₦airaland Forum

RDM successfully integrates Assegai ammunition with G5 and G6 howitzers

Rheinmetall Denel Munition (RDM) has successfully integrated its latest generation 155 mm Assegai artillery ammunition with the South African National Defence Force’s (SANDF’s) G5 and G6 45 calibre howitzers following verification firings at the Alkantpan test range.

The company said Fire Control Interface (FCI) verification firings of the Assegai ammunition suite were carried out between 3 and 6 November. The verification firings were conducted in close collaboration with the SA Army, the Logistics Support Formation, Denel Landward Systems, Armscor, and RDM.

The achievement “marks not only a successful integration effort but a significant step forward in upgrading and future-proofing the SANDF’s long-range firepower, ensuring the artillery corps remains aligned with modern operational requirements,” according to RDM.

Multiple Assegai variants were validated during the trials, including:

- M1712 – JBMoU 155 mm IHE with boat-tail (BT)
- M1711 – JBMoU IHE with base-bleed (BB)
- M2000 – JBMoU standard high-explosive (HE)
- M1 – ERFB nubbed variant, currently in service

Using the M64 and M67 propelling charges in service with Denel’s 45 calibre howitzers, the trials demonstrated full operational compatibility across the ammunition-to-weapon interface — confirming both the adaptability and technical maturity of the Assegai family, RDM said.

The Assegai range delivers a substantial performance upgrade over the legacy M1 ERFB shells, offering a lethal area of 152 m² and generating up to 11 300 natural fragments. The newly integrated M1711 and M1712 also bring enhanced logistical and launcher-safety benefits to own forces due to their insensitive munition characteristics — a key requirement in modernising artillery ammunition systems, RDM emphasised.

“This success demonstrates RDM’s technical excellence and steadfast commitment to supporting the SANDF’s transition to modernised, enhanced prime-mission equipment,” said Dr Frank Dirksen, Chief Executive Officer at RDM. “These firings confirm that South Africa can field world-class artillery ammunition that integrates seamlessly with existing 45 calibre systems, while opening clear pathways for future capability growth.”

RDM said it remains focused on delivering practical, deployable solutions that extend range, improve lethality and precision, and enhance reliability for the South African National Defence Force. “The Alkantpan verification is not the conclusion — it is the launch point for further range-table validation, operational trials and continued cooperation with our defence partners to ensure the SANDF is equipped for today’s operational demands and tomorrow’s emerging threats.”

The G5 towed howitzer and G6 self-propelled howitzer use 45 calibre barrels, able to fire Extended Range Full Bore (ERFB) projectiles in two main versions: standard boat-tail (ERFB-BT) and base bleed (ERFB-BB). Maximum range from a 45 calibre barrelled howitzer is 31 and 41 km respectively for the boat-tail and base bleed projectiles.

The Assegai projectile suite consists of ballistically matched High Explosive, Practice, Insensitive Munition High Explosive, Illuminating, Infrared Illuminating, Smoke, Pre-formed Fragmented (PFF) and Rocket-Assisted (V-LAP) projectiles. Rounds are compatible with 39 to 52 calibre weapon systems and designed according to JBMoU principles; the Assegai family can be fired from any NATO STANAG-compatible artillery system, including the PzH 2000 self-propelled howitzer. With a barrel length of 39 calibres, an Assegai base bleed projectile attains a range of over 30 kilometres. Fired from a 52-calibre barrel, the range can exceed 40 kilometres (a 2019 record shot reached 76 km with a V-LAP round).

The tactical modular charges of the Assegai series are fine-tuned to the customer’s specific weapon systems and artillery shells for maximum effectiveness, RDM said. Their modular design simplifies logistics and makes handling in self-propelled artillery systems easier. They also offer other advantages: Assegai charges reduce barrel wear and produce lower muzzle flash; the former results in longer barrel life, the latter makes the artillery system harder for the enemy to detect.
https://defenceweb.co.za/editors-pick/rdm-successfully-integrates-assegai-ammunition-with-g5-and-g6-howitzers/

Bullet Proofing Technology unveils new Featherlight hard armour plate at Milipol Paris

Bullet Proofing Technology (BPT), specialising in lightweight composite armour solutions, has launched its new Featherlight hard armour plate at the Milipol international exhibition in Paris this week, representing what it says is a significant leap forward in personal protection.

The Featherlight plate is engineered to enhance officer mobility and comfort, weighing in at 0.5 kg. “Despite its minimal weight, the plate provides robust protection against common threats, meeting the NIJ Level IIIa standard for handgun rounds, including 9 mm and .44 Magnum. Crucially, the plate also offers certified protection against the challenging Tokarev round, a projectile known for its difficulty to defeat with standard armour systems,” BPT said on 18 November.

“The Featherlight plate is a direct response to the operational demands of modern security and police forces,” said Leon van der Westhuizen, COO of BPT. “We have engineered a solution that practically eliminates weight as a barrier to wearing hard armour, ensuring that personnel are protected against complex threats like the Tokarev round without compromising agility or endurance. This is a game-changer for daily patrol and high-risk operations.”

Adding a core emphasis on the user experience, Benny Jiyane, CEO of BPT, commented: “The core advantage of the Featherlight plate is its suitability for semi-permanent wear in low-to-medium risk environments. It was specifically developed for everyday policing tasks, VIP protection details, undercover operations, and private security. Its extremely low profile and weight allow it to be discreetly incorporated into normal plate carriers or specialized T-shirt style vests, which we displayed at Milipol. Our goal was simple: to make the user almost unaware of the system due to its low weight and flexibility, greatly improving compliance and comfort for long-duration wear.”

The new armour solution features an ergonomic multi-curve design for a “superior” anatomical fit and is produced in a larger-than-standard 300 x 300 mm size, maximizing coverage without adding bulk.

“The composite technology utilised in the Featherlight plate sets a new standard for lightweight, multi-threat personal ballistic protection,” BPT said.

Earlier this year, BPT unveiled its Ultralight range of body armour so light that it can even float. The Ultralight range, showcased for the first time at the Securex exhibition in Johannesburg, features 1 kg plates that are a fraction of the weight of plates 30 years ago (3 kg) for Level III protection. At a weight of less than 1 kg for a 250 x 300 mm multi-curve plate, BPT said its Ultralight plates are so light and comfortable that they can be worn for extended periods. The plates exceed the requirements of NIJ 0101 Level III, by also providing protection against common threats such as the 5.56×45 mm Ball (R4) and 7.62×39 mm Ball (Mild Steel Core) (AK-47) threats.

These Ultralight plates are manufactured from UHMWPE (ultra-high molecular weight polyethylene) fibres, which have largely succeeded Kevlar. UHMWPE plates are so light that they have neutral buoyancy and can actually float on water.

BPT said the new generation of armour plate is being promoted to the South African Police Service (SAPS), amongst others, as it is half the weight of their current plates, but only costs 50% more.

BPT offers a range of armour solutions to meet different requirements and costs, from premium super and ultra-light solutions to heavier but cheaper steel plates. In addition to body armour, the company offers ballistic shields, which can protect against handguns and assault rifles.

Since establishment in 1997, BPT has supplied more than 1.3 million body armour plates and over 2 000 armoured vehicle kits to customers around the world. The company’s main focus is on body armour plates and military vehicle armour, supplying armour to several of South Africa’s leading armoured vehicle manufacturers; BPT completes 300-500 vehicle armour sets a year, and 70-150 000 body armour panels annually.

The other 5% of BPT’s turnover comes from specials, including bullet traps, shields, aircraft, ship and building armour. Materials used include ceramics, Aramid fibre, armour steel, special polymers and UHMWPE fibres.

BPT is accredited by the South African National Accreditation System (SANAS) to certify ballistic testing on body armour (SANS 1658:2007 and STANAG 2920), vehicle armour (EN 1523) and military vehicle armour (STANAG 4569). This is a first for South Africa and BPT is currently the only South African company accredited to do any of this testing in their specially equipped ballistic testing facility, the company said.
https://defenceweb.co.za/industry/industry-industry/bullet-proofing-technology-unveils-new-featherlight-hard-armour-plate-at-milipol-paris/

Hensoldt SA a significant contributor to group’s new Taervus EW system

The Hensoldt Group has just launched a new electronic warfare (EW) solution called Taervus, which is a fully integrated system that brings together advanced radio direction finders, receivers, jammers and its Spectrum Battle Management Suite. Hensoldt South Africa is responsible for a significant part of this portfolio.

Taervus, revealed by Hensoldt last week, is described as a cross-domain system solution for modern electromagnetic warfare. Its different elements have been field proven over many years but are now presented under a unified name. Taervus covers both COMINT (communications intelligence) and ELINT (electronic intelligence) in the HF, VHF and UHF ranges up to higher microwave bands and offers jamming capabilities against enemy communications and radar systems. The name, which is composed of the Latin words Terra for earth and Corvus for crow, reflects the system’s self-image and identity as a land EW solution, while the crow, as the symbolic animal of electromagnetic warfare, also has a firm place in this product, the company said.

“Taervus combines solutions for tactical and strategic reconnaissance of the enemy with the ability to effectively jam enemy communications systems. It comprises holistic sensor and system solutions in which modular, software-defined and networked systems operate in conjunction with each other. Among other things, the integrated Artificial Intelligence (AI) supports signal analysis, enables semi-automatic classification and prioritisation of detected signals, and opens up capabilities such as ‘predictive jamming’, in which jamming measures are optimised in an anticipatory and situation-dependent manner,” Hensoldt said.

The company explained the need for such a system on modern battlefields is undisputed: “In an environment where the speed and quality of information are decisive, Taervus enables its users to significantly shorten the so-called OODA loop (Observe, Orient, Decide, Act). This capability provides the user with early, accurate information on the enemy’s position, allowing them to make tactical decisions faster and more accurately than their opponent.”

“Those who act faster than their opponents and simultaneously disrupt their information gathering capabilities secure a decisive advantage on the battlefield,” said Dr Torben Brack, Vice President and Head of Cyberspace & EW at Hensoldt.

Taervus seamlessly integrates multiple systems into a system of systems. Its modular design allows it to be used in a variety of projects and guarantees that the user receives not only individual components, but comprehensive system capability. This innovative solution makes a significant contribution to securing the often life-saving information advantage in combat, thereby increasing the chances of success in any scenario, Hensoldt said.

Typical Taervus system components include a signal exciter with integrated wideband receiver; complex waveform and scenario generator; high-power RF amplifiers; standard TX/RX antenna suite; Spectrum Battle Management Software (SBMS); and optional communications ES subsystem. These allow multi-band, multi-target jamming; efficient frequency-hopping radio jamming; and reactive, library-based jamming with technique agility.

Taervus portable electromagnetic attack solutions are designed for manpack and portable use. Other solutions are designed for installation in armoured personnel carriers (APCs), or integrated into shelter configurations.

Although Taervus was launched on a Hensoldt group level, Hensoldt South Africa’s GEW business unit is responsible for a significant part of this portfolio.

Hensoldt South Africa, the Group’s largest industrial base outside of Germany with 800 South African employees across four sites, has three main operating units: Optronics, GEW, and Radar.

The GEW business unit specialises in communication monitoring and jamming, direction finding, electronic countermeasures/warfare, electromagnetic spectrum management and security systems. Since the 1960s the company has been involved in providing electronic support, electronic attack and electronic warfare solutions. Its signal intelligence and spectrum monitoring systems have been sold and are in operation in more than 30 countries worldwide, including with the South African Air Force, Army and Navy, and the spectrum regulatory body, ICASA. The company’s jamming systems are used to protect fixed targets, convoys, individual vehicles and foot patrols (manpack system) against remotely controlled improvised explosive devices and other threats, such as the roadside bombs.

Hensoldt South Africa is also active in the fields of airspace surveillance, and security systems, particularly perimeter and border fencing systems with integrated alerting systems to localise a breach. Such systems have been successfully used to counter wildlife poaching.

Hensoldt South Africa is increasing its involvement in the radar, data link, identification friend or foe (IFF), customer services and business development fields, amongst many others. Its Radar Business Unit offers 3D radar, synthetic aperture radar, radar for counter-UAV operations and passive radar. One of the biggest radar projects in South Africa in recent years is Hensoldt South Africa’s Quadome dual-mode, three-dimensional (3D), multi-mission radar for air and surface surveillance as well as target acquisition. This has already attracted its first export customer, the UK Royal Fleet Auxiliary.
https://defenceweb.co.za/industry/industry-industry/hensoldt-sa-a-significant-contributor-to-groups-new-taervus-ew-system/

For a few seconds yesterday I tried to figure out the antenna on pic 1.
The internet has come through. It's something called the Eekhoring System on pic 2.

Exercise Vukuhlome 2025: Brigade stable parade

Fake it ’till you make it: How an SA arms company built UAE armoured vehicles

The UAE is selling well-equipped armoured vehicles to African states under a ‘Made in Emirates’ label. But documents from a whistleblower show that these are South African-designed vehicles built by the staff of Integrated Convoy Protection, a South African company. The vehicles were built in the UAE by ICP staff using parts exported from South Africa. Whether the exports took place with all necessary legal approvals is disputed and is being investigated by the police. All this takes place in the context of the UAE supporting warring factions in countries such as Sudan, whose people are the subject of an ongoing genocide.

Open Secrets can now publish this story following a three-week gag order obtained by International Convoy Protection (ICP) from the Western Cape Division of the High Court in Cape Town that prevented us from saying anything about this story. ICP declined to answer Open Secrets’ questions and went to court instead. In this article, we have included material from ICP’s court papers that addresses many of the questions we sent them.

In 2025, the government of Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) received its first Kasser II armoured vehicles, part of a consignment of 160 ordered from the International Golden Group (IGG) in the UAE. The vehicles were probably loaded into containers in the UAE’s Tawazun Industrial Park, a UAE free zone with a focus on the defence sector and home to IGG. From there, they were shipped to Matadi port, the DRC’s main port on the banks of the Congo River.

This was not the first time the mine-resistant and ambush-protected Kasser II vehicles had made a showing on African soil. Just a week before the shipment landed in the DRC, 12 of these battle-ready all-terrain vehicles were shown off at Togo’s independence day military parade.

This was projected as another example of UAE prowess in delivering weapons and defence technology in partnership with African states. But was it?

This explanation misses the most crucial information. The Kasser II vehicles may have a “Made in the Emirates” sticker on them, but they were in fact designed by a South African firm and built by South African engineers. The production took place inside the UAE’s notoriously secretive free trade zones (FTZs) as part of a R775-million contract.

Open Secrets can now reveal this story in full, relying on a trove of emails, company documents, trade data and eyewitness accounts. These were provided to Open Secrets by a whistleblower whom we call Casper. South African armoured vehicle company Integrated Convoy Protection (ICP) provided the intellectual property, parts, manufacturing capacity and staff to build the Kasser II. As part of the deal between ICP and IGG, vehicles and components for building them may have been exported from South Africa without the permits required for the export of weapons, though ICP denies this.

The ‘Emirates Kasser II’
The Kasser II Mine-Resistant Ambush-Protected (MRAP) 4x4 vehicle was first unveiled at the International Defence Exhibition and Conference (Idex) in 2021, and has since been a regular at UAE pavilions at arms fairs around the world. It’s an imposing armoured vehicle – nearly seven metres long and 2.5m wide. The version sent to the DRC is also fitted with firepower that includes cannons and machine guns mounted on the vehicles. These are not mere armoured trucks, but purpose-built war machines.

Officially built by Abu Dhabi-based company M4 industries, the Emiratis trumpet the Kasser II as an example of the successes of their booming defence industry. However, as many defence journalists have noted since its release, the Kasser II is the spitting image of the South African-manufactured Reva V armoured personnel carrier (APC), albeit with some minor changes.

In January 2025, Defence Web wrote that the Reva V vehicles “appear to be entering service in the Middle East as the Kasser II”. In response, ICP told the journalist that it could not comment on its clients due to non-disclosure agreements, but insisted it “only manufactured vehicles in South Africa”.

A long-running relationship and a new contract
According to ICP’s court submissions, it has had contracts with IGG to supply it with armoured vehicles, parts and support since at least 2015. IGG is owned by the Edge group, a state-owned Emirati arms conglomerate that owns at least 25 subsidiary arms companies in the UAE, and has grown to become one of the largest arms companies in the world.

South Africa’s links with the Edge Group run deep. The Vice President of International Business at Edge, Miles Chambers, is a South African, and companies within Edge employ many South Africans.

ICP has been exporting Reva vehicles to the UAE for a long time. However, the nature of that relationship changed when the parties signed a new contract in 2020.

The whistleblower, Casper, provided Open Secrets with a signed July 2020 contract between the Emirati-based International Golden Group (IGG) and ICP. The title of the contract is “For Supply of Modified Reva V 4x4 Vehicle Armored Personal (sic) Carriers to be assembled in the United Arab Emirates under new name (‘Kasser II’)”.

The contract was for US$45-million (R775-million at the time) and required ICP to “deliver one hundred Advanced Semi Knock Down kits (“ASKD”) for the Vehicles as well as spare parts, services, and know how… in order to assemble the Vehicles in Buyer’s facilities at Tawazun Industrial Park”, and anticipated delivery between September 2020 and July 2021.

The contract makes clear that the Kasser II is not just based on the Reva V. Rather, the intellectual property, manufacturing of parts and spares, and expertise, all came from South Africa’s ICP. This is only the latest example of South African defence IP being used by Emirati companies to build their military industrial base.


Were the exports approved by the South African government?
It is clear then that the Kasser II is a South African-designed vehicle that was exported in kit form from South Africa, and put together again by ICP employees working in the UAE. The next question is whether these exports complied with South African law. Based on the evidence presented to us by Casper and our analysis of South Africa’s publicly available arms export records and the law, they may not have.

In South Africa, anything designed for use in war, including vehicles, can be exported only following approval from the South African arms export regulator – the National Conventional Arms Control Committee (NCACC).

This body is made up of Cabinet ministers appointed by the President. Crucially, the NCACC is also required to approve the export of equipment, spare parts, components or other accessories that are designed to be built into weapons of war. In this case, the export of the parts for the Reva vehicles to be turned into the Kasser II appears to require approval.

ICP vehemently denies this. In its court papers, filed this month, ICP claims two things. First, it shared two contracting permits granted to it in 2015 and 2019 for the contracts to sell 200 Reva III vehicles and 70 Reva V vehicles, to IGG. In both cases, the UAE armed forces were listed as the “end user” of the vehicles. ICP insists it exported only full vehicles when in possession of a permit.

Second, and more importantly for the story of the 2020 contract, ICP claims that – in terms of the 2020 contract – it only supplied semi-knock-down kits, “off the shelf” parts, and some dual-use items.

ICP’s position is that it did not seek any export permits for these items because they did not consider them “controlled items”; those that require export permits in terms of South African law. Crucially, ICP argues that these are not “controlled items”, “without proof of design intent”.

ICP references “design intent” because South African law is clear that commercial and dual-use parts are “controlled” (ie they require an export permit) when they are “specially designed for the parent item” – that is, a controlled item. This means that parts specifically designed for an armoured vehicle – even if dual-use goods or commercial items – require permits.

Several factors suggest that all parts supplied in terms of this contract were specifically designed for use in an armoured vehicle – the Kasser II. For one, the contract title explicitly states that the parts would be “assembled in the UAE under a new name (Kasser II)”. Second, in July 2021, a letter from ICP CEO Flip Marx said that all “management and staff involved in manufacturing the Kasser II” were required to get his sign-off on any technical changes to the vehicles.

This suggests ICP had full knowledge of the design intent of all parts supplied. Finally, ICP staff were responsible for constructing the vehicles in the UAE using the parts supplied.

We submitted detailed questions to the NCACC about whether export permits were applied for and granted in this case. They did not answer these questions, but did tell Open Secrets that “this matter is receiving attention. The police are investigating”.

How South Africa built the UAE defence sector
If these vehicles and related technology were sent in violation of the laws on arms exports, it would not be the first time. In 2021, Open Secrets investigated systemic failures by the NCACC to prevent South African weapons from being used in significant human rights abuses abroad.

In that instance, the NCACC had failed to properly consider applications to export weapons or to enforce the rules that ensure South African weapons were not being sold on to parties that had not bought them, in contravention of end-user certificates. That investigation showed that numerous South African-made and exported weapons had been found in use in Yemen, including by parties that had not purchased them.

But this story is part of another significant pattern in South Africa’s arms trade: the long-term and systematic movement of defence IP and resources from South Africa to the UAE. This is happening in licit and illicit ways.

Both state-owned firm Denel and private arms company Paramount have alleged that companies in the UAE have unlawfully obtained their defence IP, with the possible assistance of local employees. Some of these allegations are being investigated by the Special Investigating Unit (SIU), which has confirmed that it has referred criminal conduct to the National Prosecuting Authority.

According to an investigation by the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), one of these cases concerns NIMR, an Edge company. The CEO of NIMR, Abri du Plessis, is a South African who formerly held senior positions at Denel and BAE Systems.

The SIU investigated a complaint submitted by Denel alleging that NIMR accessed Denel IP in an unauthorised deal signed off by a Denel employee who was offered a senior position inside NIMR.

Among the SIU findings was that Denel workers had obtained and shared company IP for armoured vehicles without permission.

Another Edge company, Abu Dhabi Autonomous Systems Investments Company (Adasi), has also been under the spotlight. Adasi is at the centre of a bankruptcy filing in the United States made by a subsidiary of the South African private arms company Paramount. A Paramount subsidiary struck a deal with Adasi in 2016, but OCCRP reported that the deal collapsed after Adasi was acquired by Edge. Edge claims the deal included a transfer of aircraft IP, but the transfer never happened.

ICP’s exploits in the UAE are part of an emerging pattern of South African arms companies entering into lethal business with companies in the UAE, despite that the UAE has been known to arm conflicts where there are clear war crimes, such as in Yemen and Sudan.

In this case, ICP supplied everything in terms of a commercial contract, and there is no allegation of theft. However, the relationship was no doubt made easier by the fact that the UAE defence sector – including IGG – has been built and maintained by white South Africans, many of whom, like Marx, used to be part of the apartheid military architecture.

In this case, one of IGG’s senior engineers responsible for the Kasser project and for liaising with ICP was Steve Britz. Britz worked as a Denel engineer for 28 years from 1981 to 2009, when he moved to IGG. He is one of at least 300 Denel engineers and managers who have made the move to the UAE; so many that it’s reported that many board meetings of Emirati defence companies are conducted in Afrikaans.
Britz and IGG did not respond to Open Secrets’ questions.

Unanswered questions
In the documents Open Secrets accessed, there is evidence that ICP and IGG were negotiating a new contract in the middle of 2022, following the final delivery of the 100 vehicles in terms of the 2020 contract. Minutes of a meeting between representatives of M4 Industries and ICP in April 2022 suggest that ICP would not provide all the IP for the vehicles at that point, and wanted to keep this as something to sell in the future, possibly as part of a new contract.

We do not have access to anything that shows whether a new contract was signed. However, ICP claimed in court papers that IGG remains its single “biggest customer” and referenced “pending contracts”, though it did not indicate the nature of any new contracts with IGG.

In 2025, Kasser II vehicles are clearly being manufactured on an ongoing basis in the UAE in sufficient numbers to regularly supply multiple international clients. These clients include the DRC, where a 2022 escalation in conflict – backed by Rwanda – saw intense fighting extend a decades-long regional and civil war; and Togo – a country ruled as a dynastic military-style dictatorship in which the Gnassingbé family holds almost all power, protest is harshly crushed, and human rights violations are widespread.

It is essential that there is more effective oversight over our arms exports. Exports of South African armoured vehicles to these countries should be subject to proper consideration by our authorities, including their possible impact on conflict and human rights. DM
https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2025-11-27-fake-it-till-you-make-it-how-an-sa-arms-company-built-uae-armoured-vehicles/

GreenandGold:
.

I had almost given up ever seeing this! SANDF soldiers operating the T5 alongside the G6 at Exercise Vukuhlome 2025.

QuietMynd:
Wait what !!!!
Trump ban SA from participating in G20 in 2026.
Hope this is not true.
Someone confirm this pls

Yesterday I speculated the Orange Idiot would try exactly this, but the stupid bot banned my post.
Just some clarification:
SA is a founder member of the G20 and participates in its own right and not through some favour. Drumpf cannot therefore "ban" us. He can only refuse to issue visas for SA officials to attend G20 events in his country during the US presidency.
The idiot is still talking about stopping "aid and subsidies", clearly having forgotten signing an executive order in January stopping his $400m HIV assistance.

The US cannot unilaterally bar another permanent member of the G20 from participating in the summit. Speaking to Radio 786, the Director-General of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO), Zane Dangor, says Washington will need to table this before all G20 member states. It comes as the US has assumed the G20 presidency with President Donald Trump announcing that they will bar South Africa. Director-General of DIRCO, Zane Dangor:
" A presidency has discretion to invite guest countries. South Africa is a permanent member, not a guest country, so there is no discretion. The U.S. will have to table this, and that would most likely have to take place at the first Sherpa meeting, which is on 16 December. They need consensus, and they have to have very good reasons to exclude a permanent member of the G20.”
Dangor also revealed that ahead of the G20 Leaders Summit in Johannesburg, discussions have been had on what if a member state decides not to attend and if attendance is made hard by a host country.
“The difference between voluntarily not attending and how that may be different from a host making it difficult for members to attend. And the idea was that if you made it difficult and deliberately made it hard for a delegate or president to attend, then the outcome document for that particular presidency would definitely not meet the bar for consensus. Consensus is reached when somebody is absent, but it's voluntary. But in the case where it's non-voluntary, then the rules of consensus kick in a way that those not present, not because they don't want to be present but because they are forced not to be present, can then break the consensus.”

MiddleDimension:
Is the plane in the second picture what Nigeria is trying to procure?

Different aircraft but similar function. Nigeria has procured the M346, not trying.

GreenandGold:
The SAAF

Did you enjoy that lovely roar from all those jets patrolling the JHB skies for the G20?

South African counter-drone system earns capability pass mark

With successful capability trials completed Centurion-based Centauri Technologies is living up to its “from concept to combat” motto with the TriAD counter-drone system.

The trials – integrated and multi-layered – on the TriAD C-UAS (counter-unmanned aerial system) were undertaken using a vehicle mounted configuration at an undisclosed venue in the wake of its public debut at the February IDEX 2025 exhibition in Abu Dhabi.

“The trials validated Centauri’s TriAD system, which fuses radar, RF (radio frequency) and electro-optical sensors with AI (artificial intelligence) decision support to detect, prioritise and defeat hostile drones in real time with multiple hard kill effectors,” Xander Louw, Chief Product Officer, is on record as saying in a statement.

“Since then, we’ve refined the TriAD system capabilities, leading to an extensive series of controlled proof-of-concept trials. These are designed to demonstrate end-to-end detection, tracking, identification and defeat of small unmanned aerial systems from one interoperable system.”

The tests combined proven sensors with Centauri’s remotely operated weapon stations (ROWs) and a unified command and control (C2) stack. This showed a single vehicle-integrated solution providing effective, layered protection for convoys, bases and high-value assets.

TriAD is a sensor agnostic platform development integrating detection and tracking sensors, ROWs are Centauri proprietary systems.

They comprise the CRx-7 (7.62 mm LMG), CRx-30 (30×113 mm cannon) and CRx-40 (six-shot 40 mm grenade launcher) remote weapon stations, for graduated kinetic response.

The trials proved tracking from 360° radars matched with RF detection and EO/IR imagery from optical sensors significantly reduces false positives, enabling speedy identification and fast confident engagement decisions.

Importantly, the statement has it, the TriAD decision-support algorithm ranks multiple simultaneous contacts producing engagement orders aligned with operator judgement.

“In effect this means the C2 system fuses radar, RF and optical tracks into a single tactical picture, which feeds AI-based classifiers. In this manner, threats are prioritised and the operator is given recommendations for an optimal effector – which weapon to use.”

As an example, in the event of a low threat reconnaissance drone, the operator could use RF jamming or fire the CRx-7 7.62 mm light machine gun. For higher risk or hardened drone platforms, the 30 mm CRx-30 cannon (long range) or CRx-40 (close-in protection) grenade launcher could be fired using airburst munitions.

The TriAD features a human-machine interface (HMI) that allows the operator a fast handover between sensor feeds and provides single-click selection of recommended effectors (weapons) or manual override.

Louw has it further Centauri’s design priorities focused on modularity and export flexibility.

“TriAD can be configured with different sensor/effector mixes, depending on customer needs. Some might prefer a sensor-heavy detection grid with soft kill options, while others would opt for a hard kill vehicle-mounted solution for use on contested environments.”

Its architecture allows integration on armoured vehicles, naval vessels or as static installations, such as around airfields and military bases. Thanks to its compact and low weight design, it can be integrated on light vehicles, enhancing interoperability.

The Chief Product Officer said Centauri’s trials reflect an industry-wide shift toward layered, networked counter-UAS approaches combining sensors, soft and hard-kill options under unified decision systems. Customers benefit from TriAD’s single vendor delivered integration that shortens time-to-deploy compared with assembling disparate subsystems.

“What remains is acceptance testing and qualification. Centauri will expand the trial envelope to include EW (electronic warfare) resilience tests, GNSS (global navigation satellite system) denial scenarios and longer range integration with vehicle convoys,” Louw said.
https://defenceweb.co.za/industry/industry-industry/south-african-counter-drone-system-earns-capability-pass-mark/

GreenandGold:
Personally, I think it's a better configuration. It's not late for SANDF reconsider and send a different spec to Armscor.

After watching the Tac6 mortar version demo, I'm inclined to agree with you on the double cab. It should be a mix of single and double, depending on the variant.
For example on the 120mm mortar variant, a double cab is imperative, as you have driver, drone & counter-drone operator, and the 2 mortarists.

BTW, couldn't wait to escape the Big Smoke fast enough; am already at the airport for my 16h30 flight back to Cape Town and watching the National Ceremonial Guard prepping for the latest head of state G20 arrival. Who gets to land at Waterkloof Air Force Base and ORT and how is that decided? Keir Starmer (on a military plane) landed here at civilian ORT this morning, so did Vietnam and China; Zimbabwe got Lanseria and Brazil & India will get Waterkloof AFB.

Lurker4Long:
Armormax Defence and ST Engineering demo mortar-mounted TAC-6 vehicle

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pLL_X43pIbs

Armormax Defence and ST Engineering demo mortar-mounted TAC-6 vehicle

Singapore’s ST Engineering recently teamed up with Armormax Defence to host a demonstration to select members of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) and diplomatic corps, in which they showcased the 120 mm Ground Deployed Advanced Mortar System (GDAMS) on the TAC-6 vehicle.

The demonstration took place at Armscor’s Alkantpan artillery range in the Northern Cape on 29 October.

Grant Anderson, Managing Director of Armormax Defence, said ST Engineering’s GDAMS is a world leading 120 mm rapidly deployable mortar system (it can also be configured with an 81 mm barrel). Capable of deploying in under 15 seconds, its fire control system locks it onto target coordinates and allows for immediate engagement.

During the Alkantpan demonstration, an eight-round fire mission with just two crew took a minute and a half from the time the TAC-6 stopped to the time it pulled off. “With the GDAMS base plate being firmly planted on the ground (the GDAMS hydraulically pushes down, almost lifting the rear of the TAC-6 off the ground) first round accuracy is assured.”

The coordinates for the fire mission were provided by an onboard drone unit which is housed in a dedicated launcher on the roof of the TAC-6. Equipped with a laser range finder, high definition optical and thermal/infrared cameras, the drone is capable of flying out to the 9 km maximum range of the GDAMS, ranging targets and sending back accurate coordinates to the fire control computer. It is capable of observing fall of shot and then returning, tracking and landing on the TAC if it has moved to a different location.

Anderson highlighted that after firing, the TAC-6’s mobility allows rapid relocation. Traditional mortar or towed systems are vulnerable once they fire (counter-battery radar detects ballistic trajectory) but the TAC-6 can “shoot-and-scoot”, minimising exposure. Additionally, the combination of real-time drone spotting means that the system may fire fewer rounds with higher accuracy (thanks to precise coordinates and battle damage assessment), reducing ammunition signature and logistics tail, which in turn lessens the opportunity for enemy detection and retaliation. “This behaviour inherently compresses the kill chain: fewer steps, higher speed, higher accuracy, reduced exposure.”

In the Double Cab configuration, the TAC-6 can carry at least 50 rounds of ST Engineering’s extended range PM120 GPS guided ammunition, along with additional smoke, illumination and traditional high explosive (HE) rounds.

The TAC-6 GDAMS was protected against drones by two six-barrel Centauri CRx-40, 40mm grenade launchers. These launchers can fire a sequence of ST Engineering’s airburst grenades to counter inbound first-person view (FPV) drones. When using 40×51 mm grenades, the CRx-40 can engage targets out to 500 metres. The CRx-40 is typically integrated with Centauri’s TriAD hard-kill counter-UAV system, comprising radio frequency, radar, and acoustic sensors for detection, an electro-optical/infrared module for target engagement, and a CRx-30 30×113 mm cannon plus CRx-40 turret.

After the conventional GDAMS mortar rounds were demonstrated to the guests at Alkantpan, the new ST Engineering 120 mm GPS guided precision (PM120) round was then demonstrated. This can reduce the average 120 mm mortar round CEP (circular error probable) of around 135 meters at maximum range down to a CEP of sub 10 meters (CEP is where there is a 50% probability that rounds will fall within the radius of a circle centred on a target). “This moves the traditional role of the 120 mm mortar from an area weapon to that of a precision weapon system,” Anderson said.

“The net effect of the combined systems is that the highly mobile and agile TAC-6 can pre-deploy the spotter drone, and once the target is identified, expediently move to a firing position, stop and deploy the GDAMS, execute a fire mission using either the incredibly accurate GPS guided or traditional HE rounds, and then rapidly depart before any counter battery fire or FPV drones can be brought to bear,” Anderson explained.

“On today’s transparent battlefield, the ability to shoot and scoot, using obscuring terrain and features and always seeking beneficial firing positions is paramount. Recent and current global conflicts are driving a change in doctrine, lightning-fast response to opportunity and target intelligence, coupled with decisive and accurate application of force makes the difference between victory and defeat. The TAC-6 GDAMS gives a battlefield commander a really versatile addition to the force at his disposal,” Anderson said.

He added that ST Engineering selected the TAC-6 as a platform of choice for the GDAMS. The 6×6 TAC-6 is a modular, high-mobility tactical vehicle based on a heavily modified Toyota Land Cruiser 79 series but with an added third axle, increasing payload (up to 4 400 kg), and giving a gross vehicle mass (GVM) of seven tons. With 50% extra traction from the third axle, the TAC-6 offers high cross-country mobility.

The extra payload capacity is able to support a wide range of vehicle configurations, such as weapons platform, drone platform, logistics vehicle, etc. To date, in addition to the ST Engineering 120 mm GDAMS mortar unit, the TAC-6 has been outfitted with various remote weapons systems, the Aselsan Alkar 81 mm mortar and the Centauri TriAd 30×113 mm & 40 mm counter-drone system.

The TAC-6 is aimed at filling a multitude of civil and military roles – from firefighting to weapons carrier – with agility and versatility at its core. The vehicle is powered by a 4.5 litre V8 turbodiesel engine driving an eight speed automatic transmission developed and homologated by ZF. The TAC-6 has done over 250 000 km of testing in Europe and Africa.

So far Armormax Defence has built single, double and stretch versions of the TAC-6 (the latter with an extra 50 centimetres of length). An armoured personnel carrier variant is in the works, as is a variant with an armoured cab. Armormax specialises in armouring private vehicles – it has armoured nearly 2 000 vehicles over the last 20 years – and offers a variety of armour packages for the TAC-6. STANAG Level I vehicle armour can stop shell fragments as well as 7.62 mm and 5.56 mm bullets: lightweight armour and 40 mm ballistic glass is employed throughout to replace the original windows.

https://defenceweb.co.za/land/land-land/armormax-defence-and-st-engineering-demo-mortar-mounted-tac-6-vehicle/

GreenandGold:
Decided to create my own version I was referring to using the TAC-6 double-cabin platform. It gives the platform the ability to mount a forward-facing HMG and doubles up as a force multiplier.

And here's the SVI version.

Lurker4Long:
US business leaders have ignored the Orange Idiot, judging by how many are here at the B20. In fact, all the proposals at the B20 have been adopted...

What Politicians Can Learn From Business at G-20

By Ana Monteiro
November 20, 2025 at 4:18 PM GMT+2
Welcome to Next Africa, a newsletter on where the continent stands now — and where it’s headed. Sign up here to have it delivered to your email.

This week, we take a closer look at Africa’s investment prospects as global political and economic leaders converge on Johannesburg for the inaugural Bloomberg Africa Business Summit, the B-20 meeting and a Group of 20 gathering. Today’s edition looks at how businesspeople and politicians are taking divergent approaches in the US-South Africa relationship.

US political and business leaders aren’t singing from the same song sheet on South Africa, the host of this weekend’s Group of 20 summit.

Diplomatic relations between the countries are so fraught that President Donald Trump ordered an American boycott of the first annual gathering of the global group in Africa, complicating the handover to leadership of the G-20 at the end of the year.

Titans of industry from the two nations — who have to deal with Trump’s 30% tariffs on South African goods entering the US — are choosing a more collaborative route.

Executives backed all proposals at the B-20 corporate forum in Johannesburg that precedes the political gathering, said Nonkululeko Nyembezi, co-chair of the body and chairwoman of Standard Bank, Africa’s biggest lender by assets.

Gary Litman, the US representative, said business people have “very common views, which makes developing recommendations relatively easy.”

This contrasts with the parlous state of affairs between Pretoria and Washington, with the US warning South Africa this week that it would block any outcome framed as a consensus G-20 position.

Ties with the two governments frayed as soon as Trump returned to the White House.

Pretoria hasn’t had an ambassador in the US capital for most of this year since Ebrahim Rasool was expelled over critical comments he made about Trump. Special envoy Mcebisi Jonas hasn’t received a visa to travel to the US since his appointment by President Cyril Ramaphosa.

South Africa has failed to persuade the US president that it’s not targeting White Afrikaner farmers.

The diplomatic standoff adds to difficulties companies already face — navigating the complexity of tariffs, inflation and fragile supply chains.

The US accusations are “very sad,” says Hendrik du Toit, who leads and founded Africa’s biggest independent fund manager, Ninety One. South Africa, which still hasn’t concluded a trade deal with Washington, “could be a natural ally to the US” on the continent, but needs a “managerial overhaul of how the state is run.”

Industry can offer some lessons to politicians on how to make the world work.

News Roundup

The US formally warned South Africa against pushing for a joint statement at this weekend’s summit. The White House openly opposes South Africa’s G-20 presidency and its core agenda of solidarity, equality and sustainability — part of Ramaphosa’s push for a more inclusive world order. “Washington’s absence negates its role over the G-20’s conclusions,” South African foreign ministry spokesman Chrispin Phiri said in response.

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/newsletters/2025-11-20/g-20-south-africa-us-business-show-politicians-how-to-reach-agreement

US business leaders have ignored the Orange Idiot, judging by how many are here at the B20. In fact, all the proposals at the B20 have been adopted.

And then there was this, via Bloomberg:

Thriving in Trump’s Crosshairs

In May, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa arrived at the White House hoping to dislodge Trump’s allegations of a so-called “white genocide” that the administration used to levy punitive tariffs on imports from the country. Ramaphosa received a dressing-down and left Washington empty-handed.

The meeting worsened already frayed ties, culminating in Trump’s boycott of this week’s G-20 summit in Johannesburg. The 30% tariff remains in place, threatening to derail the economy just as painstaking reforms were beginning to take hold. And yet South African assets are thriving in ways few in Washington or Pretoria anticipated.

Last week, Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana delivered an impressive budget update in which revenue exceeded previous projections, prompting the National Treasury to double down on its fiscal-consolidation plans. Inflation’s trajectory has turned, enabling the central bank to target 3% inflation rather than a 3% to 6% band. Another vote of confidence came from S&P Global Ratings, which upgraded South Africa’s credit assessment for the first time since 2005 and kept a positive outlook. Few would have predicted such an endorsement in the immediate aftermath of Washington’s tariff shock.

The weak dollar has helped. The rand gained almost 10% this year, while South African 10-year credit default swaps are at their lowest since 2014 as the cost of financing dollar-denominated debt eases. Equities have widened their lead against emerging market peers.

With the US row still casting a long shadow, the market activity suggests a deeper confidence in reform momentum. A serious breakdown in relations with Washington isn’t trivial. Trade and investment ties remain vital. But the gains from Pretoria’s policy overhaul are hard to ignore. This is most evident in the near-elimination of the crippling power shortages that had been a defining symbol of economic malaise. For now, as yields on the country’s benchmark bonds plunge, bullish sentiments are their highest in two decades.

These green shoots are encouraging for an economy long hobbled by entrenched corruption and brazen, violent crime. The reforms are encouraging private investment in ailing state-owned enterprises in energy and logistics. Land reforms that draw the ire of Elon Musk, a former Trump ally, are also ongoing.

And there was the vintage selloff ahead of last year’s elections as foreign investors feared what might happen when the African National Congress, the party of Nelson Mandela, finally relinquished its overall majority. As elsewhere in the emerging world, that created great a chance to buy.

The surprising stability since the vote also helped to expand the multiples that investors are prepared to pay for South African stocks. It long commanded a premium to the rest of the emerging world, which was wiped out under former President Jacob Zuma. Valuations have resurged of late, and almost brought the country back in line with other emergents.

Despite the progress, Godongwana argues that he’s only beginning. Speaking at the inaugural Bloomberg Africa Business Summit in Johannesburg this week, he promised to adopt a new fiscal anchor. This won’t be straightforward. The ruling coalition is fragile, and this is likely to face political opposition.

Still, he’s determined to push through the reform to stabilize the debt-to-GDP ratio this fiscal year. That will hinge on a spending restraint that’s likely to upset voters. But inflation, which accelerated less than expected, remains within the central bank’s comfort zone, possibly mitigating the painful effects of fiscal consolidation.

Consumer prices rose 3.6% in October, compared with 3.4% a month earlier. Bloomberg Economics’ Yvonne Mhango sees inflation climbing to 3.9% by year-end, although she expects a stronger rand and faster-than-expected fiscal tightening to help contain the rise.

It remains in South Africa’s interest to keep Washington at arm’s length. Few can spook investors as quickly or as theatrically as Trump. And while the Rainbow Nation, buoyed by the G-20, may be eager to prove its resilience, Ramaphosa should remember that an unrestrained Trump could be very bad news.

—Richard Abbey

GreenandGold:
.

One of those occasions where going up-country to the Big Smoke cannot be avoided!
https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2025-11-18-g20-summit-here-are-the-routes-that-joburg-drivers-should-avoid-this-weekend/?dm_source=dm_block_grid&dm_medium=card_link&dm_campaign=main

Sandock Austral Defence relaunches as South African Defence Group

Five years after Sandock Austral Defence was established, the company has rebranded as the South African Defence Group (SADG), with a focus on providing defence and security solutions, from mission systems to turrets and vehicle upgrades.

During the official relaunch at the Houghton Golf Club on Wednesday, CEO Dr Mthobisi Zondi said Sandock Austral Defence has been in existence since 2019 when it fell under the Sandock Austral Group along with Sandock Austral Shipyards, but a couple of years ago the decision was taken to dissolve the group and let the shipbuilding and defence businesses be standalone entities. The relaunch is to celebrate a new corporate identity.

Zondi said SADG’s core business is defence and security for local and international clients, with a focus on providing solutions and capabilities rather than just products. “We invest a lot in developing capability that is flexible and adaptable,” he told DefenceWeb, adding that SADG first tries to understand the client’s problem and then offer access to solutions.

In addition to engagement in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region, SADG is pushing to work closely with the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), as it helps to secure foreign orders when solutions are implemented in one’s home country and home military.

At present, SADG is busy with upgrading the Integrated Platform Management System (IPMS) for the South African Navy’s four frigates. Zondi noted that the Navy identified various issues affecting mission readiness, as it struggles with maintenance and platform availability. SADG is offering its in-house developed predictive maintenance module that uses AI and machine learning for more efficient and cost-effective maintenance. “We are currently engaging the Navy on the implementation thereof,” Zondi told DefenceWeb. “Our team is continuously combing the solution space and the problem space for a match between solutions and the issues that the client is struggling with.”

For the South African Army, SADG has developed, in conjunction with a local defence company, a light machinegun turret for its Mamba armoured personnel carriers. The project began with a completely manual turret for 7.62 mm and 12.7 mm machineguns, and was displayed in this form at the 2024 Africa Aerospace and Defence exhibition. At the SA Army’s request, it evolved into a remotely operated turret that provides protection for the gunner. The new turret has been successfully tested and will be demonstrated at the SA Army’s flagship Exercise Vuk’uhlome later this month. Zondi explained that although the turret was designed to fit the Mamba in line with a potential upgrade of the vehicle, it is a modular system and can be adapted to other vehicles.

Expanding on the Mamba upgrade, Zondi said SADG identified the need for modernisation and has developed a phased upgrade model. The company is engaging the South African Army on the affordability of the upgrade, and plans to convert one vehicle for testing and continue with more should the project proceed.

SADG has also been appointed by the SA Army to explore an upgrade of the Rooikat armoured car, ranging from vehicle de-preservation to modernisation. In collaboration with other local companies, SADG aims to work on about 42 vehicles for the Army.

Collaboration and partnership

Zondi emphasised the value of collaboration, and sharing work with other local companies. He said SADG has established multiple partnerships, such as with Armormax on its 6×6 (it has integrated its turret onto the vehicle), Twiga (vehicles and vehicle upgrades), and OTT (Ratel upgrades).

On the naval side, SADG cooperates with Global Command and Control Technologies (GC2T) on its Mission Commander system, designed to provide tactical situational awareness and blue force tracking so vessels can plan, task, control and execute missions. The system comprises an Electronic Chart Display and Information System (ECDIS); Transition 100 unmanned aerial vehicles for intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance; a 12.7 mm or 30 mm remote control weapon system; and blue force tracking system. Zondi said the Mission Commander is being promoted to the SA Navy, initially for its new Multi-Mission Inshore Patrol Vessels (MMIPVs), but he would like to see it on other vessels. This would be in line with the Navy’s desire to have all its vessels – including its hydrographic survey vessel – being multi-mission capable.

On the aerial front, SADG offers a combat drone for tasks such as intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR); precision strike; force protection; and special operations. At the Africa Aerospace and Defence 2024 exhibition it was displayed with multiple 40 mm grenades. Zondi said not just weapons can be fitted to the multirotor UAV, which can also be used for non-military applications. It has a payload of 30 kg and a range of 20 km.

Defence and security markets in the crosshairs

SADG is aiming to have most of its revenue coming from non-military sources – at the moment about 65% of its revenue is from the defence sector. “There is more appetite in the non-military environment in terms of affordability,” Zondi said. “In South Africa the defence budget is under strain and in other African countries – mostly the Southern African Development Community where we operate – they have a number of things they require but their military budgets are under strain. They have socio economic priorities they need to address. That’s why we have become creative in the manner in which we provide our services.”

Target customers include defence forces, the security sector, state-owned entities etc. – solutions can be applied across a range of market segments. For example, a telecommunications company approached SADG with the problem of batteries being stolen from cell phone towers and diesel being stolen from generators. “We came up with layered security solution, looking at physical security, access control, AI algorithms that will collect and analyse people movement data with an alert if something abnormal is happening. We also have non-lethal effectors based on high decibel systems and lighting to interrupt intruder,” Zondi explained.

Such a solution can be applied across different industries. For example, SADG offers the Metropolitan Junction Protector System for on-site retail, banking, warehousing etc. It monitors sites and can discharge various substances to flood access zones while simultaneously disrupting mobile communications around critical infrastructure. Liquid, gas, or sound barrier systems can be deployed, for example.

Public-private partnerships

Zondi has repeatedly emphasised the importance of public-private partnerships (PPPs) for defence, advocating for them as one avenue to help solve the SANDF’s challenges. He said PPPs have been implemented successfully in many countries, particularly when contracting for availability or contracting for capability. SADG has engaged SANDF leadership, but implementation has been problematic, with very slow progress to date. Zondi noted South Africa’s previous PPP efforts in defence were hindered by complexity, long contracting periods, high unitary fees and leadership turnover. New PPP regulations, gazetted earlier this year, create opportunities for the defence sector to pursue smaller, performance-based projects aligned with operational needs. SADG is engaging with National Treasury to provide PPP solutions to the SANDF and Armscor.

Zondi said that industry-driven Unsolicited Proposals (USPs) are also now possible, enabling companies to pitch directly to the SANDF. The Chiefs of SANDF services are obliged to respond within 45 days to unsolicited proposals, and if not, the matter can be escalated to National Treasury. “It’s progress,” Zondi said, especially as National Treasury understands the defence industry’s frustrations.

“One of the things we hope to do as SADG is to work as a catalyst to transform the entire defence ecosystem at policy level, institutional level, and regulation level,” Zondi told DefenceWeb. There are a lot of capabilities that lie in the industry but the SANDF is unable to access them because policy and procedures are outdated, he said. “We need to transform at that level.”

https://defenceweb.co.za/industry/industry-industry/sandock-austral-defence-relaunches-as-south-african-defence-group/

GreenandGold:
That Gripen-C would still level anything in Sub-Sahara till 2060

You must learn to ignore this Exnavyboy62 fellow; he looks for any opportunity to haul out his invasion plans!

GreenandGold:
Decided to create my own version I was referring to using the TAC-6 double-cabin platform. It gives the platform the ability to mount a forward-facing HMG and doubles up as a force multiplier.

The SF must have their reasons for specifying a single cab. In the field trials they've mounted a .50 cal on a RWS. Still leaves you with ample space on that flat bed on which you can mount your 23mm or any other dakka dakka, and enough space for ammo.

I'm more worried about their emphasis on the 4.5l v8 diesel engine, which Toyota has discontinued as of August, apparently.

GreenandGold:
Jewish/Boer false flag operations have started in time for the G20 summit... Just like I predicted

They're not very smart, are they. Apart from using pics from other countries' conflicts for their fake "white genocide", they lazily re-use photos almost as if reverse image search isn't a thing. This particular specimen was first deployed in 2019!

Lezzlie:
Trump is Right. South Africa is not even Africa's biggest economy.

Top 10 Largest Economies in Africa 2025 (22nd October 2025)

1. 🇿🇦 South Africa → $426.4 billion
2. 🇪🇬 Egypt → $349.3 billion
3. 🇩🇿 Algeria → $288.0 billion
4. 🇳🇬 Nigeria → $285.0 billion
5. 🇲🇦 Morocco → $179.6 billion
6. 🇰🇪 Kenya → $136.8 billion
7. 🇦🇴 Angola → $115.2 billion
8. 🇬🇭 Ghana → $111. 96 billion
9. 🇪🇹 Ethiopia → $109.5 billion
10. 🇨🇮 Côte d’Ivoire → $99.2 billion

Source: IMF, 22nd October 2025

GreenandGold:
.

More info emerging on Armscor stuffing up the border patrol procurement! I really thought the final choice would be either Paramount or DCD, with ICP or SVI joining them in the final 3 shortlist.

All apparently not well with new SA Army border patrol APC tender
Hattingh and party researchers investigated the project, reaching the conclusion that the evaluation process for the new APCs was compromised. This was because, among others, field trials meant to verify vehicle performance were “cancelled without explanation”.

“Several local defence companies, including Paramount, SVI and DCD Protected Mobility, had already deployed their vehicles for testing when the process was abruptly halted. The eventual winner, Milkor SA, did not participate in the trials and has only limited experience in armoured vehicle production. Aside from a small sale of five vehicles to Namibia, the company has no operational record.

“It is even more concerning that Milkor’s vehicle has not undergone comparative land mine blast testing — a basic requirement for mine resistant troop carriers. Without such tests, there is no evidence that the vehicles meet the protection standards needed to keep SANDF members safe during deployment. Despite this, Armscor has approved the project and awarded Milkor a contract worth half a billion rand,” he said in a statement.
https://defenceweb.co.za/industry/industry-industry/all-apparently-not-well-with-new-sa-army-border-patrol-apc-tender/

Faithful007:
Trump and Rubio never mentioned the word Genocide. They never mentioned Boko Haram. They never mentioned IS. They are talking of a particular different set of people. The key word there was Radical Islamists and Fulani ethnic militias. It is selective sympathy but there’s fact to it.

I once mentioned to you that America’s right wing is more religious/Neo conservative than racist but you laughed it off with scorn. If you understood that you will know why this is happening. The racist right may be louder but Americas religious right is usually more influential over the government and get what they want more often than the racist right.

Another mistake uninformed left make over and over again is thinking that everything has to do with neo colonialism, oil and resource exploitation. Although there could be elements of it, conflicts also can have a powerful human factor which is sentiment. Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine is fueled by pure sentiment. The Israel Gaza conflict is another example.

The issue is that America’s religious/Neo conservative right is beginning to sympathize with some minority communities in Nigeria’s north especially north central and are pushing it at the executive level. It is similar to what happened in 2014 when executions of kurds and minorities by IS started to show up on the internet.

Careless US charges of Nigerian genocide are disingenuous and alarmist

To conflate Nigeria’s complex troubles caused by a plethora of issues is a grotesque distortion of realities on the ground. Christians, Muslims and folk who don’t care about either have been caught up in the violence and are, for the most part, helpless victims.

Apart from tariffs, another word that the Trump presidency is fond of is genocide.

First, it was South Africa. During President Cyril Ramaphosa’s visit to the White House last May, President Donald Trump played a video suggesting that white South Africans were under genocidal attack. It was a fake video, of course, but Ramaphosa couldn’t convince Trump.

Instead of looking at Gaza, where the world has serious concerns about genocide, Trump’s fellow Republicans have now turned their attention to Nigeria, requesting Congress to call out the Nigerian government on charges of genocide against Christians.

It’s not just the calculated mischief that should cause Nigerians to worry; it’s the fact that the most prominent promoters of this deadly prank are non-Nigerians. Senator Ted Cruz, or former Mayor of Blanco, Texas, Mike Arnold, are not the first or second among a crop of doom-casters for whom the continued existence of this multifarious country remains an aberration they must discourage.
Origins of the ‘genocide’ story

Cruz may have drawn inspiration from the Armageddon foretold by former US ambassador to Nigeria, John Campbell, who, based on a CIA report in 2005, predicted the potential collapse of Nigeria in 2015 from ethnic and sectarian tensions.

Although it is 2025, ten years after Campbell, Cruz, and some hirelings from within Nigeria still suggest that Nigeria may yet collapse, only this time, the narrative is more sinister.

It is no surprise that the current campaign coincided with Nigeria’s position, along with 142 other countries at the UN General Assembly in September, for the recognition of the sovereign state of Palestine and the immediate cessation of the war in Gaza.

Those who originated the calumny did not just hurl “genocide” from the furnace of mischief; they thrust it at the very heart of Nigeria’s biggest fault line – religion. The roughly 50-50 Christian-Muslim population in Nigeria means that when the Church and the Mosque are up in arms, common sense is the first casualty.
Enablers of Sahelian misery

Once religion is at issue, passions, especially base ones, take over the streets and logic or moderation flees. This is the bait Cruz, Arnold and some other campaigners in the US Senate are casting, blatantly and blithely, oversimplifying the complex mix of terrorism, banditry, insurgency, criminality and environmental challenges/climatic conditions which are at the core of Nigeria’s security problems.

In doing so, they have conveniently ignored the fact that a significant part of the security problem in the Sahel today is rooted in the destabilisation the US caused when it violently overthrew Muammar Gaddafi in Libya and opened the floodgates for cheap and easy arms to flood sub-Saharan Africa.

Cruz is right and wrong

Cruz and others are right to express their concern about the death toll from the violence caused by insurgency-related attacks and banditry, which has claimed thousands of lives and left an estimated 2.3 million displaced. To describe the attacks in Nigeria as a genocidal assault on Christians, however, is like classifying the regrettable rise in homicidal incidents in the US as a genocidal attack on blacks and minorities. It’s like comparing apples and oranges.

As Cruz knows, there are more than 11,000 firearm shooting deaths in the US every year, excluding suicides, and tens of thousands of nonfatal injuries. Mass shootings numbered in the thousands over this decade, with several hundred school shootings contributing significantly to the toll. Unfortunately, blacks and minorities are the largest victims of these homicides.
Homicide v genocide

According to data from sources like the Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the Gun Violence Archive (GVA), “In the last 10 years (2015-2025), gun violence in the United States has remained a severe public health and safety crisis with tens of thousands of deaths and hundreds of thousands of injuries annually.

“In 2023, there were about 46,728 firearm-related deaths in the US, with suicides accounting for around 58% (about 27,300 deaths) and homicides accounting for about 38% (roughly 17,927 deaths).

“The national firearm death rate rose from about 10.3 per 100,000 people in 1999 to 14.0 per 100,000 by 2023.”

These statistics are alarming because every life matters. Yet, they cannot, by the wildest stretch of Cruzian definition, be classified as genocide, even though the victims are mainly blacks and minorities.
Not what they think

Murderous bandits have killed Nigerian Christians, just as they have killed Muslims and non-believers. A 2025 study of the sociology of banditry by Peer Schouten and Barnett James of the Danish Institute of International Studies distinguishes banditry from jihadism. Bandit networks operate with little ideological or religious ambition. They are roaming predators seeking authority, power and influence.

Cruz’s Republican Party has lived in denial of the mass killing of women, children and civilians in Gaza – a war fuelled by American arms and backed by the American state for all of two years. But it is for Nigeria that a label must be made.

There has been intractable sectarian violence across all the regions of Nigeria. But none of it qualifies as a genocidal campaign by one religion against another, despite reprisal attacks in many instances. All the supporting or opposing narratives from either religious side are, for the most part, reflexive self-defence – driven more by opportunism and identity politics.

All victims

The insurgency in the Northeast, which has lasted since 2009, has raged in predominantly Muslim parts of the country and has killed and displaced more Muslims in as many years. The banditry in the Northwest is not any different, with significantly the same demographics in casualties, damage and destruction.

The mutation and spread of these armed groups have been significantly linked to mineral theft and exploitation sponsored by multinational conglomerates and Western powers, which prop up shadow states and shadow rulers – as amply documented by British investigative journalist Tom Burgis in his book, The Looting Machine.

The complex farmer/herder clashes in the central region of Nigeria owe their persistence to a great extent to government failure, changing climatic conditions and criminality, rather than religion.

Separatist groups in the Southeast of Nigeria are historical and derive from the Nigerian civil war, which ended more than 50 years ago. The war had nothing whatsoever to do with religion, other than the sheer accident of fate, fuelled by the ghastly legacy of British colonial rule.
Remember Gaza

The frightful and horrendous incidents in Rwanda (1994), Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-95), the Nazi Holocaust (1941-45) and the ongoing case in Gaza are in no way a reflection of what is happening in Africa’s most important country.

To conflate Nigeria’s complex troubles caused by a plethora of issues, confrontations and their blowouts as genocide is disingenuous and alarmist. It’s a grotesque distortion of realities on the ground. Christians, Muslims and folks who don’t care about either have been caught up in the violence and are, for the most part, helpless victims.

Interestingly, sensational narratives like Cruz’s become amplified whenever Nigeria approaches an election. It might not be a bad idea also to remind Cruz of US gun violence – and Gaza. DM
https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/opinionista/2025-11-03-careless-us-charges-of-nigerian-genocide-are-disingenuous-and-alarmist/?dm_source=dm_block_list&dm_medium=card_link&dm_campaign=main

The myth of Christian genocide

Far-right and pro-Israel actors are recasting Nigeria’s insecurity as sectarian extermination to distract from Palestine.

As usual, local reactions diverged about Mr. Shettima’s address at the General Assembly with conscientious Nigerians warmly welcoming the country’s diplomatic posture on the international stage despite its domestic challenges. After all, Mr. Shettima did not mince words when he admitted that Nigeria has had “a long and difficult struggle with violent extremism” and a culture of insurgency. His critics also had their piece, highlighting that Mr. Shettima’s comment on the international scene does not adequately reflect the truth of his government under which citizens endure an unrelenting campaign of terror that leaves vulnerable groups including minority ethnic groups and Christian communities particularly exposed while the wider populace cowers under a pall of insecurity.

But closely trailing local reactions was a carefully engineered wave of falsified international outrage on claims of a systematic killing of Christians amounting to a genocide in Nigeria. Various far-right opinion shapers on social media including Christo-Zionist Eyal Yakoby, pivoted into claims of a Christian genocide in Nigeria, pushing this narrative with the same fervor with which far-right groups have recurrently wheeled out the similarly trumped-up narrative of “white genocide” in South Africa. Other voices, including Zionist US Senator Ted Cruz have sponsored this narrative. It has been retweeted by thousands of X users, 100,000 and more bots, and ranked high in views by the X algorithm. In a similar negative light, talk show host Bill Maher has lent his voice to Israel’s propaganda goals, reiterating lurid claims—since debunked by leading newspapers—of rapes, beheadings, and babies burned alive on October 7. Maher insists he has “seen the videos,” but like every other promoter of this narrative, he has provided no shred of evidence—because it is a lie.

In addition to their newly found affection for the suffering Christians in Nigeria, a curious commonality between these commentators, however, is their unalloyed loyalty to Israel. The cynicism of these actors is barely concealed. The point is evidently to co-opt and misrepresent conversations and incidents happening in other countries as mere tools of furthering their own strategic information and propaganda goals.

This is not to deny heart-wrenching violence that continues to shape daily existence in parts of Nigeria. News agencies continue to report devastating attacks against several communities, Christian and Muslim, with little or no attention by both state and non-state authority figures within and beyond Nigeria. Even Christian religious leaders such as Pastor Enoch Adeboye of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) and his peers have come under fire for persistent neglect of the plight of Christians who face killings and displacement in their communities while they hobnob with politicians whose abysmal incompetence and dereliction of duty is directly responsible for the mishaps the parishioners face. This “call-out” is somewhat reflective of the loose grip of the state on its critical responsibilities to the citizenry in Nigeria, leaving them to depend on religion-based, or communally formed power structures or strongmen in the representation of their interests and guarantee of basic dignity of life and security. This features in our social conversation from time to time and should not be confused with a growing number of Christian movements resisting a systematic “genocide” of its adherents.

https://africasacountry.com/2025/10/the-myth-of-christian-genocide

Trump’s outburst about a ‘Christian genocide’ in Nigeria is as dangerous as it is absurd

A combination of ignorance and emotional manipulation resurfaced this weekend when US President Donald Trump erupted on social media, threatening a ‘fast, vicious and sweet’ military invasion of Nigeria to stop a supposed genocide against Christians.

Two years ago, at a dinner in Washington for Africa “experts” to brief an incoming congressman on the continent, the newly elected legislator began his contribution by declaring that one of Africa’s most urgent crises was a “Christian genocide” in Nigeria. When asked to elaborate, he cited a single name — Nnamdi Kanu — as an example of a persecuted Christian languishing in prison.

The table fell silent when someone gently explained that Kanu was not a pastor or missionary but a Biafran secessionist leader, jailed for fomenting rebellion and inciting violence, not for his faith.

That same combination of ignorance and emotional manipulation resurfaced this weekend when US President Donald Trump erupted on social media, threatening a “fast, vicious and sweet” military invasion of Nigeria to stop a supposed genocide against Christians. The statement was as dangerous as it was absurd.

If Trump had paused to consult the US military, which has spent years partnering quietly with Nigerian forces against Boko Haram and other insurgents, he might have learned that Nigeria’s conflicts are real — but they are not religious wars.

It is astonishing that the United States spends billions of dollars annually on intelligence gathering, yet its political leaders can still be so profoundly misinformed about Africa’s most populous country. Yes, Christians in parts of Nigeria have suffered horrific violence from extremists. But so too have Muslims, often in even greater numbers. In Borno, Yobe and Adamawa — the heart of the Boko Haram insurgency — most victims have been Muslim civilians murdered for rejecting the group’s nihilistic ideology.

Trump’s eruption is the culmination of a yearslong lobbying campaign in Washington by Biafran separatists, who have cleverly repackaged their secessionist grievance as a struggle to save “persecuted Christians”. Since 2019, Biafran groups have declared more than a million dollars on lobbying in Washington, through Mercury Public Affairs, BW Global Group and Daniel Goldin.

They have found a receptive audience among Christian nationalists in the US, who see Nigeria through the prism of their own culture wars. Senator Ted Cruz has floated legislation invoking religious persecution. Congressman Riley Moore has made it a personal crusade. Even the comedian Bill Maher got in on the act, scolding the media for ignoring it.


The strategy is familiar. It echoes the “white genocide” narrative promoted by far-right activists about Afrikaner farmers — a storyline that the Trump administration once enthusiastically adopted before quietly erasing it from the discourse.

As with some Afrikaners, many Nigerian Igbos feel that they are the victims of discrimination, second-class citizens in a country that has never quite healed the wounds of the Biafran civil war of 1967 to 1970.
Emotional triggers

In Washington, the campaign deploys the same emotional triggers: a grain of truth wrapped in distortion, amplified through the machinery of US grievance politics.

That grain of truth begins with the Boko Haram war, launched in 2009 in northeastern Nigeria, which has killed tens of thousands across faith lines. It extends to the Middle Belt, where Muslim and Christian farming communities have clashed violently, and to the recurring conflicts between Fulani herders and largely Christian agriculturalists. These are complex, overlapping crises — rooted in land scarcity, climate stress and state weakness — not a simple religious persecution. Much of the violence is simple banditry and criminality.

To reduce it to “Christian genocide” is not just inaccurate. It’s dangerous.

Nigeria is far from perfect, and its government has often handled these conflicts clumsily or brutally. But it is also a country of extraordinary coexistence: roughly half Christian, half Muslim, and among the world’s most religiously integrated societies. Its current president, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, is a Muslim. His wife, Oluremi Tinubu, is a Christian pastor. Nigeria’s Cabinet, parliament and cities are filled with people who cross those supposed lines every day without bloodshed.

The idea that Abuja is colluding in the persecution of Christians is as false as it is incendiary.

If Trump truly cared about Nigerian lives, he might note that the Tinubu government has been fighting, not aiding, the extremists — often with US logistical and intelligence support. The Pentagon, better than anyone, knows that a military intervention in Nigeria would not be swift or clean. It would be catastrophic, plunging West Africa’s fragile equilibrium into chaos at the very moment when Russian forces — now rebranded as the “Africa Corps” — are being pushed back in the Sahelian states, the epicentre of the Jihadist insurgencies.

Stoking religious hysteria from afar risks achieving what Boko Haram and the Islamic State in West Africa could not: turning Nigeria’s diversity into its undoing.

There is a legitimate role for international support in protecting vulnerable communities, helping Nigeria guard its borders, strengthening peacekeeping and deploying sophisticated technology to prevent violence. As Nigerian commentators have pointed out, the international community needs to close ranks in identifying, sanctioning and prosecuting not just the active participants but the financial sponsors and collaborators with those who are responsible.

The world needs partnership, not performative threats of invasion.

It needs steady diplomacy, not social-media outbursts dressed up as moral crusades.

Trump’s outburst exposes more than his ignorance of Africa. It reveals how easily US domestic politics can be weaponised to distort African realities. The real victims of that distortion are not in Washington’s think tanks or on cable news. They are the Nigerians — Muslim and Christian alike — who must live with the consequences. DM

https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2025-11-02-trumps-outburst-about-a-christian-genocide-in-nigeria-is-as-dangerous-as-it-is-absurd/?dm_source=dm_block_grid&dm_medium=card_link&dm_campaign=main

The jokes write themselves over here!

GreenandGold:
I personally feel like the SANDF should have sent a 4-door spec to Armscor... It would have doubled up as a force multiplier. As it stands, the 2 door spec can only be used to mount the ZU-23, meaning it can only be used as a defence or ambush platform, it cannot be used in an offensive way, it wouldn't even survive an ambush on it's own. So meaning, you still have to deploy it with Hornets for protection.


Below would have been my preferred spec.

I see it wasn't just SVI and Armormax in the SF 6x6 competition; Milkor had also bid for the contract. Their proposal seemingly went nowhere. I wonder if submitting a double cab, when the spec called for a single cab, counted against them?