₦airaland Forum

Lamasta:
Are You high on Osho weed @op

is it not true? go to the streets and confirm it

buhari has started fulfilling his campaign promises by creating over 20000 jobs.
you will agree with me that with the current hike and scarcity in petrol that so many black marketers have surfaced thereby providing income and jobs.
buhari has started fulfiling his promises. kudos to nigerians

ODUBEZE:
Read it again! They were following due process!

so why havent we heard any suit being filed?

Watch: The science of genetic inheritance is weirder than we thought

Here's how our experiences can trigger genetic changes in our kids.
BEC CREW
23 NOV 2015
Facebook Icon
18.4k
Twitter Icon


A basic understanding of genetic inheritance tells us that only DNA gets passed along to our offspring - traits such as memories, physical scars, and giant muscles cannot be passed on, because they're acquired through life experience, not by altering the genetic code. But recent experimental evidence has challenged this assumption, and scientists now think that our experiences can change the way the genetic code of our children is translated by the body. Welcome to the weird and wonderful science of epigenetics, courtesy of MinuteEarth.

Epigenetics is the study of how our genetics can be controlled by factors other than our DNA sequence, which means information from one generation can be transmitted to the next generation and alter certain traits without affecting their genetic material. So how does this work?

In the video above, we're introduced to an experiment where male mice were taught to fear the smell of fruit by getting an electric shock every time they were exposed to it. Over time, extra neurons sprouted in their noses and in the smell-processing centre of their brains, and this made them super sensitive to the scent.

This isn't exactly surprising - the rats' bodies were responding to a threat, making them better equipped to sniff it out and avoid it. What was strange is when these mice had babies, they were also afraid of the smell of fruit, and they too carried the extra neurons in their noises and brains. As did the babies' babies. So how could this have possibly happened, when the two generations of mouse pups had never been introduced to their dads, or the fruity scent?

As MinuteEarth explains, it's possible for offspring to inherit a trait that their parents learned through experience. It turns out that instilling fear in the father mice did trigger genetic changes, but not in the DNA code itself. Rather, it changed the way instructions in the genetic code were translated and carried out by the body.

In every living cell, there's a genetic code, and according to the information it holds, certain proteins are produced to carry out vital processes. Chemical switches called epigenetic tags are attached to the DNA, and can turn genes on or off, or crank them up or down, so the cells know which proteins to produce and in what quantities.

These switches are epigenetic tags are called that for a reason - they can be altered by factors other than the genetic code. So in the case of the rats, the fathers' bad experience with the fruity smell caused the epigentic tags related to neuron growth in the nose and brain to kick into overdrive, and this was passed on to their offspring, and their offspring's offspring.

How exactly does this happen? Watch the latest episode of MinuteEarth above to find out why it has everything to do with mouse sperm, and how this kind of strange genetic inheritance doesn't just apply to rodents - humans have displayed some pretty amazing cases epigenetic inheritance too.

kingdompropty:
Great to know we have elders.

since 2012 its now theyare coming out
washhhyyyy....

ohaneze ndigbo wants to use the opportunity to extort money from buhari.. hehe... i laugh in chinese

now that nnamdi kanu has been arrested they should go on as intended if they are very serious

THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF BIAFRA- In The Matter of Customary Law Pursuant to the Provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999:

Why the Biafrans must submit to and obey the Government of Indigenous People of Biafra headed by the Supreme Council of Elders: In 2011 when we initiated the process of achieving Independence for Biafra by due process of law, we boasted to the Nigerian Authorities that we would gain independence without breaking any law. Many people did not believe us. Many Biafrans said it would not be possible to gain independence by due process of law. The Nigerian Authorities were seeking for a way to incriminate us and charge us with the offence of treason. But the Solicitor for Biafra had a wonderful idea. He created the body known as INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF BIAFRA (IPOB) as a non-legal entity and created the name BILIE HUMAN RIGHTS INITIATIVE (BHRI) as a human rights organization. The stage was set for a legal battle against Nigeria. Then, In 2012, the Elders of Biafraland constituted the Government of Indigenous People of Biafra under Customary Law known as the Supreme Council of Elders of Indigenous People of Biafra. This satisfied the requirement of international law that a people seeking for independence must have a de facto government on the ground. This is the Government of Biafra that speaks for all Indigenous People of Biafra. Ohaneze Ndigbo does not speak for Biafra. Every person must understand that the Supreme Council of Elders of Indigenous People of Biafra is not Ohaneze Ndigbo. These are the fearless Elders of Biafraland who stuck out their necks and signed the Legal Instrument authorising Bilie Human Rights Initiative to file the case between Biafra and Nigeria when other Elders were afraid to sign. By the authority of the Supreme Council of Elders, we instituted the Suit No FHC/OW/CS/102/2012 in 2012 which was later reconstituted as the Suit No FHC/OW/CS/192/2013 in 2013.

The Biafra Struggle by legal and diplomatic process commenced and progressed very well under the Supreme Council of Elders until Nnamdi Kanu broke away and said he no longer believed that we could achieve independence by due process of law. Nnamdi Kanu was the person we sent with Okezie and other delegates to represent Biafra in a diplomatic meeting with the Australian Government. The Supreme Council of Elders is an Institution. It is a Customary Government. The Biafra Independence Struggle by due process of law is built around an Institution and not around an individual. The arrowhead of the Biafran Struggle for Independence by Legal Method is the Government of Indigenous People of Biafra headed by the Supreme Council of Elders. They are not Ohaneze Ndigbo but the Supreme Council of Elders of Indigenous People of Biafra. Please respect and obey these Elders of Biafraland.

We have heard a rumour that Ohaneze Ndigbo and the Governors of the South East have met with the representatives of MASSOB and Nnamdi Kanu's faction of IPOB to represent them in a proposed meeting with President Buhari. Please be informed that Ohaneze Ndigbo does not speak for my clients being all the Indigenous People of Biafra who are under the authority of the Supreme Council of Elders. Please be further informed that the Nigerian Government as defendants in the on-going case CANNOT discuss any of the 8 issues pending in Court for determination on the Biafra Question. It would amount to an offence against the Rule of Sub Judice. We shall issue contempt proceedings against any person who commits the offence contrary to the Rule of Sub Judice. The law is no respecter of persons.

Please be guided accordingly.

Yours sincerely,

Emeka Emekesri, Esq.
Solicitor for Indigenous People of Biafra

these people have mind o.... as far as abuja?

HAPPENING NOW... LIVE IN ABUJA!!! As the director of radio biafra and Biafra Television ‪#‎nnamdikanu‬ appears in court today, waiting for Justice to prevail. So did our formidable young and brave Biafrans those who understand the language of ‪#‎BIAFRAORDEATH‬... As the storm in Abuja right now with peaceful protest chanting and singing biafra song letting the world to know that they are tired of the zoo called Nigeria.. All we ask and need is freedom for Nnamdi kanu and freedom for biafra....
‪#‎freebiafra‬ ‪#‎freennamdikanu‬ ‪#‎freedom‬..
culled from facebook

update
nnamdi kanu's case adjourned to 1st december 2015
he has been taken back to his cell

seacoast:
And the OP is losing sleep and frightened... I can feel his pains

i'll pretend i didn't see this. Mr
produce a pic to counter it

seacoast:
And the OP is losing sleep and frightened... I can feel his pains

i'll pretend i didn't see this. Mr

Meaning?

Nnamdi kanu was seen in abuja arriving the magistrate court today.

Update
he declined using either of his lawyers and defended himself.
court case has been adjourned to 1st december 2015
taken back to the dss cell

THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEBATE

Back then as now, each region of Nigeria was petrified of domination by other regions. No region of the federation was keen to adopt a course which would concentrate too much power at the hands of Nigeria’s central government. Even Gowon acknowledged this (and unwittingly played into Ojukwu’s hands) by admitting that he would “I would do away with any decree that certainly tended to go towards too much centralisation”. Ojukwu pounced on the central powers theme and remarked that “Centralisation is a word that stinks in Nigeria today. For that 10,000 people have been killed” (this figure was later revised up to 30,000, and then 50,000). The clash, and ill defined relationship between Nigeria’s central and regional governments has been the greatest source of political bloodletting in the country’s history. It led indirectly to the gruesome “religious” clashes that resulted in the deaths of thousands of innocent civilians over the introduction of Sharia law in some northern states in 2000. It led to the civil war in which over a million civilians died. It led to the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa after he agitated for greater self determination for his Ogoni people.

Using his “skilful histrionics and superior intellectual adroitness”, Ojukwu managed to get the other Colonels to understand, and share his reasoning: that in order to keep Nigeria together as one nation, its constituent regions first had to move a little further apart from each other. Ojukwu used a metaphor to explain his reasoning: “It is better that we move slightly apart and survive, it is much worse that we move closer and perish in the collision.”

This may have been a paradox, but the Colonels accepted the logic of Ojukwu’s argument. The problem then (as it still is in Nigeria today) is that Nigeria is so large, diverse and unwieldy that it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to find a leader who can elicit popularity and a following throughout, or most of the country. Amazingly Gowon accepted Ojukwu’s thesis without really understanding the constitutional implications of what he was agreeing to.

Gowon was effectively sanctioning measures which would paralyse his own powers. Lt-Colonel Katsina and Colonel Adebayo also agreed and were attracted to the concept of regional autonomy. Adebayo agreed so enthusiastically that he advocated a “repeal [of] those Decrees that were passed after 15th January, 1966 but I think we should revert to what the country was as at 14th January, 1966, that is regional autonomy”.

Ojukwu envisaged a titular Head of State that would act only with the concurrence of the various regional governments: “what I envisage that whoever is at the top is a constitutional chap – constitutional within the context of the military government. That is, he is a titular head, but he would only act where, say when we have met and taken a decision”.

Having got what he wanted Ojukwu was not content with the agreement to be an oral one (even though it had been taped). He insisted that “we must write it down in our decisions quite categorically that the legislative and executive authority of the Federal Military Government shall be vested in the Supreme Military Council because previously it had been vested in the Supreme Commander”.
The reason for this nuanced request from Ojukwu is that Gowon was now the Supreme Commander. By vesting official authority in the SMC (of which Ojukwu was a member) rather than the Supreme Commander Gowon, Ojukwu could ensure that no official decisions could be taken without his consent. To signify the limited powers that would be exercised by the Head of State envisaged, Ojukwu proposed that the diluted phrase “Commander-in-Chief” should be used to address the Head of State as opposed to “Supreme Commander” (a phrase signifying immense power). The title “Commander-in-Chief” has been employed by every Nigerian Head of State subsequent to Aburi.

While the other delegates arrived at Aburi with a simple, but unformulated idea that somehow, Nigeria must stay together, “Ojukwu was the only participant who knew what he wanted, and he secured the signatures of the SMC to documents which would have had the effect of turning Nigeria into little more than a customs union”.

Ojukwu managed to get virtually everything he wanted, and was so pleased by his success that he even declared that he would serve under Gowon if he (Gowon) kept to the agreements reached. At that point, Gowon arose from his table position and embraced Ojukwu.

The fulcrum of the agreement at Aburi was that each region would be responsible for its own affairs, and that the FMG would be responsible for matters that affected the entire country: a simple enough concept. Afterwards the officers toasted their reconciliation and agreement with champagne.
The federal delegation’s jubilation was such that on his plane flight home, Ojukwu asked one of his secretaries whether the federal delegation had fully understood the implications of what had been agreed.

Hindsight tells us that no one at Aburi (other than Ojukwu) really understood the constitutional implications of what had been agreed. Ojukwu was obviously delighted with this – hence why he was in such a hurry to implement the decisions taken, and why the Federal Government had to renege on them.

Some have argued that Ojukwu took the SMC for a ride by using his superior intelligence to trap the SMC officers into an agreement they did not understand. Ojukwu was engaged in a constitutional debate by himself against five military officers, and two police officers, yet still got his way. He can hardly be faulted for outwitting opponents that outnumbered him by seven to one. Questions might be asked of the other SMC members of greater numerical strength who allowed Ojukwu to extract such substantial concessions from them.

A CONSTITUTION IN WAITING

By failing to implement the Aburi decisions, Nigeria missed a golden opportunity to find a constitutional arrangement acceptable to all of its constituent parts. Had even half of the Aburi accords being ratified, Nigeria may have saved itself a substantial amount of the subsequent bloodshed that ensued over the next four decades.

It is a sad commentary on the lack of progress that Nigeria has made since Aburi that the issues discussed then (over 40 years ago years ago) are still being argued over today. Back in 1967, the Aburi decisions were not implemented for one primary reason: oil.

Nigeria’s greedy power brokers did not want a loose constitutional arrangement that would deprive them of the vast revenues which Nigeria earns from its crude oil exports. Hence Nigeria is glued together under a powerful central government of a type more suitable to a country with contiguous ethnicity.



Nigeria is quite simply too large, too diverse, and too fractious a country to have an all powerful central government of the type it has today. Across Nigeria, there are groups agitating for greater devolvement of federal power to the regions. Although the mantra of these groups is “restructuring” of the Nigerian federation – what they really intend is what Ojukwu wanted to achieve at the Aburi conference in 1967: a constitutional arrangement that would devolve so much power to the regions that the entity known as Nigeria would exist in name only.

Rather than engaging in another constitutional drafting/conference exercise at which will waste more taxpayers’ money, and serve as a means for corrupt “big men” to get even richer, Nigeria would do well to dip into its archives and review the transcript of the debate at Aburi which is gathering dust in the national archives.

The debate transcript is sufficiently detailed to serve as a constitution in waiting. To learn from the debates and mistakes of the past may ensure a better future for Nigeria. What Nigeria needs is a “constitutional chap” of the type envisaged by Ojukwu back at Aburi. As Ojukwu said “It is better that we move slightly apart and survive, it is much worse that we move closer and perish in the collision.”
Share
1162
Tweet
0
Share
2
Share
0
Share
0
Share
Mail
Print
1164
Total Shares
0
SHARES
Previous post
Nigeria Ship Has Finally Capsized Under The Leadership Of Muhammadu Buhari
Related posts
Biafra
Nigeria Ship Has Finally Capsized Under The Leadership Of Muhammadu Buhari
Biafra
Buhari Deceived The US-UK About His Past Human Right Abuses.
Biafra
Mbakalization Of Biafra.
Nigeria
Carl Ikeme Talks About His Experience At The Nigerian National Team.
Nigeria
Over 150 Nigerian Soldiers Abandoned War Front In Fear Of Boko Haram
Leave a Reply

You must be logged in to post a comment.
Copyright may30.org © 2015. All Rights Reserved

Latest
Popular

Aburi Accord: THE “SOVEREIGN NATIONAL CONFERENCE” THAT GOT AWAY

21st November 2015 4:29 pm
Nigeria Ship Has Finally Capsized Under The Leadership Of Muhammadu Buhari

20th November 2015 12:24 am
Buhari Deceived The US-UK About His Past Human Right Abuses.

19th November 2015 7:20 pm
Mbakalization Of Biafra.

Home
World
Biafra
Africa
Nigeria
Entertainment
Sports
Contact

Aburi Accord: THE “SOVEREIGN NATIONAL CONFERENCE” THAT GOT AWAY
AfricaBiafraNigeria

by optimism 21st November 2015 4:29 pm 8,852 views0



After Nigeria was dragged to the brink of the abyss by two military coups in 1966, its military leaders met to try to bring the country back from the brink. The meeting evolved into perhaps the best documented constitutional debate of all time which touched upon fundamental concepts regarding the balance of power between the central government and federating regions in a federation and professional soldiers’ outlook to military coups and seniority. It was a potential breakthrough occasion. Between January 5th and 7th 1967, the memembers of that SMC. Following a second bloody army coup in July 1966, the mbers of Nigeria’s then ruling military junta, the Supreme Military Council (SMC), met for the first time at Aburi in Ghana under the auspices of the Ghanaian Head of State: Lt-General Joe Ankrah.



Ankrah was no stranger to coup plots as he had become Ghana’s first military Head of State after Ghana’s first President Kwame Nkrumah was deposed in a coup while Nkrumah was abroad visiting China. Ankrah was later forced to resign in April 1969 after admitting his role in a bribery scandal. Ankrah had served in the Congo during the UN peace-keeping mission there in the early 1960s and it is likely he personally knew the Nigerian soldiers (including Ironsi, Fajuyi, Ojukwu and Gowon) who served in the same mission. The meeting at Aburi was the first official meeting of all Military Governor of the eastern region of Nigeria: Lt-Colonel ‘Emeka’ Ojukwu had refused to attend any SMC meeting outside the eastern region of Nigeria due to concerns over his safety. The massacre of tens of thousands of Igbos in northern Nigeria only heightened Ojukwu’s sense of isolation and insecurity. In turn, Ojukwu’s public distrust towards the SMC (whom he suspected of tacitly supporting, or having a hand in the massacres) served to antagonised the SMC, who began to suspect that Ojukwu was planning the secession of the eastern region from the rest of Nigeria.

The fashionable political theory being bandied about in Nigeria today is that a “Sovereign National Conference” (SNC) should be held to resolve the country’s constitutional problems and coup plotting culture. Many do not realise that Nigeria has already had half a dozen constitutional debates – none of which has ever resolved the nagging problems which have dogged Nigeria from independence till today. Nigeria has wasted billions of Naira on constitutional debates and constitutions that are no longer in use, and a future SNC is unlikely to discuss anything that has not already been covered in the previous constitutional debates. Ironically the best recorded of these constitutional debates was never implemented, and Nigeria has been paying the price since. To plan for the future Nigeria might do well to go back into its archives and learn from the “SNC” which it has already had.

THE ONE AMBITIOUS MAN AND THE REST OF THE COUNTRY QUOTE.

In the months preceding Aburi the SMC and Ojukwu had engaged in a war of words with the two sides trading multiple accusations and blaming each other for causing or exacerbating the crisis. The Military Governor of the north: Lt-Colonel Hassan Usman Katsina dismissed Ojukwu’s confident and eloquent public statements on the crisis as attempts by Ojukwu “to show how much English he knows or learned at Oxford”. As far as Katsina was concerned, Nigeria’s problem was a stand-off “between one ambitious man and the rest of the country”. Throughout the six months following the coup of July 29th 1966, Ojukwu repeated his mantra that “I, as the Military Governor of the east cannot meet anywhere in Nigeria where there are northern troops”. That virtually ruled out an SMC meeting inside Nigeria’s borders. Ojukwu had even turned down offers to attend an SMC meeting on board a British (whom Ojukwu, and Igbos in general did not entirely trust) naval ship, and at Benin, but was finally convinced to attend in the neutral territory of Aburi in Ghana. Ojukwu’s aides were not without doubt. Some warned him that the Aburi meeting could be a trap set by anti-Igbo members of the Federal Government to arrest or kill him. Ojukwu brushed aside their concerns by pointing out that he had received a guarantee of safe passage from Lt-Colonel Gowon, and that he had to trust Gowon’s word as an officer and a gentleman. Virtually everything discussed at that Aburi conference is relevant till today. So much so that a reader would be tempted to believe that the discussion was on Nigeria’s current problems, rather than over 40 years earlier, in 1967. It is probably the best recorded constitutional debate in history. Aware that something momentous was occurring, the Ghanaians had the conference tape recorded. The tape of the discussions was later released by Ojukwu as a series of six long playing gramophone records.


In attendance on the Nigerian Federal Military Government (FMG) side were:

NAME & POSITION
Lt-Colonel Yakubu Gowon Head of the SMC*
Commodore Joseph Akinwale Wey Head of the Nigerian navy
Colonel Robert Adeyinka Adebayo Military Governor of the western region
Lt-Colonel Hassan Usman Katsina Military Governor of the northern region
Lt-Colonel David Akpode Ejoor Governor of mid-west region
Major Mobolaji Johnson Military Governor of Lagos
Alhaji Kam Selem Inspector-General of Police
Timothy Omo-Bare Police

Eastern delegate:
Col Emeka Ojukwu Governor of South East

(*Head of the SMC as Ironsi’s whereabouts were “unknown”)

Ojukwu was in attendance as the eastern region’s Military Governor. The FMG delegation arrived “wreathed in smiles” and anxious to mollify their former brother-in-arms Ojukwu. Colonels Adebayo and Gowon even offered to embrace Ojukwu. However Ojukwu was still stung by the terrible massacres of his Igbo kinsmen in northern Nigeria the previous year and was in no mood to embrace his former colleagues. The contrast in the demeanor of the participants was in itself a microcosm of what took place over the course of the next two days. While the federal delegation behaved as if the Aburi conference was a social gathering to reunite former friends who had fallen out in a social tiff, Ojukwu saw the conference for what it really was: a historic constitutional debate that would determine Nigeria’s future social and political structure.

Typically, western world’s perspective was focused on image, rather than on the genuine problems of the protagonists. As secret diplomatic dispatches later declassified by the United States State Department depicted the FMG-eastern region stand-off as a personality clash between Ojukwu and Gowon. According to the American perspective: “many Americans admire Ojukwu. We like young, intelligent and romantic leaders, and Ojukwu has panache, quick intelligence and an actor’s voice and eloquent/fluency. The contrast with Gowon – troubled by the enormity of his task, not ass educated, painfully earnest and slow to react, hesitant and repetitive in speech – led some Americans to view the Nigerian-Biafran conflict as a personal duel between two mismatched individuals”.

As they were busy fighting in Vietnam and fighting a “cold war” against the USSR, the Americans did not become militarily or politically involved in the dispute. Instead, treating the conflict as one falling within Britain’s sphere of influence.

THE REUNION OF FORMER COLLEAGUES

The Ghanaian host Lt-General Ankrah made a few introductory remarks and reminded his guests that “the whole world is looking up to you as military men and of there is any failure to reunify or even bring perfect understanding to Nigeria as a whole, you will find that the blame will rest with us through the centuries”.

Ankrah added that although he understood that the eastern region/rest of Nigeria stand-off was an internal matter for Nigerians, they should not hesitate to ask him for any help should they feel the need. Although Commodore Wey played an avuncular role, the discussion revolved around the younger Colonels: Adebayo, Ejoor, Katsina, Ojukwu. and Gowon.

Ojukwu showed from the beginning that he was prepared for serious business. He arrived at the conference armed with detailed notes, and army of secretaries. The extent of Ojukwu’s pre-preparation is shown by the fact that he gave the other debaters copies of documents he had prepared in advance, which enunciated his ideas. The other debaters should have realised at this point, that something serious was going to occur. After the hostility and bitterness that preceded the Aburi meeting, the civilian observers were stunned at the camaraderie displayed by the military officers. The debaters threw off formality and addressed each other by their first names: “Emeka”, “Bolaji”, “Jack” (nickname of Lt-Colonel Gowon) were thrown around as if addressing each other in at a social gathering. One of Ojukwu’s secretaries was amazed to observe that “the meeting went on in a most friendly and cordial atmosphere which made us, the non-military advisers, develop a genuine respect and admiration for the military men and their sense of comradeship. The meeting continued so smoothly and ended so successfully…, that I for one, was convinced that among themselves, the military had their own methods”.

Ojukwu decided to show his good faith, and to test the good faith of the others by asking all present to renounce the use of force to settle the crisis. Ojukwu’s motion was accepted without objection. While this request by Ojukwu may sound very noble, he was in fact playing a cunning soldier-politician. Ojukwu (despite his boasts of the eastern region’s military prowess) realised that he could not succeed in a military campaign against the far more heavily armed FMG. By getting them to renounce the use of force, Ojukwu was trying to negate the FMG’s military advantage. For he knew that if the political situation eventually got out of control, the FMG would find it difficult to resort to a military campaign having already given their word that they would not use force. This may have been an influential factor in Gowon’s subsequent reluctance to engage the eastern region in a fully fledged war.

POLITICIANS

The assembled military officers struck a chord in unison on the subject of politicians. All of them voiced their contempt for the behaviour of civilian politicians whom they blamed for the wholesale bloodletting of the previous years (ignoring the fact that more Nigerian civilians had been murdered by politically motivated violence, in the one year of military rule so far, than in the preceding five years of civilian democratic rule). Commodore Wey slammed the point home rather forcefully when he declared that “Candidly if there had ever been a time in my life when I thought somebody had hurt me sufficiently for me to wish to kill him it was when one of these fellows [politicians] opened his mouth too wide”.

IRONSI’S FATE

Despite Ironsi’s murder six months earlier, no public announcement regarding his death had been made and his whereabouts were still presumed unknown, although most of the SMC definitely knew he was dead. Gowon’s regime had eerily repeated the mistake made by Ironsi himself: failing to publicly acknowledge the army officers killed in a coup d’etat.
By not announcing Ironsi’s death, Gowon also made his own position tenuous and gave Ojukwu the opportunity to reason that since the Supreme Commander Ironsi was “missing”, only the officer directly behind Ironsi in army seniority could replace him as Supreme Commander. Major Mobolaji Johnson encapsulated the issue that the east was steadfastly refusing to recognize Gowon as Head of State while the other regions accepted him (albeit tentatively in the case of the west): “The main problem now is that as far as the east is concerned, there is no central government. Why? This is what we must find out. …, For all the east knows the former Supreme Commander [Ironsi] is only missing and until such a time that they know his whereabouts they do not know any other Supreme Commander. These are the points that have been brought out by the east.”

Ojukwu demanded that Gowon make a categorical public statement on the fate of Ironsi. Ejoor supported this by flatly requesting “we want to know what happened to Ironsi and Fajuyi”. Despite Ojukwu’s request for an announcement, most, if not all the participants already knew that Ironsi had been murdered. But the surprising fact was the silent of the Yoruba personnels in the meeting , knowing the fact that their brother Fajuyi was also declared missing.
Gowon was informed of the death of Ironsi and Fajuyi not long after they had been killed. Gowon’s ADC Lt William Walbe was one of the junior northern soldiers that led Ironsi and Fajuyi into a bush alongside Iwo road outside Ibadan and murdered them there. Colonel Adebayo had ordered a search for their bodies, which were eventually discovered by the police. The head of the police Kam Selem would have been informed when his men discovered the bodies.

Although Ojukwu was several hundred miles away in the east when Ironsi and Fajuyi were murdered, he likely would have had the story of their death relayed to him by one of Ironsi’s ADCs Captain Andrew Nwankwo who was captured along with Ironsi and Fajuyi but managed to escape moments before they were shot. Nwankwo eventually managed to find his way back to the east.

Commodore Wey acknowledged that all the debaters already knew what happened to Ironsi. Ojukwu simply wanted Gowon to publicly acknowledge what the SMC members already knew: that Ironsi was dead. Ojukwu later acknowledged that “I heard the rumour that he [Ironsi] had been assassinated, so I began making contacts because I wanted to force them out in the open so that we could start dealing with the real situation.”

Gowon agreed to make a public announcement, and Kam Selem concurred, although he counselled that “the statement should be made in Nigeria so that the necessary honour can be given”.
The soldiers agreed to make a public statement formally announcing Ironsi’s death shortly after they returned to Nigeria, and at this point, the microphones were switched off and the civilians were asked to leave the room. Gowon then narrated the grisly tale of how Ironsi and Fajuyi had been abducted from State House in Ibadan by junior northern soldiers (including Gowon’s ADC Lt Walbe) standing right behind them, driven out to an isolated bush outside Ibadan and shot there.

COUP PLOTTERS: OJUKWU’S PROPHECY

When Ojukwu expressed his disgust over the murder of Igbo army officers by their northern colleagues in July 1966, Lt-Colonel Katsina interjected by asking Ojukwu why he had not reacted with the same revulsion when senior northern military officers were murdered by Igbo soldiers seven months earlier. Ojukwu now explained and reasoned that against th falsehood been spread but in January 1966, soldiers from every region of the federation (Nzeogwu: Mid-West, Ifeajuna-East, Ademoyega: West, Kpera: North) had staged a coup in which soldiers and politicians from every region of the federation (Akintola: West, Balewa: North, Unegbe: East, Okotie-Eboh: Mid-West) were also killed.
Whereas when northern soldiers staged a revenge coup in July, soldiers from one region of the federation only (North: Danjuma, Murtala, Martin Adamu etc) singled out soldiers from one region in the federation as their targets. Katsina took this opportunity to remind Ojukwu of the effort he had put in to prevent the murder of Igbos. Katsina told Ojukwu that “If you know how much …we have tried to console the people to stop all these movements and mass killings, you will give me and others a medal tonight.”

Despite agreeing to attend the conference, Ojukwu was still refusing to recognize Lt-Colonel Gowon as Nigeria’s Head of State. Ojukwu had defiantly continued to address Gowon as the “the Chief of Staff (Army)” (the post which Gowon occupied before the July counter-coup) in his public statements. Ojukwu was alarmed at the ascension of Gowon to the highest office in the land despite the presence of several other officers who were more senior than him (Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe, Commodore J.E.A. Wey, Colonel Adebayo, Lt-Colonels Hilary Njoku, Phillip Effiong, George Kurubo, Ime Imo, Conrad Nwawo and Lt-Colonels Ejoor and Ojukwu who were promoted to Lt-Colonel in the same week as Gowon).

Ojukwu almost prophetically warned that allowing a middle ranking officer backed by coup plotters to become the Head of State irrespective of seniority would create a dangerous precedent which Nigeria would find difficult to emerge from in future. He told Gowon that “any break at this time from our normal line would write in something into the Nigerian army which is bigger than all of us and that thing is indiscipline, How can you ride above people’s heads purely because you are at the head of a group who have their fingers poised on the trigger? If you do it you remain forever a living example of that indiscipline which we want to get rid of because tomorrow a Corporal will think, he could just take over the company from the Major commanding the company…”.

Ojukwu’s warning was of course not heeded and his prediction that junior officers would in future overthrow their superior officers proved prophetic. The NCOs and Lieutenants that shot Gowon to power graduated into the Colonels that overthrew him exactly nine years later. The remnants of the same offiers, now as Brigadiers, overthrew the elected civilian government of Shehu Shagari on the last day of 1983, and later removed Major-General Buhari from power in 1985.

Ojukwu’s impassioned monologue at Aburi could serve as an anti coup plotter thesis. He continued to Gowon “you announced yourself as Supreme Commander. Now, Supreme Commander by virtue of the fact that you head or that you are acceptable to people who had mutinied against their commander, kidnapped him and taken him away? By virtue of the support of officers and men who had in the dead of night murdered their brother officers, by virtue of the fact that you stood at the head of a group who had turned their brother officers from the eastern region out of the barracks they shared?”.

THE STAR OF THE SHOW

It was obvious to the non military observers of the Aburi conference that Ojukwu “was clearly the star performer. Everyone wanted to please and concede to him”. On the federal side, only the Military Governor of the Northern Region: Lt-Colonel Hassan Usman Katsina, seemed to realize the significance of what was going on. Anxious not to allow Ojukwu’s domination of the proceedings to continue for too long, he at one point dared Ojukwu to “secede, and let the three of us (West, North, Mid-West) join together”.

Alarmed by talk of a possible break-up of Nigeria, Ankrah quickly interjected and told his guests that “There is no question of secession when you come here [Ghana]”. Although the FMG delegation was keen to mollify and make concessions to Ojukwu, Lt-Colonel Katsina was hostile and blunt than his other colleagues. He declared matter of factly to Ojukwu: “You command the east, if you want to come into Nigeria, come into Nigeria and that is that”.

GMT+1 08:31
Home News AbujaBuhari Is A Fraud, Nigerian Senate Reduced To Cinematic Extras – American Lawyer
Buhari Is A Fraud, Nigerian Senate Reduced To Cinematic Extras – American Lawyer
Posted By: Breaking Timeson:November 22, 2015In: Abuja, Nation, News, Nigeria, World 4 Comments Print Email
In an article that has gone viral around the world, titled ‘Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari Dupes the US’, Bruce Fein criticized Nigeria’s leader for “uttering time-worn democracy vows” during his visit to the US, where he promised “to combat graft with procedures that would be “fair, just, and scrupulously follow due process and the rule of law, as enshrined in our constitution.”
It said, “After celebrating fairness, due process, and the rule of law last July to win the goodwill of the United States, Mr. Buhari returned to Nigeria to mock all three in a vendetta against Dasuki, the immediate past National Security Adviser.
“He placed Mr. Dasuki under house arrest. He confiscated his passport. . He sought a secret trial to prevent independent scrutiny.
“He opposed Mr. Dasuki’s pretrial application to the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja for permission to receive urgent medical treatment for cancer in London, but it was nonetheless granted.
“Justice Adeniyi Ademola explained that an accused is presumed innocent before trial, and that a citizen’s health is paramount before the law. Mr. Buhari was ordered to release Mr. Dasuki’s international passport.
“Mr. Buhari defied the order. He put Mr. Dasuki’s house under siege, a microcosm of the Bosnian Serb siege of Sarajevo. Mr. Dasuki returned to court. Justice Ademola reaffirmed his order, asserting “My own orders will not be flouted.”
“Mr. Buhari has not yet budged. As a military dictator in 1985, he similarly seized the international passport of Chief Obafemi Awolowo to thwart his travel for medical treatment, which caused his death in 1987. The more things change, the more they stay the same.”
Calling Dasuki’s situation an “ongoing persecution,” Fein noted disparagingly that “Members of Nigeria’s National Assembly and Senate have been reduced to playing the roles of extras in cinematic extravaganzas.”
Recalling some of the low points of the Buhari military regime in the ‘80s, the publication said the era “was earmarked by chilling human rights abuses,” which it said included, “draconian edicts, exemplified by Decree 20 under which the judicial murders of Nigerian citizens Lawal Ojuolape, Bernard Ogedengbe, and Bartholomew Owoh were authorized.”
It noted that Ogedengbe was executed for a crime that did not carry the death penalty at the time it was committed in violation of the universal revulsion of EXpost facto laws.
Quoting Nobel Prize laureate Wole Soyinka, the article said “these crimes were executed in defiance of pleas from virtually every sector of Nigeria and the international community—a grisly precedent for subsequent dictator Sani Abacha’s hanging of Ogoni activist Ken Saro-Wiwa in contempt of international opinion.”
It further noted that Buhari’s brutal military dictatorship was overthrown in 1985, adding, “Mr. Dasuki played a key role. Dictators do not forget. Fast forward to today.”
According to Fein, “if Mr. Buhari flouts Justice Ademola’s order with impunity, judicial independence will be fatally compromised and Nigeria’s embryonic democratic dispensation will be stillborn.”
“The judiciary is the only branch capable of checking limitless executive power—the bane of Africa.”
Fein such actions could work against peaceful transfer of political power on the continent as incumbents would be afraid of being persecuted by their successors.
“President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration accepted a peaceful transfer of power to President Buhari, a laudable landmark in African politics.
“If Mr. Buhari is permitted with impunity to destroy his political opponents like Mr. Dasuki with tyrannical methods, peaceful transfers of power everywhere on the Continent will become problematic. The incumbents’ risk of political and personal impalement at the hands of their would-be successors will be too high.”
The article concluded by urging the United States to insist on independent human rights observers to monitor Dasuki’s prosecution and trial, and a demand that President Buhari honours his vow to follow due process and the rule of law.
“The stakes are too high to remain silent,” it added.
Omolara Adegoke- Abuja
We welcome comments that advance the story through relevant opinion, anecdotes, links and data. We also authorize the copying and usage of parts or the whole of this publication as long as Credit is given tot hebreakingtimes.comand other mentioned sources
Tags: Breakingtimes

austinsmat:
I wish we will be killing those old fool,calling themselves ohanaeze ndigbo one by one, it seem than there have taken bribe

and what would you gain by doing that?

Are you high on cold wet weed?

General
Why Biafra is never realizable – Buhari
By Isa Sa’idu, Zaria | Publish Date: Nov 21 2015 9:27PM | Updated Date: Nov 22 2015 12:35AM
President Muhammadu Buhari
President Muhammadu Buhari yesterday said the agitation of those wanting to secede from Nigeria would be surmounted by the might of the federal government, as the continuous existence of the country is not, and would never be, a subject of debate.
The President made this known at the Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), Zaria, during the investiture of the institution’s 7th chancellor.
President Buhari assured Nigerians that his administration had the ability to tackle the numerous security challenges that confront Nigeria, and warned those he called evil-planners to check themselves or face the consequences of their actions.
He added; “The security situation in the country entails that every Nigerian must discharge responsibility in bringing her back to peaceful coexistence.”
The president, who was represented by the Minister of State for Education, Professor Anthony Anwuka, urged all stakeholders to join hand with ABU in addressing its challenges and sustain the fame that the university earned both locally and internationally.
Speaking in the same vein, the new chancellor of ABU, Nnaemeka Alfred Ugochukwu Achebe, the Obi of Onitsha, said the attitude of most upper and middle class Nigerians towards wealth accumulation was the cause of the present challenges that the country has found itself in.
The chancellor believed only strides towards restoring Nigeria’s core values of commitment to justice, equity, mutual respect and transparency would address challenges like the MASSOB, Niger Delta militants, Boko Haram, industrial strikes, armed robbery, kidnapping, ethnic rivalries and ntra/intra party tension.
The Vice Chancellor of ABU, Professor Ibrahim Garba, said the investiture of the Obi of Onitsha would deepen the unique character of ABU as the most liberal university in Nigeria.

The only reason behind it is because of the laws and 10 commandment

Aufbauh:
#KogiDecides : Results Coming In

* Nilo. Aiyegunle gbede. Apc 112. Pdp61

*Okeleti. Aiyegunle gbede Apc 121. Pdp 73

*Agoh Aiyegunle gbede. Apc 129. Pdp 55

* Adankolo unit. Lokoja.Apc 282. Pdp 124

*Iluafon Aiyetoró gbede. Ijumu. Apc 138. Pdp 86.

* Eni 002 unit. Ogori mangogo.pdp 33. Apc 29

* Akefe unit. Kabba. Pdp 138. Apc 117

* Aiyegunle gbede. Ijumu. Apc 167. Pdp 41

* Cinema junction. Lokoja. Pdp 167. Apc 195

* Demonstration kabba. Apc 171. Pdp70

*Oja otun Iyara. Pdp36. APC 146

* Inikpi idah.pdp 59. Apc 91

* Agwa ategune idah. Apc 183. Pdp 51

* Oke bukun,Aiyetoro gbede. Pdp 81. Apc 113

* Aduratedo,Aiyetoró gbede. Pdp 107. Apc 131.

* Okomi ayere ijumu. Apc 80.pdp 52

* Iluafon in Aiyegunle gbede. Apc 58. Pdp 16

* Oge unit in Aiyegunle gbede. Apc 79. Pdp 37

* Eguru. Aiyegunle gbede. Apc 167. Pdp61

* Oke koko ward. Apc 976. pdp. 503

* Ojedayo ward. Kabba. Apc 492. Pdp 226

* Oloniruha unit. Kabba Apc 210. Pdp130

* Ilah Bunu. APC 218 pdp154

* Igbolare ogidi. Apc 174. Pdp 174

* Odo Ape unit 2/ Apc 161 pdp 73

Polling Units Results Collected So Far:
PU 029, Zariagi ward, Adavi LGA. APC - 12, PDP -5, LP - 30, DPP - 1, Invalid - 1, Total - 49.

PU 15 Amole open space, Lokoja. APC: 148; PDP: 110; LP: 8; PPA: 5; APGA: 1; APA:1; PDC: 1. Invalid votes: 13: Accredited voters: 319.

Crowther Memorial College unit, Lokoja LGA. APC: 169; PDP:129: PPA: 5; LP: 7

Lokoja LGA_Ward A. SUBEB/SPEB POLLING UNIT : APC =193 PDP =129

Idah LGA, Ugwoda Ward, Ojaina unit 006 APC 39 PDP 39

PU 22/01/10/029 ZARIAGI%(KABBA%JUNCTION), Adavi LGA Results:
APC - 20
PDP - 15
LP - 88
PPA - 1
ADC - 1
APGA - 1
NNPP - 1

PU 22/13/08/004, ILOKE LGEA SCHOOL ILOKE, MOPA MORO LG Result:

PDP 128
APC 26

PU 029, Zariagi ward, Adavi LGA.
APC - 12, PDP -5, LP - 30, DPP - 1, Invalid - 1, Total - 49.

Obeya Kekele polling Unit Anyigba, Dekina LGA Code No. 001 APC: 255 PDP: 86 LP: 03

Ofu LGA :Ofakaga - Amuna Polling Unit, APC 126 - PDP 71.

Bango ward unit 1
PDP 250 APC 15 LP 18

Idah-Ukwaja unit 1
Apc 365
PDP 62

PU 002 Karaworo South, Lokoja
APC 231
PDP 185

#KogiDecides

dont worry apc has won this election
ish... for pdp

#bringbackoursoldiers
heading over to twitter
modified*
i have done my part

#bringbackoursoldiers
heading over to twitter

cephaswizzy:
Go and read JOHN 12:4; 1:24.

please what does it say i aint close to a bible

teeboila:
.

is that the way?

nwaanambra1:
euphemism bro!

he is just being mild - he is simply calling the protesters fools exposing themselves to harm while the instigators are staying out of harms way in their homes while encouraging protesters to keep up the protest!

don't be so naive in june 2015 nnamdi kanu was in Aba he lead a protest, last two days his mother and sister came out to lead a protest in Aba.
Peace

nwaanambra1:
he wasn't speaking with two sides of one mouth. He still stands on his no-support for Biafra agitation - He is simply saying that the struggle is no longer necessary now that we should rather support the governors in their quest to develop south-east.

it seems you're the one who didn't read it.
Read up once again and you'll sée where he said "until the leaders behind it come out and lead the protest"

nwaanambra1:
he wasn't speaking with two sides of one mouth. He still stands on his no-support for Biafra agitation - He is simply saying that the struggle is no longer necessary now that we should rather support the governors in their quest to develop south-east.

it seems you're the one who didn't read it.
Read up once again and you'll sée where he said "until the leaders come out and join the protest"

nwaanambra1:
did you even read the article at all?

i sure did. He shouldn't be speaking with two sides of one mouth

Isn't it the same protest you tagged evil?