BishopJuice's Posts
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Obiagelli: slow poke president with slow poke trainsCongrats! By acting so consistently ret@rded over such a long period of time you've ended up attracting all the niggaz from the internet who actually take your merchant insults seriously and think they're in good company. |
shows at least that the PDP still has internal democracy in place unlike some |
ilugunboy: Are you always this senseless....?are you always this daft |
Thanks for unbanning me for this post https://www.nairaland.com/1581253/tammany-hall-alausa-parallels-corruption |
After the election of 1869, Tweed took control of the New York City government. His protégé, John T. Hoffman, the former mayor of the city, won election as governor, and Tweed garnered the support of good government reformers like Peter Cooper and the Union League Club, by proposing a new city charter which returned power to City Hall at the expense of the Republican-inspired state commissions. The new charter passed, thanks in part to $600,000 in bribes Tweed paid to Republicans, and was signed into law by Hoffman in 1870. Mandated new elections allowed Tammany to take over the city's Common Council when they won all fifteen aldermanic contests. The new charter put control of the city's finances in the hands of a Board of Audit, which consisted of Tweed, who was Commissioner of Public Works, Mayor A. Oakey Hall and Comptroller Richard "Slippery Dick" Connolly, both Tammany men. Hall also appointed other Tweed associates to high offices — such as Peter B. Sweeny, who took over the Department of Public Parks — providing the Tweed Ring with even firmer control of the New York City government and enabling them to defraud the taxpayers of many more millions of dollars. In the words of Albert Bigelow Paine, "their methods were curiously simple and primitive. There were no skilful manipulations of figures, making detection difficult ... Connolly, as Controller, had charge of the books, and declined to show them. With his fellows, he also 'controlled' the courts and most of the bar." For example, the construction cost of the New York County Courthouse, begun in 1861, grew to nearly $13 million – about $178 million in today's dollars, and nearly twice the cost of the Alaska Purchase in 1867.[15] "A carpenter was paid $360,751 (roughly $4.9 million today) for one month's labor in a building with very little woodwork ... a plasterer got $133,187 ($1.82 million) for two days' work". Tweed and his friends also garnered huge profits from the development of the Upper East Side, especially Yorkville and Harlem. They would buy up undeveloped property, then use the resources of the city to improve the area – for instance by installing pipes to bring in water from the Croton Aqueduct – thus increasing the value of the land, after which they sold and took their profits. The focus on the east side also slowed down the development of the west side, the topography of which made it more expensive to improve. The ring also took their usual percentage of padded contracts, as well as raking off money from property taxes. Despite the corruption of Tweed and Tammany Hall, they did accomplish the development of upper Manhattan, though at the cost of tripling the city's bond debt to almost $90 million. During the Tweed era, the proposal to build a suspension bridge between New York and Brooklyn, then an independent city, was floated by Brooklyn-boosters, who saw the ferry connections as a bottleneck to Brooklyn's further development. In order to ensure that the Brooklyn Bridge project would go forward, State Senator Henry Cruse Murphy approached Tweed to find out whether New York's aldermen would approve the proposal. Tweed's response was that $60,000 for the aldermen would close the deal, and contractor William C. Kingsley put up the cash, which was delivered in a carpet bag. Tweed and two others from Tammany also received over half the private stock of the Bridge Company, the charter of which specified that only private stockholders had voting rights, so that even though the cities of Brooklyn and Manhattan put up most of the money, they essentially had no control over the project. Tweed bought a mansion on Fifth Avenue and 43rd Street, and stabled his horses, carriages and sleighs on 40th Street. By 1871, he was a member of the board of directors of not only the Erie Railroad and the Brooklyn Bridge Company, but also the Third Avenue Railway Company and the Harlem Gas Light Company. He was president of the Guardian Savings Banks and he and his confederates set up the Tenth National Bank to better control their fortunes. Scandal Tweed's downfall came in the wake of the Orange riot of 1871, which came after Tammany Hall banned a parade of Irish Protestants celebrating a historical victory against Catholicism, because of a riot the year before in which eight people died when a crowd of Irish Catholic laborers attacked the paraders. Under strong pressure from the newspapers and the Protestant elite of the city, Tammany reversed course, and the march was allowed to proceed, with protection from city policemen and state militia. The result was an even larger riot in which over 60 people were killed and more than 150 injured. Although Tammany's electoral power base was largely centered in the Irish immigrant population, it also needed the city's elite to acquiesce in its rule, and this was conditional on the machine's ability to control the actions of their people, but the July riot showed that this capability was not nearly as strong as had been supposed. Tweed had for months been under attack from the New York Times and Thomas Nast, the cartoonist from Harper's Weekly – regarding Nast's cartoons, Tweed reportedly said, "Stop them damned pictures. I don't care so much what the papers say about me. My constituents don't know how to read, but they can't help seeing them damned pictures!" – but their campaign had only limited success in gaining traction. They were able to force an examination of the city's books, but the blue-ribbon commission of six businessmen appointed by Mayor A. Oakey Hall, a Tammany man, which included John Jacob Astor III, banker Moses Taylor and others who benefited from Tammany's actions, found that the books had been "faithfully kept", letting the air out of the effort to dethrone Tweed. The response to the Orange riot changed everything, and only days afterwards the Times/Nast campaign began to garner popular support. More importantly, the Times started to receive inside information from County Sheriff James O'Brien, whose support for Tweed had fluctuated during Tammany's reign. O'Brien had tried to blackmail Tammany by threatening to expose the ring's embezzlement to the press, and when this failed he provided the evidence he had collected to the Times. Shortly afterward, county auditor Matthew J. O'Rourke supplied additional details to the Times, which was reportedly offered $5 million to not publish the evidence. The Times also obtained the accounts of the recently deceased James Watson, who was the Tweed Ring's bookkeeper, and these were published daily, culminating in a special four-page supplement on July 29 headlined "Gigantic Frauds of the Ring Exposed". In August, Tweed began to transfer ownership in his real-estate empire and other investments to his family members. The exposes provoked an international crisis of confidence in New York City's finances, and, in particular, in its ability to repay its debts. European investors were heavily positioned in the city's bonds and were already nervous about its management – only the reputations of the underwriters were preventing a run on the city's securities. New York's financial and business community knew that if the city's credit was to collapse, it could potentially bring down every bank in the city with it. Thus, the city's elite met at Cooper Union in September to discuss political reform: but for the first time, the conversation included not only the usual reformers, but also Democratic bigwigs such as Samuel J. Tilden, who had been thrust aside by Tammany. The general consensus was that the "wisest and best citizens" should take over the governance of the city and attempt to restore investor confidence. The result was the formation of the Executive Committee of Citizens and Taxpayers for Financial Reform of the City (also known as "the Committee of Seventy" , which attacked Tammany by cutting off the city's funding. Property owners refused to pay their municipal taxes, and a judge – Tweed's old friend George Barnard, no less – enjoined the city Comptroller from issuing bonds or spending money. Unpaid workers turned against Tweed, marching to City Hall demanding to be paid. Tweed doled out some funds from his own purse – $50,000 – but it was not sufficient to end the crisis, and Tammany began to lose its essential base.Shortly thereafter, the Comptroller resigned, appointing Andrew Haswell Green, an associate of Tilden's, as his replacement. Green loosened the purse strings again, allowing city departments not under Tammany control to borrow money to operate. Green and Tilden had the city's records closely examined, and discovered money that went directly from city contractors into Tweed's pocket. The following day, they had Tweed arrested. Tweed was released on $1 million bail, and Tammany set to work to recover its position through the ballot box. Tweed was re-elected to the state senate in November 1871, due to his personal popularity and largesse in his district, but in general Tammany did not do well, and the members of the Tweed Ring began to flee the jurisdiction, many going overseas. Tweed was re-arrested, forced to resign his city positions, and was replaced as Tammany's leader. Once again, he was released on bail – $8 million this time – but Tweed's supporters, such as Jay Gould, felt the repercussions of his fall from power. Tweed's first trial, in January 1873, ended when the jury was unable to agree on a verdict. His retrial in November resulted in convictions on 204 of 220 counts, a fine of $12,750 ($225,000 in 2010, adjusted for inflation) and a prison sentence of twelve years; a higher court, however, reduced Tweed's sentence to one year. After his release from prison, New York State filed a civil suit against Tweed, attempting to recover $6 million in embezzled funds. Unable to put up the $3 million bail, Tweed was locked up in the Ludlow Street Jail, although he was allowed home visits. On one of these, Tweed escaped and fled to Spain, where he worked as a common seaman on a Spanish ship. The U.S. government discovered his whereabouts and arranged for his arrest once he reached the Spanish border; he was recognized from Nast's political cartoons. He was turned over to an American warship, which delivered him to authorities in New York City on November 23, 1876, and he was returned to prison. Desperate and broken, Tweed now agreed to testify about the inner workings of his corrupt Ring to a special committee set up by the Board of Alderman, in return for his release, but after he did so, Tilden, now governor of New York, refused to abide by the agreement, and Tweed remained incarcerated. He died in the Ludlow Street Jail on April 12, 1878 from severe pneumonia, and was buried in the Brooklyn Green-Wood Cemetery. Mayor Smith Ely would not allow the flag at City Hall to be flown at half staff. In depictions of Tweed and the Tammany Hall organization, historians have emphasized the thievery and conspiratorial nature of Boss Tweed, but along with lining his own pocket, and those of his friends and allies. The theme is that the sins of corruption so violated American standards of political rectitude that they far overshadow Tweed's positive contributions to New York City. Tweed himself wanted no particular recognition of his achievements, such as they were. When it was proposed, in March 1871, when he was at the height of his power, that a statue be erected in his honor, he declared: "Statues are not erected to living men ... I claim to be a live man, and hope (Divine Providence permitting) to survive in all my vigor, politically and physically, some years to come." One of Tweed's unwanted legacies is that he has become "the archetype of the bloated, rapacious, corrupt city boss" https://www.hotflick.net/flicks/2002_Gangs_of_New_York/tn640/fhd002GNY_Jim_Broadbent_008.jpg Boss Tweed above as depicted in the Movie Gangs Of NewYork |
William M. Tweed https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/5e/William_Magear_%22Boss%22_Tweed_%281870%29.jpg/225px-William_Magear_%22Boss%22_Tweed_%281870%29.jpg William Magear Tweed (April 3, 1823 – April 12, 1878) – often erroneously referred to as William Marcy Tweed (see below), and widely known as "Boss" Tweed – was an American politician most notable for being the "boss" of Tammany Hall, the Democratic Party political machine that played a major role in the politics of 19th century New York City and State. At the height of his influence, Tweed was the third-largest landowner in New York City, a director of the Erie Railroad, the Tenth National Bank, and the New-York Printing Company, as well as proprietor of the Metropolitan Hotel. (sounds familiar?) Tweed was elected to the United States House of Representatives in 1852 and the New York County Board of Supervisors in 1858, the year he became the head of the Tammany Hall political machine. He was also elected to the New York State Senate in 1867, but Tweed's greatest influence came from being an appointed member of a number of boards and commissions, his control over political patronage in New York City through Tammany, and his ability to ensure the loyalty of voters through jobs he could create and dispense on city-related projects. According to Tweed biographer Kenneth D. Ackerman: It's hard not to admire the skill behind Tweed's system ... The Tweed ring at its height was an engineering marvel, strong and solid, strategically deployed to control key power points: the courts, the legislature, the treasury and the ballot box. Its frauds had a grandeur of scale and an elegance of structure: money-laundering, profit sharing and organization. Tweed was convicted for stealing an amount estimated by an aldermen's committee in 1877 at between $25 million and $45 million from New York City taxpayers through political corruption, although later estimates ranged as high as $200 million. Based on the inflation or devaluation rate of the dollar since 1870 of 2.7%, $25–$200 million is between $1 and $8 billion 2010 dollars. He died in the Ludlow Street Jail. |
ilugunboy: Ogbeni....what are you ranting about.?odenni, you know I am addressing your hypocrisy ![]() |
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APC should adopt vacuum cleaners as their logo since they can siphon money more than any other political group
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ilugunboy: Only a person with death-wish will contemplate a train ride in Nigeria from Lagos-Kano.only a person with ostrich mentality will neglect their own woes and pork-nose on issues remote from them. |
IbokUtoroh: e no consign me, next threadbut another man's backyard is your concern? odennis! |
TribalEAST: Over the years, i've heard southeasterners claim that they run the economy in lagos and that if they should pull out of the state the economy will collapse in no time. To buttress their claim, they field markets like ladipo, aspamda, alaba international etc.Theifnibu obviously! Since he owns virtually all of Lagos |
iluvnaija: Watch this video recorded 2ndof Jan. http://m.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_detailpage&v=5Z1E8Vh54xw&desktop_uri=%2Fwatch%3Ffeature%3Dplayer_detailpage%26v%3D5Z1E8Vh54xwSo osho-omo-ole has borrowed 17bn dollars plus IGR and Federal Allocations! These APC guys make Igbenedion look like petty pick-pocket |
BigBabyJesus: Information regarding PRODIGY's(CIA designated Code Name) initial affiliation and links to the CIA began in the early 80's when he was approached by a Nigerian CIA agent recruiter in the guise as a major Heroine supplier in the Chicago area. PRODIGY was initially supplied about 15 kilos and $25,000 and was given the role of recruiting drug mules in Nigeria who will smuggle the drugs into the United States. The operation went smoothly initially with CIA operatives ensuring that the drug mules and PRODIGY were not intercepted at the departure and destination airports and by local law enforcers during the drop stages.BigBabyJesus is ODB, OK2NV, OK2NVME, CuntDestroyer, Cunninl1ngus, Maj. Headache, Pvt_Parts, Gen.Specific, Ol'dirty, Magic Bishop, Bishop Magic, and Bishop Juice and a host of others .... |
ilugunboy: BG is their overall leader of the party in SW.... that speaks volume of the party in SW.and Thiefnibu nko? Drug Mule certificate forgerer and Murderer |
at that rate Oshomole has declared all of Edo to go and die in debt. By the way what has he done with $17bn? This is U.S. dollars we are talking of here , right? |
texazzpete: Why are you people attacking PapaBrowne? He has made some serious allegations that none of you have bothered to refute.That is their way...to shout down any criticism of their demi-gods and divert to raining abuse on posters and GEJ. I bet you, that before the end of today you will see many counter threads of eko-oni-baje form. This is a sure sign and evidence that APC supporters here are paid shills |
Goddex: [size=14pt] The media must follow up on this and not let it die.[/size]Those guys are by far the most corrupt beings on the planet. You have a better chance of getting Rihana come visit than does ediots panhandling lies for thiefnibu to follow up on this story |
ilugunboy: ^^^^^^^Even if they slam you with all the evidence and proof you will still not see it. Ode. Magga! Mumu! |
strangest: O ma se o!! Fraud everywhereyou just dey wake up? |
Where are the APC e-rats ? Come here and defend your mumuism |
APC theives and hypocrites decieving a whole Region! |
Fashola is a theif Fashola is a theif Fashola is a theif Fashola is a theif Fashola is a theif Fashola is a theif Fashola is a theif Fashola is a theif Fashola is a theif Fashola is a theif Fashola is a theif Fashola is a theif Fashola is a theif Fashola is a theif Fashola is a theif Fashola is a theif |
payless: Prvt Part, Magis Bishop, Bishop Magic, Bishop Juice, why did you go around a ban?phuck off |
Mayor_of_Lagos: Going by this definition, there is no doubt that Ibos are IDPs in Nigeria.Going by your follow up post , I think you are jobless |
You just had to make this thread |
Usbeel: And what did u hav 2say on this:saudi thugz banned women from driving
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Usbeel: He's from the south, infact I suppose the flight stowaway kid is his brother
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Usbeel: Ur mad, I'm ready for any silly human thinking he/she can step on may way! Ur dumb, don't u know in Bauchi burukutu is only present in the Christian area(that is Yelwa), a place were Dogs and Pigs are been eaten!cool down here have your daily dose of tramadol
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Arab Transport (and comfort pleaser in the middle of no where)
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Sniff glue because Coke is darn to expensive
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, which attacked Tammany by cutting off the city's funding. Property owners refused to pay their municipal taxes, and a judge – Tweed's old friend George Barnard, no less – enjoined the city Comptroller from issuing bonds or spending money. Unpaid workers turned against Tweed, marching to City Hall demanding to be paid. Tweed doled out some funds from his own purse – $50,000 – but it was not sufficient to end the crisis, and Tammany began to lose its essential base.