₦airaland Forum

LegendHero:
Are you a subscriber to New York Times? You can read more stories in print about your heritage, Biafra, Ibo colonialism, etc. in actual prints of how and when they occurred. The same news are documented in the Library of Congress archives.

Who in their right mind deny New York Times archives prints? Even when they are available in their real form!

Dedetwo:
When Ojukwu released Awolowo from the Nigerian prisons in Calabar, Gowon could not venture beyond Shagamu talk less of Benin. If the moronic Gowon rearrested Capt. Ben Gbulie and others after the civil war stating that it was Ojukwu who released them because he, Gowon, did not have power to effect a release of prisoner in eastern region, one wonders why he did not re-arrest Awolowo. It must be recalled that Capt. Ben Gbulie and other coup plotters who were lucky to have been held in Nigeria prisons in eastern region were released alongside Awolowo.

LabDNA:
Then name the officers that bypassed Ojukwu's authority in the East and executed Gowon's order in a region where he was illegitimate.

Ojukwu was also a member of the supreme military council as Eastern governor, so tell us who Gowon replaced him with to carry out the military signal for the release.

You all know the truth, you just have a hard time accepting it for the reasons previously stated.

LabDNA:
How these people still spread propaganda that Gowon released Awo from the East he never controlled baffles me.

How can a Gowon a man who was [i]persona non grata [/i]and couldn't even venture into the East, effect a release in a region that never took orders from him before the war?

The explanation is simple. The yorubas can not bear the shame of agreeing that the East released Awo who later turned back to support an atrocious war against them. It will make them look like evil ingrates before the world, so they are convenient to perpetuate the propaganda that Gowon effected a release in a region that never took others from.

Can Kim jon un effect a release of north korea prisoners in South korea? Now if a north korean prisoner is released from a south korean jail and Kim jon un takes a picture with the prisoner does it mean he gave the order that South korea must release him?

Even the picture was part of the propaganda in order to mobilize a North + SW comradeship as they went to war against the East.

Awo was also a writer, there is reason why Awolowo never wrote about his release in East in all the many book he wrote, which I have read. He lived a full 17 years after the war but couldn't muster the courage to write about his release. His conscience couldn't let him.

The way some yoruba twist logic to promote a narrative can made the devil shudder sometimes.

AkeNathan:
Is there like a link to these Ibo archives? Biafra archives?

oyin44:
Gowon was the one that released awo and his notable followers from prison.by so doing,he (Gowon) greatly contrasted himself with ojukwu and ironsi And made himself more acceptable to the remainder of Nigeria.Note:August 1,1966 was when Gowon announced himself as the head of state and the supreme commander of the Armed forces.And also it was that same date he ordered the released of Awo and co.While ojukwu declared Biafra on may 30 1967

0monnak0da:
It was under absolute control? How do you work that out?
Gowon gave the order for release TRUE or False/


There is no contemporaneous newspaper record ANYWHERE of \Ojukwu having anything to do with the release

He did not meet Awo directly after release . Awo met him AFTER meeting Gowon the person who actually released him

Tobichimezie:
You're not making any sense dude

LegendHero:
Nnamdi Kanu will forever be rich coz he will continue to have a lot of sub-optimal brain humans to brainwash.

Let me cure you of your innate ignorance and you should accept my words and replies as a service to humanity.

Firstly, Gowon released Awolowo in August 4, 1966. That is almost a year before the Biafra war started.

Lieut Col. Gowon was the head of state of Nigeria at that time and he superintended over all the lands and seas of Nigeria in 1966 including the eastern region.

If you had a normal IQ, you would have known that Awolowo was a federal prisoner. Had it been Ojukwu released him from prison, he would have been picked up by the federal troops the moment he set his foot in Lagos. To give you an example, If Ikpeazu releases Nnamdi Kanu from prison in Abia, won’t the FG police and DSS arrest Kanu the moment he sets his foot in Abuja?

Also, Biafra war started in July 1967, that is only the time when Ojukwu has maximum control of the defunct eastern region. If Awo was released during this time, then we would have said Ojukwu masterminded his release.

I have tried my best to educate you, if you still remain adamant after this, then your case is beyond redemption!

mrvitalis:
Keep spreading your fake news , no one believes u guys anymore have a nice life son

Tobichimezie:
The Eastern region was under the absolute control of Ojukwu when Awolowo was released from Calabar prison, as a matter of fact there was near total severance of all forms of Federal presence and control in the East as Ojukwu simply refused to recognize the government of Gowon... with these simple facts in context, how the fucck could Gowon have secured the release of Awolowo from the East without Ojukwu( the Military governor of the East, and by all standards the only Rebel figure at the time) getting involved? stop boring is with these revisionist tales already you mo.ron.

LegendHero:
I’m even tired of engaging them coz it’s evident they are just online trolls.

How would anyone say Gowon did not superintend over Nigeria after the counter coup of July 29, 1966.

Ironsi came to power as a result of the first coup that killed other regions leaders in January 1966 which was far more bloody and yet he still ruled as the Nigeria head of state over all regions.

How then will any sane thinking person say Gowon that came in as a result of a counter coup do not have power over the Eastern region Government just 5 days after the coup!

TooNoisy:
CONFIDENTIAL

28th March, 1966

The Supreme Commander and Head of the Federal Military Government, Lagos.

Thro: The Director of Prisons,

Prisons Headquarters Office,

Private Mail Bag 12522,

Lagos.

Sir:

PREROGATIVE OF MERCY: SECTION 101 (1) (a) OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERATION ACT 1963

1. I am writing this petition for FREE PARDON under Section 101 (1) (a) of the Constitution of the Federation Act 1963, on behalf of myself and some of my colleagues whose names are set out in the Annexe hereto.

2. Before I go further, I would like to stress that the reasons which I advance in support of this petition, in my own behalf, basically hold good for my said colleagues. For they share the same political beliefs with me, and have intense and unquenchable loyalty for the ideals espoused by the Party which I have the honour to lead.

3. There are many grounds which could be submitted for your consideration in support of this petition. But I venture to think that SEVEN of them are enough and it is to these that I confine myself.

(1) In the course of my evidence during my trial, I stated that my Party favoured and was actively working for alliance with the N.C.N.C. as a means, among other things, of solving what I described as ‘the problem of Nigeria’, and strengthening the unity of the Federation. In October 1963 (that is about a month after my conviction and while my appeal to the Supreme Court was still pending), a Peace Committee headed by the Chief Justice of the Federation, Sir Adetokunbo Ademola, made overtures to me through my friend Alhaji W. A. Elias to the effect that if I abandoned my intention to enter into alliance with the N.C.N.C. which, according to the Committee, was an Ibo Organisation, and agreed to dissolve the Action Group and, in co-operation with Chief Akintola (now deceased), form an all-embracing Yoruba political party which I would lead and which would go into alliance with the N.P.C., I would be released from prison before the end of that year. I turned down these terms because I was of the considered opinion that their acceptance would further widen and exacerbate inter-tribal differences, and gravely undermine the unity of the Federation.
TODAY, THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT, OF WHICH YOU ARE THE HEAD, LEAVES NO ONE IN ANY DOUBT THAT IT STANDS FOR NIGERIAN UNITY. BUT IT MUST BE EMPHASISED, IN THIS CONNECTION, THAT IF I HAD PRIZED MY PERSONAL FREEDOM ABOVE THE UNITY OF NIGERIA, I WOULD HAVE BEEN SET FREE IN 1963. IN THAT EVENT, THIS PETITION WOULD NOT HAVE BEEN NECESSARY, AND THE WORK OF CONSOLIDATING THE UNITY OF THE COUNTRY TO WHICH YOU AND YOUR COLLEAGUES NOW SET YOUR HANDS MIGHT HAVE BEEN MADE EXTREMELY MORE INTRACTABLE AND IRKSOME.

As recently as 20th December, 1965, identical peace terms (the only variant being that the alliance with the N.C.N.C. which was now a reality should be broken) were made to me here, in Calabar Prison, by a delegation representing another Peace Committee headed by the self-same Chief Justice of the Federation and purporting to have the blessing of the Prime Minister, with the unequivocal promise that if I accepted the terms my release would follow almost immediately. I rejected the terms for the reasons which I have outlined above.

(2) One of the monsters which menaced the public life of this country up to 14th January, this year is OPPORTUNISM with its attendant evils of jobbery, venality, corruption, and unabashed self-interest. From all accounts, you are inflexibly resolved to destroy this monster. That was precisely what my colleagues and I had tried to do before we were rendered hors de combat since 29th May, 1962.
On two different occasions I was offered, first the post of Deputy Prime Minister (before May 1962), and second that of Deputy Governor-General (in August 1962), if I would agree to fold up the Opposition and join in a National Government. I declined the two offers because they were designed exclusively to gratify my self-interest, with no thought of fostering any political moral principle which could benefit the people of Nigeria. The learned Judge who presided over the Treasonable Felony Trial, commented unfavourably on my non-acceptance of one of these posts and held that my action lent weight to the case of the Prosecution against me. I must say, however, that in all conscience, I felt and still feel that a truly public-spirited person should accept public office not for what he can get for himself — such as the profit and glamour of office — but for the opportunity which it offers him of serving his people to the best of his ability, by promoting their welfare and happiness. To me, the two aforementioned posts were sinecures, and were intended to immobilise my talents and stultify the role of watch-dog which the people of Nigeria looked upon me to play on their behalf, at that juncture in our political evolution.

(3) This leads me to the third ground. From newspaper reports, it would appear that you and your colleagues — like all well-meaning Nigerians — are anxious that on the termination of the present military rule, Nigeria should become a flourishing democracy. Now, democracy is a political doctrine which is very intimately dear to my heart. It was to the end that it might be accepted as a way of life in all parts of the Federation that I campaigned most vigorously and relentlessly in the Northern Provinces of Nigeria, from 1957 to 1962, to the implacable annoyance of some of my political adversaries. It was to the end that this doctrine might survive the severe onslaught of opportunist and mercenary politics that I refused to succumb to the temptation of the National Government. Many views — some of them well-considered and respectable — have been expressed about the value or disvalue of opposition as a feature of public life in a newly emergent African State. Speaking for my party, I submit that the Opposition which I led did, to all intents and purposes, justify its existence and was acclaimed by the masses of our people as essential and indispensable to rapid- national growth. This was so, because it was unexceptionably constructive. The abrogation of the Anglo-Nigeria Defence Pact was one of the feathers in its cap. Some of the policies which the Government of the day later adopted — such as the creation of a Federal Ministry of Agriculture and the introduction of drastic measures to correct our balance of payments deficit — were among those persistently and constructively urged by the Opposition inside and outside Parliament.
The point I wish to emphasise here is that it was not out of spite or hatred for any one that I chose to remain in Opposition instead of joining the much-talked-of National Government. I did so in order to serve our people to the best of my ability in the position in which their votes had placed my Party, and to ensure that the young plant of democracy grows into a sturdy flourishing tree in Nigeria.

(4) Since the declaration of emergency in the Western Region on 29th May, 1962, political tension has existed in Western Nigeria. My conviction on 11th September, 1963, together with the surrounding bizarre circumstances, has led not only to the heightening of that tension in Western Nigeria but also to its profuse and irrepressible percolation to the other parts of the Federation. The result is that it can be said, without much fear of contradiction, that today the majority of our people are passionately concerned about and fervently solicitous for the release of myself and my colleagues.
The work of reconstruction on which you and your colleagues have embarked demands that all the citizens of Nigeria in their respective callings should give of their maximum best. A state of psychological tension, however much it may be brought under control or repressed, does not and cannot conduce to maximum efficiency. In spite of themselves, people labouring under emotions which this kind of tension automatically generates are bound to make avoidable mistakes which in their turn have adverse effects on national progress.

It is, therefore, in the national interest that this tension should be relaxed, if possible, without further delay.

(5) A petition of this kind is, by its very nature, bound to be replete with self-adulation. I hope and trust that, in the circumstances, this is excusable. It is in this hope and trust that I assert that my colleagues and I have the qualifications and capacity to render invaluable services to our people and fatherland. Every day that we spend in prison, therefore, must be regarded as TWENTY-FOUR UNFORGIVING HOURS OF TRULY VALUABLE SERVICES LOST TO OUR YOUNG COUNTRY. Even my most inveterate enemies have given the following testimony about me: ‘AWOLOWO HAS STILL A GREAT DEAL TO GIVE TO THIS COUNTRY.’
No country however advanced and civilised can afford to waste any of its talents, be they ever so small. Nigeria is too young to bury some of her talents as she was compelled to do under the old regime.

It is within your power to restore my colleagues and me to a position where our fatherland can again rejoice at the contributions which we are capable of making to its progress, welfare and happiness.

(6) Nigeria is now SIXTY-SIX MONTHS old as an independent State. The final phase in the struggle for Nigeria’s independence was initiated by my Party in the historic Self-Government motion moved by Chief Anthony Enahoro and supported by me on 31st March, 1953. IT SHOULD BE REGARDED AS MORE THAN IRONICAL, AND AS PALPABLY TRAGIC, THAT TWO OF THE ARCHITECTS OF THAT INDEPENDENCE AND, INDEED, THE PACE-SETTERS AND ACCELERATORS OF ITS FINAL PHASE SHOULD BE UNFREE IN A FREE NIGERIA.
In precise terms, I have spent FORTY-SIX out of the SIXTY-SIX MONTHS of independence in one form of confinement or another. I happened to know that the leaders of the old civilian regime, in spite of themselves, did not feel quite easy in their conscience about the plight into which they had manoeuvred me in the scheme of things; and I dare to express the hope and belief that you, personally view my present confinement with concern and disapproval.

(7) It is usual — almost invariably the case — on the accession of a revolutionary regime, for political prisoners and, indeed, other prisoners of some note, to be released as a mark of disapproval of some of the doings of the old regime, or in token of the new dawn of freedom which comes in the wake of the new regime.
It would be invidious to quote unspecific instances. But in the case of my colleagues and myself, by courageously and adamantly opposing the evils which your regime now denounces in the former civilian administration, I think we are perfectly justified if we expect you to regard us as being in tune with your yearnings and aspirations for Nigeria, and therefore entitled to our personal freedoms under your dispensation.

4. In view of the foregoing reasons which clearly demonstrate

(i) that I have always and, under trying circumstances, steadfastly and unyieldingly

(a) stood for the UNITY OF NIGERIA,

(b) been opposed to POLITICAL OPPORTUNISM with its attendant evils,

(c) fostered the growth of DEMOCRACY in Nigeria;

(ii) that my incarceration

(a) has led to the heightening of political tension among Nigerians, which tension can only be relaxed by my release,

(b) has deprived our fatherland of invaluable services such as we have rendered before, and can still render now and in future, in greater measure; and

(iii) that the evils which my colleagues and I condemned and valiantly refused to compromise with in the old civilian government are what you now quite rightly denounce, and are taking active steps to remove in order to pave the way for national and beneficial reconstruction,

I most sincerely appeal to you to be good enough to exercise, in favour of myself and my colleagues, the prerogative of mercy vested in you by Section 10 (I) (i) (a) of the Constitution of the Federation Act 1963, by granting me as well as each of my colleagues A FREE PARDON. If you do, your action will be most warmly, heartily, and popularly applauded at home and abroad, and you will go down to history as soldier, statesmen, and humanitarian.

Yours truly,

OBAFEMI AWOLOWO

A. THOSE CONVICTED FOR TREASONABLE FELONY

1. THOSE STILL SERVING THEIR TERMS

1. Chief Obafemi Awolowo

2. Chief Anthony Enahoro

3. Mr. Lateef K. Jakande

4. Mr. Dapo Omisade

5. Mr. S.A. Onitiri

6. Mr. Gabby Sasore

7. Mr. Sunday Ebietoma

8. Mr. U.I. Nwaobiala

2. THOSE WHO HAVE ALREADY SERVED THEIR TERMS

1. Mr. S.A. Otubanjo

2. Mr. S.J. Umoren

3. Mr. S. Oyesile

B. THOSE WHO HAVE NOT YET BEEN TRIED

1. Mr. S.G. Ikoku

2. Mr. Ayo Adebanjo

3. Mr. James Aluko

— with Dr.Chukwuma Christopher Osaji, Taiwo Osunsanya, Bello Isiaka and 59 others.


https://ihuanedo.ning.com/m/group/discussion?id=2971192%3ATopic%3A65391

Chemcrown:
Awolowo was never a regional prisoner but a federal prisoner and think of it this way, ojukwu released him yet he went back to gowon to work in his cabinet

0monnak0da:
Yes I honestly do not know how you reason with all this twisted logic depite the truth staring you in the face

mrvitalis:
How can Gowon effect a release where he was not recognized

0monnak0da:
Not recognized by the Comptroller of prisons
Gowon gave the order and two days later the man was at his office?
Gowon not only ordered a release but granted a pardon
I am not unnerstand

mrvitalis:
And ojuchkwu allowed him pass all the way from calabar to Lagos ...

Do u even know what caused the war ? ...if Gowon had such powers there would have been no need for the war na

If he could release awolowo then he could have removed ojuchkwu then

0monnak0da:
Do I even know what caused the war?

I think it was rice smuggling from Dahomey ( some of us are old enough to remember when Benin Republic was called Dahomey)

I do not think you have anything meaningful to add

LegendHero:
I was involved in an argument with a guy tonight on Nairaland and he was so brainwashed that he believed Ojukwu released Chief Awolowo from prison. Even when I tried showing him the actual prints of the August 5, 1966 edition of the New York Times Newspaper, he still doubted the truth in that assertion.

Most of these guys have been brainwashed by their fore-bearers that Awo betrayed them and their elders made sure they plant the seed of hatred in their children born and unborn by telling them Ojukwu released Awolowo from prison. Many of the folks on the other side still believed this and I think it is now time to kill that false narratives that have been peddled for over 5 decades.

I hope this truth resonates forever among the Awo antagonists born and yet unborn that have been emotionally brainwashed that Ojukwu released Chief Awolowo from prison by their fore-bearers.

Continue to RIP Chief Ọbáfẹ́mi Jeremiah Oyeniyi Awólọ́wọ̀, GCFR ( 6 March 1909 – 9 May 1987)

Video:
Title: Nigeria Chief Awolowo Released From Prison 1966
Link:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QMNa4671Yuw

mrvitalis:
U failed to accept that Gowon influenced never reached the east . his coup failed in the east ...don't know if u know the implication if that

0monnak0da:
That is your own claim
The fact is Awo was released and in Lagos within 48 hours after Gowon ordered his release

That is indisputable

Omoodua007:
Why were igbos lieing Ojuju sorry ojuku released awolowo from prison

mrvitalis:
And u believed if ojukwu was not aware that would happen ? ...he had absolute power in the eastern region

Awolowo betrayed ojukwu after he freed him ,was used n dumped by Gowon ...u guys can't spin the truth

Now go to work

mrvitalis:
How can Gowon effect a release where he was not recognized

hollah123:
its like u people don't really understand what u are talking, what they are trying to let u know in clear terms is that after ironsi was killed, ojukwu lost power cos his boss was no more. then gowon emerged n released awolowo, are u igbos still trying to tell us that a destabilized ojukwu who was still thinking of which way to go after the death of ironsi is the one who have power to release awo? if ojukwu had that kind of power do u think he won't stop gowon? bro this is just logical reasoning.

Dedetwo:
Who gives a ratass about what the goofy dude said about the release of Awolowo. A man who could not stand with his fellow Oodua brother in Brigadier Ogundipe who would have been the head of state in the absence of Ironsi as Ojukwu had equally insisted. Instead RA Adebayo cowardly bowed to a junior office and tuned into butt leaker of all times . Have you seen where an ordinary police Sargent is giving orders to a police Inspector?

LegendHero:
"I asked a question if Gowon had such powers then there would have been no need for that war "

This word is not intelligent but shows the author has little knowldge about the history of his country and people. I will take the time to lecture you and try to redeem you guys.

Please take note of the timeline of events:
On 15 January 1966, Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna and other junior Army officers (mostly majors and captains) attempted a coup d'état and Killed other tribe leaders.

Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, an Igbo and loyalist head of the Nigerian Army, suppressed coup operations in the South and he was declared head of state on 16 January after the surrender of the majors.

Aguyi-Ironsi suspended the constitution and dissolved parliament. He then abolished the regional confederated form of government and pursued unitary like policies favored by the NCNC, having apparently been influenced by some NCNC political philosophy.

Ironsi fatally did not bring the failed plotters to trial as required by then-military law and as advised by most northern and western officers, rather, coup plotters were maintained in the military on full pay and some were even promoted while apparently awaiting trial.

Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu became military governor of the Eastern Region at this time. On 24 May 1966, the military government issued Unification Decree #34, which would have replaced the federation with a more centralised system. The Northern bloc found this decree intolerable.

On the night of 29 July 1966, northern soldiers at Abeokuta barracks mutinied, thus precipitating a counter-coup, which had already been in the planning stages. Ironsi was on a visit to Ibadan during their mutiny and there he was killed.

The counter-coup led to the installation of Lieutenant-Colonel Yakubu Gowon as Supreme Commander of the Nigerian Armed Forces.

From June through October 1966, pogroms in the North killed an estimated 80,000 to 100,000 Igbo, half of them children, and caused more than a million to two million to flee to the Eastern Region. 29 September 1966, was considered the worst day; because of massacres, it was called 'Black Thursday'

On 27 May 1967, Gowon proclaimed the division of Nigeria into twelve states. This decree carved the Eastern Region in three parts: South Eastern State, Rivers State, and East Central State.

On 30 May 1967, Ojukwu declared independence of the Republic of Biafra.

Back to our business, Awo was released in August 4 1966, just 6 days after the counter coup that killed Ironsi. How in the world will Ojukwu have control over the eastern region when Gowon even held power over Nigeria including the Eastern region up till 1967 when he proclaimed division of state into twelve.

I am tired of trying to let people like you reason with a rational mind. I will just leave this here for other people to judge.

LegendHero:
Brother I asked you to provide me a source.

I have provided countless sources to back my claims on here.

Provide me a single source or credible link that gives credence to the fact that the Supreme military council headed by Yakubu Gowon as at July 29, 1966 do not have power over the eastern region.

I’m waiting!

Dedetwo:
Aguyi-Ironsi suspended the constitution and dissolved parliament. He then abolished the regional confederated form of government and pursued unitary like policies favored by the NCNC, having apparently been influenced by some NCNC political philosophy.

Ironsi did not abolish regional government rather he promulgated decree 34 which is unification of federal civil service. If he abolished regional government, why did he appoint regional governors? The regional government was abolished by Gowon who replaced it with state government.


[color=#] Ironsi fatally did not bring the failed plotters to trial as required by then-military law and as advised by most northern and western officers, rather, coup plotters were maintained in the military on full pay and some were even promoted while apparently awaiting trial..[/color]

You have written like a person who shuns the use of research apparatus. The 1963 Nigerian constitution and military code of conduct never stipulated that coup plotters have to be shot. The heaviest term was mere imprisonment after the Military Judge-advocate has determined their culpability. However before the military judge could have his/her hand on the case, the case should be made by the armed forces panel constituted by the GOC. In this case Ironsi had appointed a three-man panel that consisted of Gowon, Bala Usman and MD Yusuf. Be mindful that the panel was made up by people from the northern region of Nigeria. Instead of these goons to find the facts and proceed to the process of court-marshal, they were busy planning a counter-coup. Again it was goofy Obasanjo and fellow goons that introduced the killing of coup plotters in Nigeria after the deletion of Murtala Muhammed in 1975. It was very ironical that when the goofy Obasanjo was implicated in coup, he cried river.

Back to our business, Awo was released in August 4 1966, just 6 days to the counter coup that killed Ironsi. How in the world will Ojukwu have control over the eastern region when Gowon even hold power over Nigeria including the Eastern region up till 1967 when he proclaimed division of state into twelve.


The decision to release Awolowo was made by the supreme military council under Ironsi not Gowon. By the way, Ironsi was killed in the countercoup of July 29, 1966.

[color=#990000]The counter-coup led to the installation of Lieutenant-Colonel Yakubu Gowon as Supreme Commander of the Nigerian Armed Forces.[/color]

Gowon never agreed to being a member of the coup. In addition, coup of July 29, 1966 was not a total success because there was a military commander that did not recognize Gowon's imposition as leader of Nigeria. The military commander insisted on the correct military parlance where the chief of staff supreme military HQ, who for intents and practical purposes was 2ic (second in command) to Ironsi to be head of state in absensce of Ironsi. The impasse in the Nigeria leadership led to reconciliation talks in Aburi, Ghana.