While the Obasanjo administration bought and enlarged the policy space for Nigeria, the current government has sold and constricted it. What debt relief did for Nigeria was to liberate Nigerian policymakers from the intrusive conditionalities of the creditors and thereby truly allowing Nigeria independence in its public policy. How have we used the independence? Through our own choices, we have yet again tied the hands of future policymakers. This time, the debt is not necessarily to foreign creditor institutions/governments which are organized under the Paris club but largely to private agents which is even more volatile. We call it domestic debt. But if one carefully unpacks the bond portfolio, what percentage of it is held by foreign private agents? And I understand the Government had removed the speed bumps we kept to slow the speed of capital flight, and someone is sweating to explain the gyrations in foreign reserves. I am just smiling!

In sum, the mismanagement of our economy has brought us once more to the brink. Government officials rely on the artificial construct of debt to GDP ratio to tell us we can borrow as much as we want. That is nonsense, especially for an economy with a mono but highly volatile source of revenue and forex earnings. The chicken will soon come home to roost. Today, the combined domestic and external debt of the Federal Government is in excess of $40 billion. Add to this the fact that abandoned capital projects littered all over the country amount to over $50 billion. No word yet on other huge contingent liabilities. If oil prices continue to fall, I bet that Nigeria will soon have a heavy debt burden even with low debt to GDP ratio. Furthermore, given the current and capital account regime, it is evident that Nigeria does not have enough foreign reserves to adequately cover for imports plus short term liabilities. In essence, we are approaching the classic of what the Shagari government faced, and no wonder the hasty introduction of ‘austerity measures’ again.

Fourth, poverty incidence and unemployment are also simultaneously at all-time high levels. According to the NBS, poverty incidence grew to 69% in 2010 and projected to be 71% in 2011, with unemployment at 24%. This is the worst record in Nigeria’s history, and the paradox is that this happened during the unprecedented oil boom.

One theme I picked up listening to the campaign rallies as well as to some of the propagandists is the confusion about measuring government “performance”. Most people seem to confuse ‘inputs’, or ‘processes’ with output. Earlier this month, I had a dinner with a group of friends (14 of us) and we were chit-chatting about Nigeria. One of us, an associate of President Jonathan veered off to repeat a propaganda mantra that Jonathan had outperformed his predecessors. He also reminded us that Jonathan re-based the GDP and that Nigeria is now the biggest economy in Africa; etc. It was fun listening to the response by others. In sum, the group agreed that the President had ‘outperformed’ his predecessors except that it is in reverse order. First, my friend was educated that re-basing the GDP is no achievement: it is a routine statistical exercise, and depending on the base year that you choose, you get a different GDP figure. Re-basing the GDP has nothing to do with government policy. Besides, as naira-dollar exchange rate continues to depreciate, the GDP in current dollars will also shrink considerably soon.

We were reminded of Jonathan’s agricultural ‘revolution’. But someone cut in and noted that for all the propaganda, the growth rate of the agricultural sector in the last five years still remains far below the performance under Obasanjo. One of us reminded him that no other president had presided over the slaughter of about 15,000 people by insurgents in a peacetime; no other president earned up to 50% of the amount of resources the current government earned from oil and yet with very little outcomes; no other president had the rate of borrowing; none had significant forex earnings and yet did not add one penny to foreign reserves but losing international reserves at a time of boom; no other president had a depreciating exchange rate at a time of export boom; at no time in Nigeria’s history has poverty reached 71% (even under Abacha, it was 67 -70%); and under no other president did unemployment reach 24%. Surely, these are unprecedented records and he surely ‘outperformed’ his predecessors! What a satire!

One of those present took the satire to some level by comparing Jonathan to the ‘performance’ of the former Governor of Anambra, Peter Obi. He noted that while Obi gloated about ‘savings’, there is no signature project to remember his regime except that his regime took the first position among all states in Nigeria in the democratization of poverty—- mass impoverishment of the people of Anambra. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, poverty rose under his watch in Anambra from 20% in 2004 (lowest in Nigeria then) to 68% in 2010 (a 238% deterioration!). Our friend likened it to a father who had no idea of what to do with his resources and was celebrating his fat bank account while his children were dying of kwashiorkor. He pointed out that since it is the likes of Peter Obi who are the advisers to Jonathan on how to manage the economy (thereby confusing micromanagement which you do as a trader with macro governance) it is little wonder that poverty is fast becoming another name for Nigeria. It was a very hilarious evening.

My advice to President Jonathan and his handlers is to stop wasting their time trying to campaign on his job record. Those who have decided to vote for him will not do so because he has taken Nigeria to the moon. His record on the economy is a clear ‘F’ grade. As one reviews the laundry list of micro interventions the government calls its achievements, one wonders whether such list is all that the government could deliver with an unprecedented oil boom and an unprecedented public debt accumulation. I can clearly see why reasonable people are worried. Everywhere else in the world, government performance on the economy is measured by some outcome variables such as: income (GDP growth rate), stability of prices (inflation and exchange rate), unemployment rate, poverty rate, etc. On all these scores, this government has performed worse than its immediate predecessor— Obasanjo regime. If we appropriately adjust for oil income and debt, then this government is the worst in our history on the economy. All statistics are from the National Bureau of Statistics.



http://blogs.premiumtimesng.com/?p=166625

[size=28pt]A model (opening) campaign speech for Jonathan (II)[/size]


“On corruption, I want to put it on record that no administration can match our records. I wish to inform you today that I have reversed the presidential pardon I granted Mr Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, the former Governor of Bayelsa. He is now going to face trial regarding allegations of money laundering. Each of Maina and Steve Orosanye, the former Head of Service, will also answer charges in respect of the alleged mismanagement of pension funds. I have also asked the Supreme Court to retry Bode George, however long it takes.

Equally, I have asked the Attorney General of the federation to prosecute those involved in the Malabu Oil scam as well as those who fleeced our country under the guise of petroleum subsidy. Both Faruk Lawan and Femi Otedola are now to defend themselves before the court against allegations of oil subsidy bribe. Having released the investigative report on defunct Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), I am equally going to make public all other reports commissioned by this administration and these include the Nuhu Ribadu NNPC Report, the Galtimari Report, the Architect Bunu Report, the Petroleum Subsidy Report as well as the NNPC Forensic Audit report I have mentioned earlier.

“I should also inform you that I have relieved the Minister of Petroleum of her duties in line with the recommendations of the forensic audit report we are releasing today and she is expected to answer all the charges for which the report indicted her. Separately, she will appear in court to explain her role in the N10 billion aircraft charter saga and myriad of other allegations of financial graft against her.

“As a leader, I have resolved to lead by example. Accordingly, I am publicly declaring my assets and have asked all federal government’s appointees to do same. Declaration of assets will no longer be in secret if we want to earn the confidence of our citizens. I implore governors and chairmen down to councillors to make public all their assets before and after holding offices as dictated by the constitution.
“I am also submitting an executive bill to the National Assembly to consider the withdrawal of immunity for all those wielding executive power and hitherto shielded from criminal proceedings. People who want to offer themselves for service must submit to public scrutiny to determine if their motives are truly altruistic. The immunity clause when removed would help us eliminate questionable characters from our governance system.

“PDP, Power! Power, PDP!

“If I have dwelt so much on the question of corruption today, it is because of our administration is worried about it. As I have always maintained, my presidential ambition is not worth the life of a single Nigerian. To my mind, we are all in this with the sole purpose of serving the people. We must therefore eschew all sorts of violence. Accordingly, I forbid my campaign spokesmen from disparaging the person of my opponent. Though I want to win, I do not permit any PDP leader or supporter to question my opponent’s educational qualifications for this contest. Having served our country well as a courageous officer of the Nigerian Army, we must accord him due respect and assume that he is worthy of the office he is competing for.
“Equally, I call on our party men and women to refrain from questioning his health. We should leave this to civil society and voters to query the state of his health and assess the answers given. In my own opinion, we need to focus on our records in office and convince Nigerians to re-elect us.

“I have repeatedly warned against the resort to inflammatory statements by politicians, religious leaders and ethnic champions. As I said before, God didn’t make mistake in amalgamating Nigeria. There are many other countries in this world inhabited by multiple ethnic and religious groups indigenous to them. We must therefore jettison hate speeches that more often than not generate conflict and hinder nation building. Our diversity should serve us well by complimenting whatever shortcomings we perceive in one another. We can, and we must make our country work by inspiring our people to see themselves as citizens of a great nation where freedom, prosperity and the pursuit of happiness are available to all.
“As for the PTF report, we shall continue to examine its contents because we think it is necessary for the country to have an insight into the records of service of our opponent. After all, the PTF investigation wasn’t even instituted by our government but those before us. Again, we cannot be accused of partisanship since we have released all other investigative reports that we ordered into various aspects of governance which I have mentioned before.

“As you are aware, we have signed a conflict and violent free electioneering accord in which we have all undertaken to maintain peace before, during and after election. I thank all our opponents for signing into the accord and hope that we would observe both its letter and spirit. As an indication of our commitment to fight election crimes, I am sending another bill to the National Assembly to help us enact a law to combat electoral offences. It is my fervent prayer that NASS does this before the elections are over. On my part, I wish to assure you that I will sign that bill as soon as it gets to my table.

“This is our only country; please let us conduct ourselves peacefully. Though I don’t envisage it, if our opponents win these elections, I shall gladly congratulate and hand over power to them peacefully.”

Dear readers, if the president had said something like these, it would have illuminated and dignified the campaigns, instead of the angry sitcom we saw in Lagos and elsewhere.

http://dailytrust.com.ng/daily/opinion/44707-a-model-opening-campaign-speech-for-jonathan-ii

[size=28pt]A model (opening) campaign speech for Jonathan (I)[/size]

“Dear compatriots. I believe most of you know me by now. My name is Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan. I have been presiding over the affairs of this country since 2009 upon the demise of my former boss, President Umar ‘Yaradua; may his soul rest in peace. As you’re aware, my party, the Peoples Democratic Party, the largest political party in Africa, has again nominated me to seek re-election into the exalted office of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. In the last six years we have changed the face of this country and fulfilled our solemn promises to you.

“I want to start this presidential campaign with a report on our security situation. You would recall that I vowed to bring security to the North Eastern part of our country, specifically combating the Boko Haram insurgency. I am happy to say that we have killed their leader Abubakar Shekau, captured and imprisoned hundreds of his followers now awaiting trial and returned the Chibok girls to their parents. We have posted many of these girls to the schools of their choice around the country and hope it will help them overcome the trauma suffered in captivity. We have given money to their parents to restart life and the government is rebuilding their homes. I have two of these girls with me here, Salomey and Salama and each of them is going to take three minutes to share with you the account of their ordeal in the hands of Boko Haram. I salute the dutifulness and bravery of our armed forces as well and thank the leadership of Benin Republic, Chad, Cameroun, and Niger for their brotherly assistance. Although we have improved the security situation, we remain vigilant.”

“We promised 5000MW of electricity by the end of 2014, and even though we have delivered on that, I wish to assure you that we will double the supply to 10,000MW if you renew our mandate. With our abundant oil, sun and coal, we have no reason to reside in dark homes or be unable to power our factories and offices. The PDP will do everything to ensure that we have enough electricity to service the industrial and social needs of our population.

“On crude oil theft, I wish to inform you that we have significantly reduced the quantity of oil stolen from our country, thanks to the Nigerian Navy. The battle is not over yet but we have recorded appreciable progress in that regard. Thirty seven foreigners have been arrested and prosecuted along with 73 local collaborators. Nineteen foreign vessels have been confiscated. The Navy will give you their own figures of internal saboteurs they have dismissed. I want to assure you that we shall continue to bring justice to those bent on destroying our economy. In the meantime, I would like to express our gratitude to our neighbours who have been cooperating with us to rid the Gulf of Guinea of the menace of crude oil theft and other criminalities.

“In terms of infrastructure, it is heart-warming to also let you know that on my way here, I commissioned the rehabilitated Lagos-Ibadan Expressway which we have expanded to ten lanes. My party hopes that Nigerians would appreciate this gesture aimed at easing transportation on the route to the country’s commercial capital. Let me also inform you that the federal and Lagos state governments are talking with our foreign partners to explore the possibility of re-launching the Lagos metro line which was unjustly aborted by our opponent in 1983. We cannot afford to leave Lagos to its fate without modern means of intra-city transport befitting the commercial nerve centre of the giant of Africa. The people of this city must move on time and in comfort as they pursue leisure or business from one part of the city to another. Lagos must excel.

“Still on infrastructure, I am going to Onitsha from here to commission the 2nd Niger Bridge which cost our country N138 billion. With the commissioning of this bridge, which we regard as a national priority, people will henceforth have unhindered access to this industrious part of our country, as far as road transport is concerned.

“To demonstrate our confidence in our newly transformed railways, I and my entourage are going to take a train ride from Enugu to Port Harcourt. For too long, we have neglected this important mode of transport that moves people and goods en masse. Let me also announce that before the end of the year, the government is going to resuscitate the contracts instruments for the construction of a new rail link between Lagos and Kano as part of the efforts to modernise our railways.

“Moreover, I shall not conclude my campaign in the South-South without commissioning the East-West road. This important road as the description suggests will link the Eastern and southern part of the country and is a proof that the people of Niger Delta will after all benefit from the proceeds of oil. It is just one in the series of new roads, railways, sea ports and new petro-chemical plants we are going to inaugurate in order to stimulate economic activities there. As the amnesty ends this year, the thousands of militants we have trained will find enough jobs that will make them proud and productive citizens of Nigeria. From whom much is taken, much should be given. By the time we complete the transformation of the economy of our country, we will not only remain the number one economy in Africa but also realise our goal of becoming the 20th largest in the world.

“Are you there? When I say PDP, you say Power! When I say power, you say PDP!”

http://dailytrust.com.ng/daily/opinion/44146-a-model-opening-campaign-speech-for-jonathan-i

[size=28pt]Yes, this president is a failure - Azuka Onwuka[/size]

What has President Goodluck Jonathan achieved in the four years and 11 months of his administration since February 9, 2010 when he became the Acting President? Let him show us one thing he has achieved.

For example, I just came back from the South-East through the Sagamu-Benin Expressway. This was a road that was as smooth and beautiful as the German autobahn all through the eight years of President Olusegun Obasanjo and the two and half years of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. The Ore portion of this road was such a delight then that people spent just two minutes there instead of two days. When Yar’Adua became president in 2007, that portion of the expressway was so beautiful that his Minister of Transport, Mrs Diezani Alison-Madueke, visited it but did not weep. Rather, she sang the Halleluya Chorus in ecstasy because of the beauty of the road. But Jonathan came in and destroyed that road and all other roads.

When I passed through Ore this Christmas/New Year season, I was surprised at the havoc Jonathan had done to that road through the SURE-P programme. It took me six days to travel from Lagos to Onitsha and five and half days on my return trip! Last year, Jonathan inaugurated the destruction of the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, with Julius Berger handling the Lagos to Sagamu part and RCC handling the Sagamu to Ibadan part. When I visited Ibadan/Osogbo two months ago, I noticed that some portions of the road had already been destroyed. If the companies keep to the four-year destruction plan, by 2017, that road would have been fully destroyed. The Apapa-Oshodi Expressway that used to be loved by drivers of heavy-duty trucks because of its smoothness has now been destroyed by Jonathan. He has done the same thing to other wonderful roads in other parts of the country. What a man!


Before 2010, farmers were being begged to collect as many bags of fertiliser as they liked. There was no iota of bribery and racketeering in fertiliser distribution. If you were passing by a bus stop, you would be begged to collect as many bags as you wanted. Consequently, Nigerian farmers produced so much food that Nigeria was able to feed itself and the entire Africa. But since Jonathan took over, fertiliser has become as scarce as elephant tusk. Bribery has taken over the distribution. We have not produced even a bag of rice since he came in.

Who says that Jonathan is not a failure? When he came in, our aviation industry was the best in the world. Aeroplanes were not dropping from the Nigerian skies: EAS Airlines (May 4, 2002); Bellview Airlines (October 22, 2005), Sosoliso Airlines (December 10, 2005), ADC Airlines (October 29, 2006). Our airports were world class. In fact, the air conditioning system worked so well that the airport lounges were freezing to the point that snow formed inside them! Under Jonathan’s tenure, contracts were awarded to simultaneously destroy all the airports. In addition, Nigeria did not attain the prestigious Category 1 Certification in aviation.

What about health? In 2014, the World Health Organsiation did not certify Nigeria free of the guinea worm disease. In 2014, it did not declare us Ebola-free. Bill Gates did not tweet in December 2014 – “One of my favourite stories of 2014: In just one year, Nigeria went from 50 polio cases to six”. Maternal mortality did not drop from 545/100,000 to 350/100,000 in four years under Jonathan.

The one that pained me most about this Jonathan was the automotive policy. Before him, Nigeria was the number one exporter of cars. Cars were even being produced in the backyard of every Nigerian house. But since he came up with the new auto policy, auto companies have been running away from our country.


What about electoral reforms? This President has destroyed our exceptional electoral system that was planted by former president Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999. In 2003, Obasanjo gave us one of the best elections. Peter Obi was not rigged out in Anambra. In 2007, while we were still jubilating about the magic of 2003, Obasanjo blessed us with the 2007 electoral miracle. All local and international observers endorsed the elections as the best in world history. Candidates did not protest. Chibuike Amaechi’s candidacy in Rivers State did not have any “K-leg”. Olusegun Mimiko was not rigged out in Ondo. In Edo, Osun and Ekiti governorship candidates of the opposition party were not rigged out.

The 2007 presidential election was so good that Yar’Adua, who benefitted from the electoral artistry, praised the election to high heavens. Even the United States and the European countries flew in to beg Obasanjo and Prof Maurice Iwu of INEC to teach them how to organise exceptional elections. Nigerians felt tall.

But when Jonathan supervised the 2011 elections, he gave us the worst ever. The Peoples Democratic Party bigwigs like Governor Adebayo Alao-Akala, Speaker Dimeji Bankole, Obasanjo’s daughter, Senator Iyabo Obasanjo, won by a landslide. The PDP won all the 36 states.

Just last month, some ministers appointed by Jonathan resigned to contest governorship primaries in their states. This same Jonathan influenced the primaries and made them governorship candidates of the PDP in all the states for the February 2015 elections: Mr Musuliu Obanikoro (Lagos), Mr Labaran Maku (Nasarawa); Prof. Onyebuchi Chukwu (Ebonyi), Mr Emeka Worgu (Abia), Dr Samuel Ortom (Benue), and Elder Godsday Orubebe (Delta). If it was Obasanjo, Senator Bola Tinubu, Maj. Gen Muhammadu Buhari or Amaechi – who hate interfering in states – they would not influence the primaries for their associates to win. But this Jonathan is just too overbearing! Haba!

Before now, other past presidents supported local production which resulted in Nigeria producing every single product it needed. Then, we were even exporting cement to the US and Europe. All the cement used for construction was bought from Nigeria. Immediately he came in, for the first time in history, we began to import cement. From 30 years ago to five years ago, we were exporting rice to Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia and the rest of the world. Our cocoa production was the highest in the world. Palm oil flowed like River Niger everywhere in the nation. Cotton was like saw dust. Groundnut pyramids filled every part of the North and even the South. Agriculture boomed. Other presidents supported agriculture massively. But today Jonathan has completely destroyed agriculture! This President needs to be whipped.

What about the railway system? Before Jonathan came in, other presidents had so much supported the railway system that we had the best rail system in the world. Rail lines and modern trains traversed every state and local government area. But since he came in, he has given instructions that the rail tracks across the nation be excavated and that the rail system be killed forthwith. What a leader!

This is a man who hates equity. He noticed that all states had federal institutions of higher learning. He went to nine states and closed down their federal universities: six in the North and three in the South. These states are Nasarawa, Taraba, Katsina, Jigawa, Gombe, Kogi, Bayelsa, Ekiti and Ebonyi. How can these states ever forgive this unjust man?

Which one should I talk about and which one should I leave? This Jonathan has not done anything. He met a land flowing with milk and honey, a land where the infrastructure was the envy of even the US, a land that had the best economy in the world, a land with the best democratic ideals, a land of justice and fairness, but what did he do? He just destroyed everything and added no value.

Let’s shave his head with a bottle shard, sentence him to 300 years in jail at the Eagles Square, and stick a message on him which reads: “Behold the father of failure!” After that, we then grab the guys at Oxford Dictionaries by the neck and force them to change the meaning of the word “failure.”

Azuka Onwuka, the writer of this satire, is a journalist. He tweets from @BrandAzuka.
http://dailypost.ng/2015/01/21/azuka-onwuka-yes-president-failure/

[size=28pt]Fayose’s Death Wish for Buhari: Go to Afao Ekiti, Go to Aso Rock, [/size]

By Pius Adesanmi


............
This is not by any means to suggest that President Jonathan is directly responsible for Fayose’s classlessness. After all, this is political season and political season is silly season. A candidate has no means of knowing or curtailing all the designs and excesses of overzealous supporters, especially those supporters motivated singularly by a desire to guarantee prebends and Federal rent collection. Indeed, it is highly unlikely that Fayose notified President Jonathan or even the Jonathan campaign of his desire to indulge in such crass stupidity as to buy up newspaper front pages and project a death wish on the President’s chief political opponent.

What makes it necessary for us to scrutinize Aso Rock is the need to understand why there is a certain part of Fayose’s brain sending a message to him that morally reprehensible acts and ethically sick actions are okay around President Jonathan, are okay on behalf of President Jonathan. What message, what body language is he getting from the President which tells him that this is okay? What exactly is the moral and ethical atmospherics around the President? What does Fayose see when he looks at that Presidential environment?

Well, he sees a campaign which has only just hired Femi Fani Kayode, a man indicted for stealing (by the way, is stealing corruption? I am confused.) and corruption with pending charges and a pending court date. He sees a man indicted by the President’s own anti-corruption agency standing on the same podium with a President who, by that token, is sending a symbolic message to the nation he leads that corruption pays. Corruption is rewarded and becomes a sure path to becoming the President’s ‘personal person.’ When Fayose looks beyond Femi Fani Kayode, he sees Doyin Okupe around the President. Doyin Okupe is a contract racketeer who still owes the people of Benue and Imo states money he collected from their commonwealth and disappeared until he was lucky to encounter a President who says to every thief: let them come unto me for theirs is the kingdom of King Jona. When Fayose looks beyond Doyin Okupe, he sees Pastor Wendell Simlin, a crooked document forger who forged documents in a fraudulent attempt to implicate the current Emir of Kano in terrorism.

This is the atmosphere devoid of integrity which Fayose sees around his boss in Abuja; this the pestilential environment run by characters who have created an ethical Ebola around the President. The President doesn’t give a damn. He is the one who hired and surrounds himself with this manner of characters. He is the one who enables and authorizes this kwashiorkored environment. This is what sends a message to Fayose’s brain that misbehaviour, ethical emptiness, and moral decadence are okay and will in fact be rewarded. This is why he could have acted alone, without needing to even seek the consent of his principal in Abuja. Fayose knows the terrain. He knows what his principal likes.

Mo mo awon aguntan mi, awon aguntan mi si mo mi…

President Jonathan knows his sheep.

President Jonathan’s sheep knows President Jonathan.

That is why they do these ‘unhearable’ and ‘unsayable’ things on his behalf.


http://blogs.premiumtimesng.com/?p=166600

[size=28pt]Niger deputy gov, 200 others dump PDP for APC[/size]

Niger State Deputy Governor, Alhaji Ahmed Ibeto, and over 2oo political office holders on Monday defected from the ruling Peoples Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress.

Announcing his defection to newsmen in Minna, Ibeto said, “I am on my way to welcome our party leader and presidential candidate, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, at Minna Airport for his campaign rally in Niger State.”

Ibeto attributed his defection to injustice melted out him and other contestants in the state party primaries, describing the exercise as flawed and stage-managed to favour anointed candidates.

Ibeto said, “The electoral process that threw up Alhaji Umar Nasko as PDP governorship candidate was not in accordance with the PDP electoral law and the constitution,”he said.

“It is true we are defecting to APC because the primaries conducted were not in accordance wirth the PDP constitution. Myself and other aggrieved party members decided to petition the National Headquaters of the party on the outcome of the governorship primaries with a view to addressing the obvious injustice but met a brickwall.

“We were expecting justice from the party’s national office but nothing was forthcoming, hence we decided to join the APC.”

He however appealed to his supporters to be law abiding and not to make politics a do-or-die battle.

Among those who defected from PDP alongside the deputy governor are serving members of National Assembly, members of State’s House of Assembly, former commissioners and former local governments chairmen

http://www.punchng.com/news/niger-deputy-gov-dumps-pdp-for-apc/

hhh

What!!!
GEJ is on his way down

[size=28pt]Dickson bans activities of TAN, other groups in Bayelsa[/size]


Apparently miffed by the activities of various groups promoting the re-election of President Goodluck Jonathan and other candidates, Bayelsa State governor, Seriake Dickson has banned the activities of Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria, TAN and other groups in the state.

A statement signed by Daniel Iwariso-Markson, Chief Press Secretary to the governor, claimed that the groups were only brewing crisis in Bayelsa.

“Those claiming to be campaigning for the re-election of President Goodluck Jonathan but are instead engaged in promoting subversive activities and inciting crisis and division within the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state will have to move their activities elsewhere,” it said.


Dickson, at a meeting with PDP flag bearers at the party secretariat in Yenagoa, said the party is the only recognized political structure saddled with the responsibility of leading Jonathan’s campaign in the state. He expressed worry at the activities of TAN, which according to him, do not seem to serve the purpose for which it was created in the state.

The governor, who enjoined all groups and individuals to queue behind him as the leader of the party in the state, alleged that TAN and some members of its top hierarchy have become tools of subversion, creating needless rancour, acrimony and division. He said the state government will no longer tolerate their actions.

Dickson added that “The activities of TAN and the other groups, if not checked, could be counter-productive, especially with the presidential and other elections, only a few weeks away, adding that he has the mandate of Bayelsans to protect the stability, peace and security of the state.”

Dickson also announced the planned visit of President Goodluck Jonathan to Bayelsa State in continuation of his re-election rally on the 5th of February.


The governor assured that the people of the state were fully mobilized to accord the president a rousing reception.

Predicting the outcome of the forthcoming polls, Dickson dubbed the campaign for next month’s elections as ‘Operation Deliver PDP All The Way,’ and urged party supporters to work for the party’s victory.

“The agenda of this government is operation deliver PDP all the way as all the candidates of the party are my candidates, and I urge everyone to work round the clock to win the February 2015 elections.

He also advised Bayelsans not to allow themselves to be misled by mischief makers and those who do not mean well for them and called on all contestants to conduct issue-based campaigns.

The governor, who attributed the peaceful conduct of the All Progressive Congress, APC rally in the state to his leadership style of political tolerance and maturity, described his administration as a pacesetter in issues of leadership.

“We are setting the pace for everything, including leadership, political tolerance and maturity. You saw what we did when we directed the security agencies to protect them at the Sports Complex.

North should present a better candidate, not an old horse like Buhari – Fayose
“We do not want anybody to say it was when they came to the president’s home base that something bad happened to anybody,” Dickson said.

http://dailypost.ng/2015/01/16/dickson-bans-activities-tan-groups-bayelsa/

Kkk

[size=28pt]Fortune had always favoured Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan until ......[/size]


The astronomical rise of Jonathan to the presidency looks like a tale from moonlight that bewildered children. Goodluck like his name suggest, had always punch above his weight, pushed forward by a mysterious force. At every major turn in his life, he always benefited from another person's demise, and someone always fought his battle for him. When Alamieyeseigha tried to challenge his karma, by stuttering back to Bayelsa to claim his governorship position, he ended up in prison. Yaradua was rushed back to Aso Rock, to claim back his presidency, which was slipping away, he ended in the grave. Clearing the way for Jonathan to ascend the most sought after job in the land, without lifting a finger. Then the gods were smiling at him.

During the 2011 election, without any boss to contend with, Jonathan hoodwinked voters with a tale of how he used to walk to school without shoe. We all fell for it, and gave him a blind cheque for four more years. At the height of the summit, Jonathan started believing in his own invincibility at the expense of the general populace. The world was in his pocket and he squandered his good luck. A river that forgets its source would in no time dry up.

Come 2015, anarchy, pain, poverty, hunger, death, is everywhere in the land, the center cannot hold; suddenly the gods spat on his face, like a deity from a Greek tragedy he must negotiate his destiny like mere mortals. His lucky charm has deserted him. Without his lucky Trojan horse to guide his route, every major turn becomes a mistake. Every time the president open his mouth he seems to shoot himself in the foot: former president is a tout (but you want his endorsement), NADECO members are hypocrite (but you want their support), stealing is not corruption (then what is it), my generation has failed (thanks, you can now leave) Nwobodo was jailed for stealing money that cannot buy a car ( I rest my case). Those whom the gods wish to destroy, they first make mad.

Like the coming of a new summer, everything started changing. The gods switch allegiance and smile at the opposition. Febuhari, sorry I mean Buhari who is label as unelectable suddenly becomes the beautiful bride. Even clergy men who once called him anti-Christ now proclaim him an angel. Despite all the personal attacks, Nigerians are flocking to Febuhari course in their droves. Victor Ikpeba captured the nation mood when he tweeted, “Even if Buhari presents NEPA bill as certificate, I will vote for him. E don reach that level”. On the question of his age, another Nigerian declared, "Even if Buhari is on wheelchair I will vote for him".


The truth about Jonathan is that the gods has deserted him, they abandoned him at the summit and there is nowhere to go except down. There is nothing neither he nor anybody can do about it. Father Mbaka captured the transformation in his New Year message when he proclaimed that Jonathan is now bad luck. Buhari sun is shining brightly, while that of Jonathan is fast disappearing on the horizon. No power on earth can stop the sun from shining, come February 2015, Buhari will be president.

[size=28pt]Has Goodluck Jonathan lost his mind?[/size]


How much did Jim Nwobodo stole (sic)? Money not up to the price of a Peugeot and Buhari regime send him to jail. Is that good enough? — Enugu, 9 January, 2015

“If somebody tells you that the best way to fight corruption is to arrest your uncle or father and show him on television, well, you won’t stop corruption, you will even encourage corruption.” – Lagos, 8 January 2015

“Since we came on board, have you suffered? Do you need to bribe someone before you get fuel?” — Lagos, 8 January 2015

These, ladies and gentlemen, are words from the first two days of the president’s time on the campaign trail. If you are confused by the absurdity of the statements, you are not alone. As an incumbent president, this should have been a triumphant victory lap; he should have been a man basking in the glory of his well-laid out plans for Nigeria coming to fruition. He should be a man fighting an easy battle—he has had one term and a bonus two years to make things happen. Instead, bewildered Nigerians have watched an overly-agitated and confused individual who cannot keep his facts straight make dismissive statements about corruption and resort to quoting one of Nigeria’s most brutal military dictators in an ill-conceived and frankly laughable attempt to smear his presidential opponent. It is obvious that his campaign and inner circle are running scared when they resort to quoting Ibrahim Babaginda to make a bad point.

It all comes off as sadly desperate and divorced from the realities Nigerians are still facing, and we as a nation are taking note as both campaigns progress. Here is a man so out of touch with reality that he had the temerity to ask, “How much did Jim Nwobodo stole (sic)?” He also asserted with every seriousness that arresting people “won’t stop corruption, you will even encourage corruption.” The logical fallacy here is astounding; like saying jailing murderers will encourage murder.

He goes on to ask ridiculous questions on armament purchases in the past, then makes a very strange comment about Buhari remembering his phone number. To top it all off, he had the temerity to ask about fuel shortages in the country? Where does this man live? Certainly not in Nigeria, because we could have told him that there were at two fuel shortages last year. Now that his shoes and modes of transportation are paid for by our taxes and sovereign wealth, I guess he has no need to keep up with what is actually going on with the people. President Goodluck Jonathan seems incapable of leading a cohesive re-election bid, or hiring competent campaign managers. What Nigerians are witnessing is a shambolic mess that cannot get facts right, whether it was facts about arms purchases, or the parity of economies in the 1960s.

They make incorrect statements instead, and focus on minutiae and erroneous, unsubstantiated untruths and character attacks on the opposition. Fortunately the Nigerian public seems to have seen right through the ploy and have ignored the president’s stumbling speeches (filled with grammar that would be atrocious coming from a secondary school student, much less a lecturer), and are focused on hearing about the issues that they care about: corruption, power, education, jobs and welfare. He has displayed an alarming persecution complex, a petulant woe-is-me attitude, and unfathomable paranoia about foreign agents being brought in to attack him on social media. It all sounds unhinged, fantastical and far from the calm and collected focus we expect from a sitting president of Africa’s most populous nation. In contrast, his opponent has remained focused on the issues, steadfastly refusing to engage in gutter politics and instead unrolling his vision and direction for the country in a concise, well-coordinated and effective campaign.

The juxtaposition of the two presidential candidates could not be starker, and it is especially telling that in social media, Jonathan is being met with scorn and derision—much to his consternation and their amusement. It has been galling to watch the lack of focus on issues or the simple acknowledgment of the tragedy that have befallen our brothers and sisters in the town of Baga, Borno State. He has instead stuck his head in the sand like an ostrich and continued on furthering his political ambition.

Mr President, silence will not make the tragedy fade from our national conscience. 2,000 men, women and children were cut down without mercy, the ‘deadliest massacre’ by Boko Haram in this country, and all we got was “[Muhammadu] Buhari cannot remember his phone number”? It shows a devastating lack of leadership and direction at a time that Nigeria can least afford to be without a commander-in-chief. What’s worse, the US Ambassador in an interview on Channels TV stated clearly that the assistance United States offered in training elite armed forces in order to combat Boko Haram was frittered away by our government because we were unable to provide equipment that would have allowed the exercise to move forward. If that team had been trained, could the Baga tragedy been averted? We will never know. What we do know is that the terrorists are emboldened by a weakened and ineffective armed forces, and the president cannot seem to right his ship. Instead of a campaign of hope and direction, we have gotten fear and misdirection.

Instead of acknowledging corruption is evil no matter the amount, he dismisses a legitimate conviction because it was not enough to buy a car. Nigerians have trusted President Jonathan for six years and have little to show for it. Our president seems to have gone missing. Let us hope that 14 February 2015 Nigerians will choose to find a new one.

Read full article here: http://www.opinions.ng/has-goodluck-jonathan-lost-his-mind/

Wow!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

buhari still leading

[size=28pt]It’s the corruption, stupid![/size]
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Category: Tuesday column Published on Tuesday, 13 January 2015 05:00
Written by Sanusi Abubakar sanusiabubakar@dailytrust.com

Journalism, it is often said, is the “first draft” of history. From all indications this first draft would say the following about President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan: he came unprepared; understood very little of what was going on; and got swept away by forces he could not comprehend.
Never in the history of Nigeria have we been faced with such simple choices. The coming election would be about just two issues: insecurity and corruption. Corruption is even more important because it limits our ability to fight insecurity, or achieve anything else. Of course we all have other complaints. One can mention crass nepotism, incompetence, general mismanagement, an economy in shambles and even political cluelessness among many others. But from all indications PDP and Jonathan are likely to lose the coming elections because of pervasive insecurity and unbridled corruption. They failed to defeat the first, and just reek of the second, from the Villa downwards. Most Nigerians are hoping that, given the chance, retired General Muhammadu Buhari can do something about both.

The truth, they say, will set you free. However, to benefit from this adage we must know what the truth is. We must start from proper definitions and problem identification. Otherwise we end up stewing in our own confusion.

A beneficiary of Nigerian elites’ power-play and sharing formula, President Jonathan nevertheless thought he was simply a sectional champion. From day one, when the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) bombed the Eagle Square on Independence Day 2010, killing at least 10 people, seriously injuring 36 others (including 11 policemen), completely destroying six cars, and damaging 18 other vehicles, Jonathan considered it his tribal duty to defend MEND, coming out, before investigations even started, to absolve it of any involvement, blaming instead perceived enemies who were out to get him. Despite MEND’s official acceptance of responsibility for that attack, and the subsequent trial and conviction of its leader Henry Okah in South Africa, he never retracted his unfortunate defence of it, nor bothered to apologise. These sectional blinkers had narrowed his vision and affected the war against Boko Haram, and most of his other policies, to this day.

To be fair to him, Jonathan did not create Boko Haram, but he was made to believe it was simply an attempt to punish him by those who lost out in the 2011 elections. He surrounded himself with people who thought it was even possible to benefit from the insurgency, punish a section of the country by crippling it, and building an ethno-religious alliance to secure him re-election. This is where the second factor complicates the story; most sought to benefit personally from the ensuing insecurity and the desire for re-election.

The president came to tolerate all the massive corruption that ensued, and even when people complained of the resulting free-for-all, he was quick to dismiss it saying that there is no corruption but “mere stealing” in Nigeria. Here again he exhibited total inability to see the problem. Corruption, which is worse than mere stealing is, however, the real problem, and this growing cancer could destroy a nation. Stealing is taking something that belongs to someone else illegally or without permission. Extra vigilance can check that or at least limits it. The police could be sufficiently empowered to arrest the culprits, and the courts could punish them. Corruption, on the other hand, refers to the abuse of entrusted power for personal gains. When our elected representatives, appointed officials charged with executive functions, and even the police and the judges abuse those powers entrusted to them to rip us all off then it becomes a different, much more serious matter.

Turning a blind eye to the shenanigans of those who are “with him” he ignored the mess in the NNPC, the sharing of trillions to supporters in the name of “fuel subsidy”, the billions spent by his Petroleum Minister to hire jets to fly around despite all the aircrafts owned by agencies under her, the illegal purchase of bullet-proof limousines by her counterpart in Aviation, the fraudulent hiring of consultants to conduct recruitment for a handful of vacancies in some government agencies which led to the death of many applicants, and even the inability to account for some $20 billion “missing” from oil revenues despite some half-hearted “forensic audit”. It was indeed, as someone puts it, a “scandal-a-week” government, populated by people who knew that once they could convince the boss of their loyalty they need not fear anything.

Not surprisingly, the chicken has come home to roost; one has to face the consequences of one’s mistakes. Government by division has its own logic; it is inherently unstable. Corruption itself has limits. The loot cannot go round to everybody, and even good projects and plans become impossible to execute because most of the funds allocated get diverted. Worst of all, even the over one trillion a year routinely voted for “security” cannot be felt on the ground, while soldiers flee insurgents complaining that they are not properly armed or fully equipped. When a government cannot even guarantee the right to life, the citizens turn elsewhere.

The PDP has ruled for the last fifteen years, and Jonathan for the best part of the last six. They are unable to convince ordinary Nigerians that they have used the time (and the vast resources available) judiciously. There is just no evidence on the ground that our funds were used effectively, honestly or fairly. Electricity, roads, bridges, refineries, water supply, public schools, clinics and hospitals were all poorly addressed, if at all. Insecurity and corruption became the main growth sectors. Lies, denials and funny statistics become articles of faith especially with regards to the economy.

At one stage there were around 5,000 “support groups” pushing for Jonathan’s re-elections, many funded directly from the Presidential Villa or by ministers and business people who have benefitted massively from his happy-go-lucky, corruption-tolerant and divisive administration. However, no amount of television adverts, radio jingles, newspaper advertorials or billboards could make up for the disastrous and painful failure to deliver. They have resorted to extreme de-marketing of their political opponents, but it does not seem to be working. We should still expect more cheap dirty-tricks. They have already labelled Buhari a Muslim fundamentalist, out to Islamise Nigeria, and even a Boko Haram supporter. They say he is a semi-literate with no certificates, who may end up jailing people for 300 years for ordinary stealing. All these, and more, are not working. Perhaps they would now look for some Chadian to come out and claim he is Buhari’s father.

Even as we await the inevitable, government-commissioned “opinion poll”, telling us Jonathan will win the election, let us be ready to take a stand against any attempt to postpone the elections as some are predicting. We have suffered enough from this “transformation agenda.” I know the APC is not made up of angels, but they are at least offering us a life-line out of our current predicament. Let us start with fighting Corruption. Other issues can be addressed subsequently. The truth remains; we cannot afford to sit on the fence because, this time around, there is no fence. If we don’t do politics, politics will do us.

For those planning to re-locate their families to Dubai, Houston or London before the elections we say safe journey; we dey kampe, as OBJ would say.

http://dailytrust.com.ng/daily/columns/tuesday-columns/44137-it-s-the-corruption-stupid

This goes to show that Buhari is a true democrat

[size=25pt] Yaradua's health: I want Jonathan to take over-Buhari[/size]

Anxiety lingers over Yar'Adua
Written by Leon Usigbe, Abuja
Sunday, 31 August 2008

AS anxiety lingers over President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua, the man he defeated in the 2007 general elections, Major-General Muhammadu Buhari (retd), wants Vice President Goodluck Jonathan to assume full executive powers so that the nation can move forward in the absence of the ailing number one citizen.

Buhari, the candidate of the All Nigerian Peoples Party, ANPP, in the 2007 polls, made his position known on the president, who was said to be recuperating in King Fahd Hospital, Saudi Arabia, after successfully undergoing renal transplant surgery, just as many members of the National Assembly declined comments on the president's ill-health on the grounds that they were not aware of the situation.


http://nigeriavillagesquare.com/forum/archive/index.php/t-22810.html