EzeUche22's Posts
Nairaland Forum › EzeUche22's Profile › EzeUche22's Posts
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 (of 34 pages)
sbeezy8:And your point? We have a surplus Igbo babe population in Alaigbo. We can export our women and still have more than enough in Alaigbo. No offense to my Igbo babes. But the point is, you have to have money to get with our women. No money means no Igbo babe. It must suck for you coming from a no name family. ![]() The beauty/handsome traits runs through my people. We were all blessed by Chukwu. |
Yoruba politicians are sitting out, because the North told you all to sit down. Look what they did to Saraki. ![]() |
Who you telling? We Igbos do not trust you Yorubas. You all are main reason we seceded thinking that you would join us. We only have PERMANENT INTEREST. So tell your Yoruba brothers to stop telling the Igbo what to do. No Igbo man will listen to you all. You all burned that bridge 44 years ago. And the Hausa are starting to realize the treachery of the Yoruba race through OBJ. Ahmadu Bello who was more of a realist than both Awolowo and Azikiwe understood Nigeria. |
sbeezy8:Yorubas are the truly gullible one. You are the one who acted like the north gave a dammn about your people. Saying that they would vote for a Yoruba who is Muslim. They told your people to sit down. ![]() As I said you Yorubas are house boys to the Hausa and they treated you all as such. They know the most important region to Nigeria is not the Southwest, it is the Southeast. And they understand if the Igbos are not appeased, then things will happen that could threaten their power. No one gives a dammn about you YORUBAS. |
sbeezy8:If the Igbo need to partner up with the North again like we did before, because of Awolowo. We shall do it again. And if your sentiment represents the Yoruba mind, I hope my people realize that we should should spite the Yoruba any way we can. Jonathan is an Ijaw man. A minority. . . We Igbos will get 2015 or this nation will be no more. This is our threat and we back up our statements. If the East goes, then Nigeria will fall. Simple as that. Do not dig your own grave |
![]() |
Don't know, don't care. . . ![]() |
sbeezy8:LIES! ![]() Atiku and IBB knows he is not an Igbo, that is why the North is courting the Igbo vote. Why you think they are saying 2015 for the Igbo? They know. . . You Yorubas are a tricky race. I have to admit that. You are not going to succeed with that ploy. One minute you saying that we Igbos are trying to dominate the minority groups in the Niger Delta, the next minute you are calling them Igbo. If you tell an Ijaw man he is Igbo, he would insult your mother and fight you. |
I weep for Aba! Aba has so much potential! We need the people to rise up and kill these kidnappers. Time for Jungle Justice. |
sbeezy8:We are not going to play that game. Just a month ago you Yoruba were clearly saying that he was an Ijaw, not an Igbo man. Make up your mind. We all know GEJ is not an Igbo so who you kidding. Amaechi has a Yoruba name, does that make him Yoruba? Nzeogwu had Kaduna in his name, does that make him a Hausa man? |
You Yoruba are not going to cheat us out of our birthright! GEJ does not see himself as an Igbo. He is from Bayelsa. Igbos are not indigenous to Bayelsa State. We Igbos do not claim him. Amaechi and Odili are clearly Igbo. I am happy that you people realized that! Keep on singing that same tune when an Ikwerre or Ndoni comes on this thread and says he is not Igbo. |
debosky:Gbam! I want my piece of the action. I never even heard of this group and I am an Igbo in the Diaspora. |
ajani68:Of course we Igbos know you Yoruba cannot tell the difference between an Ibibio, Ijaw or Igbo. Even though it is plain as day. You wont find many Igbos with ENGLISH SURNAMES! ![]() |
sbeezy8:He is not an Igbo man. The man has Igbo blood running through his vein, there is no denying it. His grandfather hailed from my town Arochukwu, but the fact in the matter he sees himself as an Ijaw. Just like Saraki considered himself a Fulani, but now they are telling him he is part of the Yoruba Agenda. Sorry but we do not want to see another Yoruba man leading us. I'll be dammmn. I remember you said a Northerner would not have a problem voting for a Muslim Yoruba. IT SEEMS LIKE YOU ARE WRONG. lol |
Told you that the Hausa do not like the Yoruba either. OBJ burned that bridge. We already know they do not trust the Igbo, but these silly Yorubas thought the Hausa considered them their friend. ![]() Ahmadu Bello knew better when he dealt with Awolowo. I remember in the past, they used to say IGBO AGENDA. Now it is YORUBA AGENDA. Priceless. |
Kobojunkie:I am nwa afor Igbo. I am very much in touch with sentiment on the ground since my parents and my siblings reside in Nigeria. Plus, I travel back to Port Harcourt two times during the year. The common man in Alaigbo will listen to what his kinsmen in high position say. That is how it is. If your village leaders say vote for this man, they will vote for that man. Anything that would prove beneficial to the community, the people will vote for. |
Kobojunkie:Do not let the way I carry myself on these threads sometimes be a representative of what I think. . . ![]() But that was a nice diss though. [quote author=Ileke-IdI link=topic=514296.msg6765349#msg6765349 date=1284649527] KoboJ wicked o! [/quote]Of course you would find satisfaction in this akata. |
naijaking1:LOL ![]() |
We will all go our separate ways. The North shall say bye, thanks for the oil revenue and create their caliphate. |
Igbos in the Diaspora. Rubbish! The average Igbo in the Diaspora was either raised in the Diaspora or have not live in Nigeria for the past 10 years. I came to America 4 years ago for school and I can say the average Nigerian is clueless about what is happening back home. |
sbeezy8:Neither the Mali Empire, Ghana nor the Songhai Empire ever reached as far as Southern Nigeria. Only the SOnghay Empire reached parts of Northern Nigeria but nothing near Yorubaland. So where are you getting this information? Just as bad as present day Ghanaians saying they are descended from the Ghana Empire even the Mandinka are the true descendants of that empire. Mansa Musa knew nothing about the Yorubas. lol I swear many Africans need to learn about the history of the continent. Uthman dan Fodio cannot be downplayed in the history of Islam in West Africa. His jihad inspired many more Fulani conquest. Even though the Fulani are minorities in all the countries they inhabit, they still wield a lot of power.
|
sbeezy8:Wrong! You know nothing about Uthman dan Fodio. His jihad inspired Fulani jihads all around West Africa. From Senegal to Mali. Can't believe you said that. Fulani are known to keep in contact with their brothers across West Africa. No matter what country they are located. What unites them is their language even though many of the Fulani found in Hausaland do not speak Fulfude anymore. After only a few short years of the Fulani War, dan Fodio found himself in command of the largest state in Africa, the Fulani Empire. His son Muhammed Bello and his brother Abdullahi were carrying out the Jihad and were taking care of the administration. Dan Fodio worked to establish an efficient government, one grounded in Islamic law. After 1811, Usman retired and continued writing about the righteous conduct of the Muslim belief. After his death in 1817 his son, Muhammed Bello, succeeded him as amir al-mu’minin or Sultan of Sokoto and became the ruler of the SOkoto Caliphate which was the biggest state south of the Sahara at that time. Usman’s brother Abdullahi was given the title emir of Gwandu and he was placed in charge of the Western Emirates, Nupe and Ilorin. Thus, all Hausa states, parts of Nupe, Ilorin and Fulani outposts in Bauchi and Adamawa were all ruled by a single politico-religious system. From the time of Usman dan Fodio there were twelve caliphs, until the Birtish conquest at the beginning of the twentieth century. Dan Fodio's uprising inspired a number of later West African jihads, including those of Massina Empire founder Seku Amadu, Toucouleur Empire founder El Hadj Umar Tall (who married one of dan Fodio's granddaughters), Wassoulou Empire founder Samori Ture, and Adamawa Emirate founder Modibo Adama. http://www.khilafahmovement.org/usmandanfodio.htm Fulanis have power in Guinea in which they make up a plurality of the people. if you did not know that |
sbeezy8:So who brought Islam to the Yorubas? Was it not Fulani imams? Everyone in West Africa know that the Fulani helped the spread of Islam and are considered the true flagbearers of Islam in our part of the world. Every jihad was led by a Fulani man after Uthman dan Fodio jihad. From Mali, Nigeria, Northern Cameroon, tp the Senegambia region (Fulani homeland). The only people they consider true Muslims besides themselves are the Mandinka and the Tuareg who Uthman dan Fodio studied under. Whites consider Africans true Christians. Sometimes they see us as more Christian than them. Why do you think African nations are exporting Catholic priest to European nations? My point is, that Saraki would never be considered a Northerner. They want someone from the Core North who they are comfortable with. |
koruji:Because I spoke the truth? Everyone knows that a Hausa man would never go to a mosque that is lead by a Yoruba man or any other group. They rather go to their own mosque lead by an Hausa or Fulani man. Simple as that. I know this, because my Hausa friends consider Yorubas who are Muslims as not true Muslims. Saraki is not trusted by any Northerner. Even if he claims he has "Fulani" blood. They see him as a Yoruba which makes him as a threat. |
He does make a good point though if you take the time to read his argument and leave sentiment alone! |
Nigeria on the Brink - What Happens If the 2011 Elections Fail? By JOHN CAMPBELL, the former U.S. Ambassador to Nigeria from 2004 to 2007 The 2011 elections in Nigeria, scheduled for January 22, pose a threat to the stability of the United States’ most important partner in West Africa. The end of a power-sharing arrangement between the Muslim North and the Christian South, as now seems likely, could lead to postelection sectarian violence, paralysis of the executive branch, and even a coup. The Obama administration has little leverage over the conduct and outcome of the elections -- and if the vote does lead to chaos, Washington may no longer be able to count on Nigerian partnership in addressing African regional and security issues such as the conflicts in Darfur, Southern Sudan, and Somalia. Nigeria’s current political drama dates to November 2009, when its president, Umaru Yar’Adua, was hospitalized for a kidney condition in Saudi Arabia. Yar’Adua refused to comply with the Nigerian constitution and hand over executive authority to Vice President Goodluck Jonathan. The result was a power vacuum until February 2010, when the National Assembly extralegally designated Jonathan the “acting president” by resolution, even though there is no constitutional provision for doing so. In April, Acting President Jonathan attended the nuclear safety summit in Washington, where U.S. President Barack Obama and Vice President Joe Biden warmly embraced him, not least because his designation forestalled a possible military coup. In May 2010, the first act of Nigeria’s political tragedy ended when Yar’Adua died and Jonathan became the constitutional president. Now, Washington may be tempted to move its attention away from Nigeria -- but that would be a mistake. Nigeria has held three national elections since the end of military dictatorship in 1998. In 1999, active and retired military officers, along with a few civilian allies, oversaw the transition from military to civilian rule. They established the nonideological People’s Democratic Party (PDP); selected Olusegun Obasanjo, a Christian from the South, as the presidential candidate; and placed him in office with a northern Muslim vice president. An elite consensus formed around an unwritten power-sharing agreement, which dictated that presidential candidates would henceforth alternate between the Christian South and the Muslim North -- a system designed to avoid presidential contests that could exacerbate hostility between the regions and religions. With the advantages of presidential incumbency, and access to unlimited oil money, Obasanjo secured elite support for a second presidential term in 2003. Northerners reluctantly acquiesced to a rotation cycle of two terms rather than the one they had foreseen in 1999. Once re-elected, however, Obasanjo reneged on his two-term promise by attempting to run again in 2007. This bid was defeated due to public anger and northern leaders’ insistence on power sharing. Nevertheless, Obasanjo remained powerful enough to impose his handpicked candidates on the ruling party in 2007: Yar’Adua, a northern Muslim, for president and Jonathan, a Christian southerner, for vice president. Obasanjo’s chosen candidates fit the terms of the power-sharing convention, and accordingly, they took office after the 2007 election, which was marred by fraud and irregularities. However, Yar’Adua’s subsequent death and Jonathan’s presidency upended the power-sharing arrangement. Unlike in every previous election since 1999, no elite consensus exists for the 2011 poll, nor is there an Obasanjo-like figure strong enough to impose one. Although it is still dominated by elites and their patronage networks, the Nigerian political sphere is wide open. Many in the North believe it is still their turn for the presidency, but the northern power brokers do not agree on who should be their presidential candidate. Several northern politicians, including Ibrahim Babangida and Muhammadu Buhari, both former military dictators, are running for the presidency. Other potential candidates are Aliyu Mohammed Gusau, the national security adviser under Obasanjo and Jonathan, and several northern governors. Nigerian democrats are advocating the candidacies of Nasir El-Rufai, the former minister of the Federal Capital Territory, and Nuhu Ribadu, formerly the head of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, the anticorruption agency. Both are seen as having the potential to restore public faith in the political system. But so long as the current elites remain the country’s political power brokers, candidates operating outside the PDP will be long shots at best. Jonathan, with the advantages of presidential incumbency, has also announced that he will run. This could mean the presidential contest will feature one or more northern Muslim candidates opposing Jonathan against the backdrop of ethnic and religious violence in the Middle Belt, Muslim extremism in the North, and an ongoing insurrection in the oil-rich Niger Delta. In such a fraught environment, supporters of candidates might exploit religious and ethnic identities, a dangerous and potentially explosive dynamic that until now has largely been avoided. Logistical preparations for the 2011 elections have not started. There is no voters roll, and despite the president’s signing of an electoral reform bill, some of these reforms remain unimplemented four months before the election. The election therefore will almost certainly lack legitimacy, especially in the eyes of the losers. This will further drive the country to the brink, especially if winners and losers are defined by their religious and ethnic backgrounds. There is at the moment no standoff between northern and southern leaders, at least nothing comparable to that between Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai in Zimbabwe or between Kenya’s Mwai Kibaki and Raila Odinga in the aftermath of the 2007 elections. Nevertheless, the danger of Nigeria plunging into postelection violence is a real possibility. The Nigerian military still regards itself as the ultimate guarantor of the state’s security, and most political elites agree. In the event of postelection sectarian violence and a political breakdown, it could intervene if the civilian government loses control. The army, given its history, could move quickly, and unlike in Kenya following the 2007 postelection crisis, there would probably be little time for the international community to try to facilitate a political settlement. Only if the military itself fragments would there be space for the international organizations such as the African Union to intervene in search of a political solution. Yet the return to power of the so-called men on horseback in Nigeria would pose special challenges for Washington, considering congressional requirements that Washington scale back contact with military governments that overthrow civilian governments. It would also be anathema to the African Union’s principled stand against military coups. Some Nigerians are privately urging the Obama administration to intervene behind the scenes to forestall a postelection crisis. Yet intervention on behalf of one candidate could do more harm than good. If Delta militants sense that Washington is opposed to a Jonathan candidacy, and should he withdraw or lose, they might escalate their attacks on U.S.-owned oil facilities, thereby cutting off production. If, on the other hand, northern leaders see the United States as supporting Jonathan, they are likely to become even more estranged from the federal government. The North would likely see support of Jonathan as part of the perceived U.S. war on Islam. Given these realities, what can the Obama administration do? At present, the United States enjoys significant support among Nigerians, even though it lacks the capacity to have much impact on the 2011 elections. It cannot reform the electoral commission, nor can it change Nigeria’s corrupt political economy, which is fundamental to vote-rigging efforts. It could, however, establish and publicize the benchmarks it would use to measure improvement in the electoral process. It could also focus election-related assistance on select states where polling in recent elections has been better than elsewhere; Lagos and Cross Rivers State are two such possible venues. As the elections approach, the United States must be scrupulously neutral on the presidential candidates while reiterating its call for free, fair, and credible elections. The Obama administration should also look for ways to support such civil-society organizations as the Nigeria Bar Association, which actively works to strengthen the rule of law. The United States already provides assistance for civic groups involved in voter education and the strengthening of political parties as open institutions. That support should continue. In the event of a confrontation between the North and South over failed elections in 2011, these organizations could play a role in mitigating the worst excesses of a crisis. Such steps by the Obama administration are worthwhile to promote the long-term development of democratic institutions. However, in the event of a bloody crisis that splits the country along regional and religious lines, neither the Obama administration nor any other foreign government or international organization will have much leverage. Faced with such a cataclysm, Nigeria’s friends should seek to mitigate the humanitarian consequences and prevent the resulting instability from spreading to other parts of the continent. Nigerians have long danced on the edge of the cliff without falling off. Yet at this juncture, the odds are not good for a positive outcome, and it is difficult to see how Nigeria can move back from the brink. http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/66746/john-campbell/nigeria-on-the-brink?cid=soc-twitter-in-nigeria-nigeria_on_the_brink-090910 |
Of course they do not consider Saraki a true northerner. Psuedo-Muslims. . . Hausa will never allow a Muslim Yoruba lead prayers. |
How did they reach this conclusion? ![]() |
udezue:Udezue, keep your mouth shut my brother and allow this to play out. Do not count your chickens before they hatch. |


