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Political leaders are powerful . Yet, many of them drop the air around them whenever they go to places of worship. The general belief is that at places of worship , there is a higher being who deserves more respect that any political leader . On many occasions, even leaders with different political ideologies or other differences set such aside while they are in places of worship. The late Albanian- Indian Roman Catholic nun and missionary , Mother Teresa once said : “ There is only one God and He is God to all ; therefore it is important that everyone is seen as equal before God . ” Ask the paparazzi , they can attest that the most humble photos of powerful people they have in their galleries were taken in places of worship. However, the recent anointing service drama involving the wife of Lagos State Governor , Bolanle Ambode and the Presiding Chaplain of Chapel of Christ the Light , Alausa, Lagos State , Venerable Femi Taiwo , calls for the re- examination of such facts in Nigeria . Here are six photos of world leaders who kept their calm in places of worship… Russian President Vladimir Putin stands amidst other congregants at the Christmas service at the Church of the Intercession of the Holy Virgin in the village of Turginovo , Tver Region . Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau sits on the floor while sharing with Muslim community during Ramadan . Former US president Barack Obama and his family stand with congregants as he attended church service at Washington ’ s Metropolitan African Methodist Episcopal Church , about six blocks from the White House . Former Prime Minister of United Kingdom David Cameron bows down alongside other worshipers at a Sikh Temple . Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf sings a hymn with other congregants during worship service at the First United Methodist . German chancellor Angela Merkel shows reverence as she attends a memorial service http://punchng.com/anointing-service-drama-how-world-leaders-behave-in-places-of-worship/
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Date Currency Buying(NGN) Central(NGN) Selling(NGN) 5/25/2017 US DOLLAR 304.4 304.9 305.4 POUNDS STERLING 394.4415 .395.0894 395.7373 EURO 341.3542 341.9149 342.4756 SWISS FRANC 312.9434 313.4574 313.9714 YEN 2.7239 2.7284 2.7329 CFA 0.5013 0.5113 0.5213 WAUA 420.4175 421.108 421.7986 YUAN/RENMINBI 44.309 44.3822 44.4554 RIYAL 81.1647 81.298 81.4313 SOUTH AFRICAN RAND 23.5626 23.6013 23.64 DANISH KRONA 45.8752 45.9505 46.02 http://www.cbn.gov.ng/rates/exchratebycurrency.asp Dollar to Naira Exchange Rate Today Black Market. Buying = N375. Selling = N381. Dollar to Naira Bank Rate Today. Buying=N315 Selling=N382 Western Union Dollar to Naira Rate. Sending=N375 Receiving=N355 Money Gram Dollar Naira Rate. Sending=N378 Receiving=N353.23. Looking back at the dollar naira exchange rate history, it shows the NGN has not been doing great. The rate was 1 $ = N21.89 in 1999, today (2016/2017) the rate is 1$ = 315 Naira. |
Date Currency Buying(NGN) Central(NGN) Selling(NGN) 5/25/2017 US DOLLAR 304.4 304.9 305.4 POUNDS STERLING 394.4415 .395.0894 395.7373 EURO 341.3542 341.9149 342.4756 SWISS FRANC 312.9434 313.4574 313.9714 YEN 2.7239 2.7284 2.7329 CFA 0.5013 0.5113 0.5213 WAUA 420.4175 421.108 421.7986 YUAN/RENMINBI 44.309 44.3822 44.4554 RIYAL 81.1647 81.298 81.4313 SOUTH AFRICAN RAND 23.5626 23.6013 23.64 DANISH KRONA 45.8752 45.9505 46.0259 http://www.cbn.gov.ng/rates/exchratebycurrency.asp |
eeya,sorry oga jona I can feel ur pain |
osinbanjoisaliar:he is greater than all ur hero.Ur father go prostrate if he sees him,so y beef him.Pray for a osibanjo in all generation than maybe God can answer ur prayer. |
ikp120:oga leave this ur grammar,na only book u sabi.Produce one make we c. |
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mote
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more pic
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A bloody accident just happened at leme,Abeokuta
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asuustrike2009:a blind follower.Religion is our major problem. |
Pastor Faith Oyedepo Was Treated Medically In A South Africa Hospital And You The Gullible Church Members Are Giving Her Husband Your Money To Heal You In The Name Of Jesus, Nigerian Man Drops Grandfather Of All Bombs (GRAFOAB) Pastor Faith Oyedepo Was Treated Medically In A South Africa Hospital And You The Gullible Church Members Are Giving Her Husband Your Money To Heal You In The Name Of Jesus, Nigerian Man Drops Grandfather Of All Bombs (GRAFOAB) https://.com/pastor-faith-oyedepo-was-treated-medically-in-a-south-africa-hospital-and-you-the-gullible-church-members-are-giving-her-husband-your-money-to-heal-you-in-the-name-of-jesus-nigerian-man-drops-grandfa/
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omo c money, Nigeria will be great,for where
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: One Thursday over 20 years ago, on the 19th of September 1996, during the brutal regime of the late General Sani Abacha, something happened in Nigeria that shocked the entire world. In the usually calm and serene city of Owerri, capital of the country’s southeastern state of Imo, an 11-year-old boy named Anthony Ikechukwu Okoronkwo was meandering his way through the streets of the city with his precious tray of merchandise playfully balanced on his head. The little boy was hawking boiled groundnuts, which was his routine, the same condemned destiny for millions of other Nigerian kids today. But in his infantile innocence, the little boy was only doing what he was ordered to do by his parents. He strolled along, selling his groundnuts for peanuts to whoever wanted to buy. When he got to Amakohia area of Owerri, his eyes lit up with joy as a customer beckoned on him to approach. That ‘customer’ was named Innocent Ekeanyanwu, aged 32. The boy was called into the famous Otokoto Hotel and the little groundnut seller was visibly very excited, since it was a hotel, it meant that the new ‘customer’ would probably be buying plenty groundnuts which will mean more money to take home to make his parents happy and assist his struggling family. As he sauntered into the central lobby and reception area of the hotel, he must have given a cute boyish smile as he was told to sit and wait a bit. While waiting, the boy was treated like a guest, he was given a bottle of Coca-Cola to cool off from the punishing heat of tropical Africa. As every innocent boy of his age would react, he quickly took the bottle of Coke and gulped it down with relish. For many Nigerian kids, drinking a bottle of Coca-Cola inside the lobby of a hotel was more than a dream come true. Made to feel at home, he must have been wondering how nice his new and unusually receptive customers were. As he was sipping his soft drink and taking a look at the glittering surrounding of the hotel, he could have imagined having a hotel of his own too later in the future. As he was dreaming, his vision became blurry and the sounds around him became muzzled and dull. In a matter of minutes, he dozed off, never to wake up again. His tray full of groundnuts was lying in a corner. Observing the boy from a safe distance was the man who had called him to buy his groundnuts. He had spiked the boy’s drink and once he saw he was asleep, he took the limp body of the drugged lad into one of the hotel rooms and what followed next remains one of the most evil things anyone can ever dream up. A sharp cutlass emerged from nowhere and the boy’s head was severed from his body. He was beheaded in a matter of minutes. Passersby outside the hotel had absolutely no idea of what was going on inside the ‘high-brow’ hotel. After the boy’s head was cut off, they proceeded to disembowel his torso and removed his liver and other parts they needed. They were not done yet, his genitals were not spared as well. After he was done butchering the boy, he sorted out the organs, packed his head inside a polythene bag and they made a shallow grave where they hurriedly buried his mangled remains. Of course, the boy’s parents somewhere in the city had no idea their little boy had just been gruesomely murdered. Ekeanyanwu then took the polythene bag containing the head and headed for the next destination: to the house of the man who needed the fresh head. THE OTOKOTO HOTEL At the time of its existence, Otokoto Hotel was located in an upscale area of Owerri, specifically the Amakohia side, and it was a favourite location for the rich and wealthy youths to meet, drink and have all manners of fun. Duru’s hotel was made up of three buildings, (three, five and six stories each, one behind the other). It was owned by Chief Vincent Duru, the father of Obidiozor Duru, the leader of the Black Scorpions secret cult responsible for a spate of robberies and kidnapping of children in the state. All of Owerri placed the Durus under their radar and surveillance, with rumours all over the place about their nefarious activities. BACKGROUND TO THE STORY Before this horrible incident, the people of Owerri ( Ndi Owerre ) were already very mad at the bizarre actions of some loud, extremely powerful and obscenely wealthy individuals in the state. These people were highly-connected and oppressed everyone where they went. Rumours were all over the place as to their very dark dealings and even the possibility of ritual murders and killings but no one really had any hard evidence yet or probably those who had it were too jittery to say anything. Whatever the case, these rich people who had no really tangible or easily traceable sources of wealth kept on living large and instilling an atmosphere of terror and fear on the Owerri populace. This was how Owerri was described at that time: ‘Luxurious commodities also became available in Owerri during the early 1990s, but mostly through a set of exclusive shops. These shops catered to members of their owners’ class: the newly affluent and generally youthful social elites of the town. Besides the arrival of airplanes in Owerri’s skies for the first time since Federalist bombing attacks during the late 1960s, the town’s bicycles and decrepit Peugeot 504 taxis now shared its potholed streets with the extraordinarily expensive automobiles and sports utility vehicles of the nouveaux riches. While the poorest Owerri indigenes listened to Igbo-languages programs on their radios and visited more wealthy relatives to watch frequently disrupted local television programming or videos, the town’s mansions were equipped with generators providing constant power, satellite dishes, video discs, and giant-screen televisions showing current international news, business reports, dramas, sitcoms, and music and movie programming from Great Britain and the United States. By 1996, Ndi Owerre (Owerri indigenes) could, indeed, see what they had been missing before airport prosperity, but for most of them this was little more than a glimpse through the ornate gates of elite mansions or into shops whose goods had price tags the equivalent of several months’ earnings. Since a number of the town’s parvenu millionaires were not ndi owerre themselves, old ideals of reciprocity between wealthy and poorer clan members did not seem to apply under the new regime. This lack of reciprocity was especially felt as the young elites took titles and demonstrated their dollar/naira power at public, ‘cultural’ events like masquerade outings, weddings and funerals. Successful business entrepreneurship in 1990s….build lavish houses, and flaunt their riches in the faces of their suffering neighbours. When the question was posed about the origins of such untoward wealth, two possibilities beyond legitimate entrepreneurship presented themselves to the Owerri imaginary. First, the money could be the ill-gotten gains of Nigeria’s emerging culture of drug couriership and weapons sales. Second, and even more frighteningly, the money could be the product of the worst type of crime: the direct exploitation of children, whether as targets for parental extortion or as targets for money magic, a practice otherwise known in Nigerian Anglophone circles as’ritual murder’.’ That was a description of the atmosphere of Owerri of that time. And yes, the oppression by the wealthy was real. They flaunted their questionable wealth in the most nauseating manner, took all the chieftaincy titles, moved around with armed teams of police and soldiers harassing everyone on the roads, their cars had special and customized plates and any motorist who dared to protest got the beating of his life. These gods were virtually untouchable until everything scattered. When the people heard of what happened inside the hotel to the boy, Owerri exploded with anger and resentment that had been piling up for years. For two straight days, the people of Owerri trooped out in their thousands, protesting and rioting. Not even the strong-arm tactics of the Imo State military administrator, Colonel Tanko Zubair, could stop them (the administration of the former military governor Navy Captain James Aneke was already seen as corrupt, 419-based and even complicit in the protection of the Otokoto men while he was in office). They simply ran amok and the national and international media focused on the Owerri riots of 24th and 25th of September, 1996, also known as the Otokoto riots, the people felt they had had more than enough. https://.com/the-chilling-story-of-the-otokoto-money-ritual-killings-of-1996/ |
We speak with Deena Mousa, the prodigal high-school student who invented a mixture of chemical components that can stop severe bleeding faster than the medicines currently used in hospitals. “I emailed a lot of labs and a lot of universities, asking them to let me do the research, but, I got a lot of rejections just because I was young,” says Deena Mousa. At 17, the Egyptian student invented a medical composition that could stop severe bleeding at a faster ratio than the medicines used in hospitals. One day, it happened. It was in New York, where she resides, in a lab at the Albany College of Pharmacy – one that finally agreed on hosting her, provided that she worked as an assistant for a year in their lab. It was only after a year’s lapse that she would be able to use their equipment to develop her own research project. “It was really exciting, and I got to design the whole thing on my own,” says the young researcher, who is planning to study molecular biology in university next year after fast-tracking through high school. Having found in research science her biggest passion, Mousa became interested in treating wounds, as she wanted to “do something that impacted a lot of people but was not getting attention in the science world.” “I had started doing research on blood loss and the ways we can stop it, because it is the second leading cause of death in hospitals and clinics,” she says. Her product, called Hemostat V-Seal, stops bleeding of lethal wounds in between seven and ten seconds, a ratio that is considerably faster than the one currently available in hospitals. “With the current standard of care we use now, it takes 15 minutes, which translates into litres of blood lost,” she adds. “I first looked at how the current standard of healthcare works, and learned that there’s a whole hemostatic process by which a clot is formed. So, in hospitals they accelerate one step in that process. But I thought that if I could create something that could accelerate each and every single step within the single process, it would be much more effective,” she explains. “After a lot of testing and trials to discover the optimal ratio, I came up with a product that was faster and more efficient than what we use now.” The lapse between ‘I really want to research’ and ‘I found the component’ was only 18 months. She did it in a borrowed lab, alone, at 16. “Even if it’s the biggest wound, across your neck, within 10 seconds it will be completely clotted. It’s a liquid drop, and even for the most sever wound, it would require around five drops. It’s both efficient and incredibly cost-effective, as it costs cents to make,” she explains. Having created Hemostat V-Seal as her school’s final project, the researcher secured the pre-patent last year, and filed two provisional applications for the final patent in the USA. As she now processes the FDA (the US Food and Drug Administration) approval, Mousa aspires to introduce it to the market in the coming months. “I think the problem is that most people working in this field – which are not a lot – are looking for one miracle compound – one thing that will stop bleeding very quickly. But no one had thought of combining several different compounds that can work together synergistically. That was something new,” she explains. The New York-based researcher and entrepreneur visited Egypt this month to take part in the Spark Ventures Entrepreneurship Camp to build a strategy to commercialize the product in a way that benefits those who need it the most. “Now that I’ve done the R& part of the medicine and got this product that I think works really well, I want to learn about the business and financial side so I can bring it to the market, influence, and save lives. I’m hoping that if I can succeed in one market, I can bring it to Egypt next.” The camp, a 10-day full-immersion into entrepreneurship, leadership, and business making, concluded last weekend, providing talented young entrepreneurial minds with the skills they need to make their ideas come true.“What pushed me is my love for it –science research to me is like formalised curiosity, and it’s like being able to ask whatever question you want, be able to follow them to their resolution, and be able to come up with more question from your results. Besides, I’m lucky; my dad is in the field so I was able to work in his lab. But what drove me further was seeing that what I produced could actually have an impact and make change,” says the inspiring entrepreneur, who refuses to place financial ambitions ahead of her invention’s social role. “I went to a business competition, and when I told them the cost, which is just a couple of cents per ounce, and my pricing point, which was rather was cheap, they said 'why would you do that? This is worth as much as a life's worth.' But I don't agree. The idea is that these services have to be available to people, especially those who need it the most. As long as you have revenue to sustain the business itself, the most important thing is to impact and influence people,” she says. http://m.cairoscene.com/BusinessAndPolitics/How-This-17-Year-Old-Egyptian-Invented-a-Product-That-Could-Save-Lives-Around-the-World |
Oduduwa Some contemporary historians contend that the Yoruba are not indigenous to Yorubaland, but are descendants of immigrants to the region. This version of history contends that Oduduwa was, in fact, a mortal king, from Arabia, under whose leadership the Oyo region of Yorubaland was conquered sometime in the 11th century and the kingdom of Ife as it is currently constituted was established. Oduduwa's relatives established kingdoms in the rest of Yorubaland. One of Oduduwa's sons, Oranmiyan, took the throne of Benin and expanded the Oduduwa Dynasty eastwards. Further expansion led to the establishment of the Yoruba in what are now Southwest Nigeria, Benin, and Togo, with Yoruba city-states acknowledging the spiritual primacy of the ancient city of Ile Ife. The southeastern Benin Empire, ruled by a dynasty that traced its ancestry to Ifẹ and Oduduwa but largely populated by the Edo and other related ethnicities, also held considerable sway in the election of nobles and kings in eastern Yorubaland. The Benin Kingdom, Benin City Main articles: Kingdom of Benin and Benin City Founded around the 10th century, Benin served as the capital of the Kingdom of Benin, the empire of the Oba of Benin , which flourished from the 14th through the 17th century. No trace remains of the structures admired by European travellers to the Great Benin because the kingdom was looted, blown up and razed to the ground by British forces for their resistance to colonial rule, though the fabled Walls of Benin have been undergoing preservation and restoration procedures for years. After Benin was visited by the Portuguese in 1472, historical Benin grew rich during the 16th and 17th centuries through the export of some tropical products. The Bight of Benin's shore was part of the so-called "Slave Coast ", from where many West Africans were sold (usually by local rulers) to foreign slave traders. In the early 16th century the Oba sent an ambassador to Lisbon , and the King of Portugal sent Christian missionaries to Benin. Some residents of Benin could still speak a pidgin Portuguese in the late 19th century. To preserve Benin's independence, bit by bit the Oba banned the export of goods from Benin, until the trade was exclusively in palm oil. On 1 February 1852, the whole Bight of Benin became a British protectorate where a Consul (representative) represented the protector, until on the 6th of August, 1861, the Bights of Biafra and Benin became a united British protectorate, again under a British Consul. In the "Punitive Expedition" of 1897, a 1200-strong British force, under the command of Admiral Sir Harry Rawson, conquered and burned the city, destroying much of the country's treasured art and dispersing nearly all that remained. Due to this the "Benin Bronzes ": portrait figures, busts, and groups created in iron , carved ivory , and especially in brass (conventionally called "bronze" , are on display inmuseums around the world. A scattered catalogue of some 2,500 pieces, the collection arguably constitutes the most argued over pool of antiquities after the disputed treasures of Ancient Egypt itself. After the fall of Benin, the British set apart Warri province in a bid to punish the Oba and curb his imperial power. The Benin monarchy was restored in 1914, but true power now lay with the colonial administration of Nigeria. The defeat, capture and subjugation of the empire's war-like people marked the sovereign end of one of Africa's greatest medieval states. Queen Amina of Zaria Main article: Amina The seven original states of Hausaland : Katsina , Daura, Kano, Zazzau , Gobir , Rano, and Garun Gabas cover an area of approximately 500 square miles (1,300 km 2 ) and comprise the heart of the Hausa realm. In the 16th century, Queen Bakwa Turunku built the capital of Zazzau at Zaria, named after her younger daughter. Eventually, the entire state of Zazzau was renamed Zaria, which is now a province and traditional kingdom in present-day Nigeria. However, it was her elder daughter, the legendary Amina (or Aminatu), who inherited her mother's warlike nature. Amina was 16 years old when her mother became queen and she was given the traditional title of Magajiya , an honorific borne by the daughters of monarchs. She honed her military skills and became famous for her bravery and military exploits, as she is celebrated in song as "Amina, daughter of Nikatau, a woman as capable as a man." Amina is credited as the architectural overseer who created the strong earthen walls that surround her city, which were the prototype for the fortifications used in all Hausa states. She subsequently built many of these fortifications, which became known as ganuwar Amina or Amina's walls, around various conquered cities. The objectives of her conquests were twofold: extension of her nation beyond its primary borders and reducing the conquered cities to a vassal status. Sultan Muhammad Bello of Sokoto stated that, "She made war upon these countries and overcame them entirely so that the people of Katsina paid tribute to her and the men of Kano and... also made war on cities of Bauchi till her kingdom reached to the sea in the south and the west." Likewise, she led her armies as far as Nupe and, according to the Kano Chronicle, "The Sarkin Nupe sent her (i.e. the princess) 40 eunuchs and 10,000 kola nuts. She was the first in Hausaland to own eunuchs and kola nuts . Amina was a pre-eminent gimbiya (princess) but various theories exist as to the time of her reign or if she ever was a queen. One explanation states that she reigned from approximately 1536 to 1573, while another posits that she became queen after her brother Karama's death, in 1576. Yet another claims that although she was a leading princess and de facto ruler, she was never a titular queen. Despite the discrepancies in the tale of her life, one thing is certain, over a 34-year period, her many conquests and subsequent annexation of the territories conquered extended the borders of Zaria, which also grew in importance as a result and which became the center of the North-South Saharan trade and the East-West Sudan trade. Makeda, The Queen of Sheba (960 BC) Main article: Makeda The Queen of Sheba , (Arabic Malekat sabaa ﻣﻠﻜﺔ ﺳﺒﺄ , Ge'ez : Nigista Saba ንግሥተ ሳባ , Yoruba: Ayaba ile Seba ), referred to in the Bible books of 1 Kings and 2 Chronicles , the New Testament , the Qur'an , Ethiopian history and even the tribal traditions of the Yoruba people of West Africa, was the ruler of Sheba , an ancient kingdom which modern archaeology speculates was located in present-day Yemen or Eritrea , Ethiopia . Unnamed in the Biblical text, she is called Makeda (Ge'ez : ማክዳ mākidā) in the Ethiopian tradition, and in Islamic tradition her name is Bilqis. In some books she is referred to as Belkis . Alternative names given for her have been Nikaule , Nicaula and Bilikisu Sungbon. She supposedly lived in the 10th century BC. She is better known to the world as the Queen of Sheba . In his book, "World's Great Men of Color", J.A. Rogers, gives this description: "Out of the mists of three thousand years, emerges this beautiful story of a Black Queen, who attracted by the fame of a Judean monarch, made a long journey to see him." The Queen of Sheba is said to have undertaken a long and difficult journey to Jerusalem, in order to learn of the wisdom of the great King Solomon. Makeda and King Solomon were equally impressed with each other. Out of their relationship was born a son, according to the Ethiopian Book of the Glory of Kings, Menelik I. This Queen is said to have reigned over Sheba and Arabia as well as Ethiopia. The queen of Sheba's capital was Debra Makeda, which she built for herself. In Ethiopia's church of Axum, there is a copy of what is said to be one of the Tables of Law that Solomon gave to Menelik I. The story of the Queen of Sheba is deeply cherished in Ethiopia as part of the national heritage. This African Queen serves as one of the exclusive group of people that appear in the traditions of several different religions, with her being mentioned in two holy books- the Bible and the Koran. Usman dan Fodio Main article: Uthman Dan Fodio Shaihu Usman dan Fodio (Arabic : ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻓﻮﺩﻱ ، ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺩﻳﻮ ) (also referred to as Shaikh Usman Ibn Fodio , Shehu Uthman Dan Fuduye, or Shehu Usman dan Fodio , 1754–1817) was a writer, preacher, Islamic reformer and Sultan of Sokoto . Dan Fodio was one of a class of urbanized ethnic Fulani living in the Hausa city-states in what is today northern Nigeria . He lived in the city-state of Gobir , and is considered an Islamic revivalist; he encouraged the education of women in religious matters, and several of his daughters emerged as scholars and writers (with the most prominent of them being the Princess Nana Asmau ). Dan Fodio was well-educated in classical Islamic science, philosophy and theology, and became a revered religious thinker in his own right. His teacher, Jibril ibn 'Umar, argued that it was the duty and within the power of religious movements to establish the ideal society, free from oppression and vice. Dan Fodio used his influence to secure approval to create a religious community in his hometown of Degel that would, or so he hoped, be a model town. After the Fulani War , he became the reigning commander of the largest state in the Africa of its day, the Fulani Empire . Dan Fodio worked to establish an efficient government, one grounded in Islamic law. Already aged at the beginning of the war, he retired in 1815 and passed the title of Sultan of Sokoto to his son, Muhammed Bello. Dan Fodio's uprising inspired a number of later West African jihads , including those of Massina Empire founder Seku Amadu, Toucouleur Empire founder El Hadj Umar Tall (who married one of dan Fodio's granddaughters), Wassoulou Empire founder Samori , and Adamawa Emirate founder Modibo Adama , who served as one of dan Fodio's provincial chiefs. https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Legends_of_Africa
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Shango of the Oyo Empire Statue of Shango, the Yoruba orisha of thunder Shango was the fourth king of the Oyo clan in Yorubaland who brought prosperity to the Empire he inherited. Many stories have been told about him, and several myths surround him. He stands as the cornerstone of many Afro-Caribbean religions. In the Yoruba religion , Shango (Xangô or Changó in Latin America ), is perhaps the most popular Orisha . He is the orisha of thunder and one of the principal ancestors of the Yoruba people. In the Santeria religion of the Caribbean, Shango is considered to be the focal point as he represents the Oyos of West Africa. The Oyo empire sold a lot of people to the Atlantic slave trade who then took them to the Caribbean and South America. It is primarily for this reason that every major Orisha initiation ceremony performed in the New World within the past few hundred years has been based on the traditional Shango ceremony of Ancient Oyo. Such ceremonies survived the Middle Passage and are considered to be the most complete traditional practices to have arrived on American shores. Shango's sacred colors are ' red and white ; his sacred number is 6 ; his symbol is the oshe , which represents swift and balanced justice. He is owner of the bata (3 double-headed drums) and of music in general, as well as the art of dance. Shango is venerated in Santería , Candomblé Ketu , Umbanda , and Vodou . [1] In art, Shango is depicted with a double-axe on his three heads. He is associated with the holy animal, the ram , and the holy colors of red and white. Shaka Zulu Main article: Shaka Only known drawing of Shaka standing with the long throwing assegai and the heavy shield in 1824 Jaja of Opobo Shaka (sometimes spelled Tshaka, Tchaka or Chaka ; c. 1787 – c. 22 September 1828) was a Zulu leader. [2] [3] He is widely credited with transforming the Zulu tribe from a small clan into the beginnings of a nation that held sway over the large portion of Southern Africa that stretches between the Phongolo and Mzimkhulu rivers. His military prowess and destructiveness have been widely studied by modern scholarship. One Encyclopædia Britannica article (Macropaedia Article "Shaka" 1974 ed) asserts that he was something of a military genius for his reforms and innovations. Other writers take a more limited view of his achievements. Nevertheless, his statesmanship and vigour in assimilating some neighbours and ruling by proxy marks him as one of the greatest of the Zulu chieftains. King Jaja of Opobo Main article: Jaja of Opobo King Jaja of Opobo (1821–1891) [ 4] Early life, Jubo Jubogha Born in Igboland and sold as a slave to a Bonny trader at the age of twelve, he was named Jubo Jubogha by his first master. He was later sold to Chief Alali, the powerful head of the Opobu Manila Group of Houses. Called Jaja by the British, this gifted and enterprising individual eventually became one of the most powerful men in the eastern Niger Delta. The Niger Delta The Niger Delta, where the Niger empties itself into the Gulf of Guinea in a system of intricate waterways, was the site of unique settlements called city-states. From the 15th to the 18th centuries, Bonny, like the other city-states, gained its wealth from the profits of the slave trade. Here, an individual could attain prestige and power through success in business and, as in the case of Jaja, a slave could work his way up to head of state. The House was a socio-political institution and was the basic unit of the city-state. In the 19th century—after the abolition of the slave trade in 1807—the trade in slaves was supplanted by the trade in palm oil, which was so vibrant that the region was named the Oil Rivers area. The Houses in Bonny and other city-states controlled both the internal and external palm oil trade because the producers in the hinterland were forbidden to trade directly with the Europeans on the coast; the Europeans never left the coast for fear of malaria. The rise of King Jaja Astute in business and politics, Jaja became the head of the Anna People House, extending its activities and influence by absorbing other houses, increasing operations in the hinterland and augmenting the number of European contacts. A power struggle ensued among rival factions in the houses at Bonny, leading to the breakaway of the faction led by Jaja. He established a new settlement, which he named Opobo. He became King Jaja of Opobo and declared himself independent of Bonny. Strategically located between Bonny and the production areas of the hinterland, King Jaja controlled trade and politics in the delta. In so doing he curtailed trade at Bonny, and at the end of his ascendancy, fourteen of the eighteen Bonny houses had moved to Opobo. In a few years, he had become so wealthy that he was shipping palm oil directly to Liverpool himself. The British consul could not tolerate this situation. Jaja was offered a treaty of "protection", in return for which the chiefs usually surrendered their sovereignty. After Jaja's initial opposition, he was reassured, in rather vague terms, that neither his authority nor the sovereignty of Opobo would be threatened. The fall of Jaja and scramble for Africa Jaja continued to regulate trade and levy duties on British traders, to the point where he ordered a cessation of trade on the river until one British firm agreed to pay duties. Jaja refused to comply with the consul's order to terminate these activities, despite British threats to bombard Opobo. Unknown to Jaja, the Scramble for Africa had taken place and Opobo was part of the territories allocated to Great Britain. This was the era of gunboat diplomacy, where Great Britain used her naval power to negotiate conditions favorable to her people. Lured into a meeting with the British consul aboard a warship, Jaja was arrested and sent to Accra, where he was summararily tried and found guilty of "treaty breaking" and "blocking the highways of trade". He was deported to St. Vincent (Saint Vincent and the Grenadines ), West Indies, and four years later, he died en route to Nigeria after he was permitted to return. Ironically, Jaja's dogged insistence on African independence and effective resistance exposed British imperialism and made him the first victim of foreign territorial intrusion in West Africa. The fate of Jaja reverberated through the entire Niger delta. Amazed at this turn of events, the other delta chiefs quickly capitulated. In addition, the discovery of quinine as the cure for malaria enabled the British traders to bypass the middlemen and deal directly with the palm oil producers, thus precipitating the decline of the city-states. King Jaja's downfall ensured a victory for British supremacy, paving the way for the eventual imposition of the colonial system in this region by the end of the century. Askia Mohammed I (Askia the Great) of Timbuktu Main article: Askia Mohammad I Mohammed Ben Abu Bekr "Askia the Great Mohammed Ben Abu Bekr, the favored general of Sunni Ali, believed that he was entitled to the throne after Sunni Ali's death, rather than Ali's son, Abu Kebr. Claiming that the power was his by right of achievement, Mohammed attacked the new ruler a year after his acsession and defeated him in one of the bloodiest battles in history. When one of Sunni Ali's daughters heard the news, she cried out "Askia", which means "forceful one." This title was taken by Mohammed as his regnal name . Askia began by consolidating his vast empire and establishing harmony among the conflicting religions and political elements. Under the leadership of Askia, the Songhay Empire flourished until it became one of the richest empires of that period, from any region. Timbuctoo became known as "The Center of Learning", "The Mecca of the Sudan", and "The Queen of the Sudan". Tomb of Askia With his empire firmly established, Askia resumed his attack on the unbelievers , carrying the rule of Islam into new lands. Askia the Great made Timbuktu (Archaic English: Timbuctoo ; Koyra Chiini : Tumbutu ; French : Tombouctou ) one of the most famous centers of commerce and learning on Earth. The brilliance of the city was such that it still shines in the imagination after three centuries like a star which, though dead, continues to send its light toward us. Such was its splendor that in spite of its many vicissitudes after the death of Askia, the vitality of Timbuktu is not extinguished. Oyo Empire Main articles: Oyo Empire, Yoruba people , and History of the Yoruba people The Empire Oyo Empire and surrounding states, c. 1625. The Oyo Empire (c. 1400–1835) was a West African empire of present-day Nigeria . The empire was established by the Yoruba in the 15th century and grew to become one of the largest West African states encountered by colonial explorers. It rose to pre-eminence through wealth gained from trade and its possession of a powerful cavalry . The Oyo Empire was the most politically important state in the region from the mid-17th to the late 18th century, holding sway not only over other Yoruba kingdoms in modern-day Nigeria , Benin , and Togo, but also over other African kingdoms, most notable being the Fon Dahomey (in present-day Benin). Mythical origins The mythical origins of the Oyo Empire lie with Oranyan (also known as Oranmiyan), the second prince of the Yoruba Kingdom of Ile-Ife. Oranyan made an agreement with his brother to launch a punitive raid on their northern neighbors for insulting their father, the Oba Oduduwa, first of the Oonis of Ife. On the way to the battle, the brothers quarrelled and the army split up. Oranyan's force was too small to make a successful attack, so he wandered the southern shore until reaching Bussa. There the local chief entertained him and provided a large snake with a magic charm attached to its throat. The chief instructed Oranyan to follow the snake until it stopped somewhere for seven days and disappeared into the ground. Oranyan followed the advice and founded Oyo where the serpent stopped. The site is remembered as Ajaka . Oranyan made Oyo his new kingdom and became the first "oba" (meaning 'king' or 'ruler' in the Yoruba language ) with the title of "Alaafin of Oyo" (Alaafin means 'owner of the palace' in Yoruba), leaving all his treasures in Ife and allowing another king named Adimu to rule there in his stead. Early period A Survey of Old Oyo Palace Compound Oranyan, the first oba of Oyo, was succeeded by Oba Ajaka, Alaafin of Oyo. Ajaka was deposed because he was seen to be lacking Yoruba military virtues and allowing his sub-chiefs too much independence. Leadership was then conferred upon Ajaka's brother, Jakuta, who was later deified as the deity Shango. Ajaka was restored after Shango's death. Ajaka returned to the throne thoroughly more warlike and oppressive. His successor, Kori, managed to conquer the rest of what later historians would refer to as metropolitan Oyo. Oyo-Ile The heart of metropolitan Oyo was its capital at Oyo-Ile, (also known as Katunga, Old Oyo , or Oyo-oro). [9] The two most important structures in Oyo-Ile were the 'afin', or palace of the Oba, and his market. The palace was at the center of the city, close to the Oba's market which was called 'Oja-oba'. Around the capital was a tall earthen wall for defense with 17 gates. The importance of the two large structures (the palace and the Oja Oba) signified the importance of the king in Oyo. Ghana Empire Ashanti Kingdom [10] Main article: Ashanti people Map of the Ashanti Region within Ghana The Ashanti , or Asante, are a major ethnic group in modern Ghana . The Ashanti speak Twi , an Akan language similar to Fante. For the Ashanti (Asante) Confederacy, see Asanteman . Prior to European colonization, the Ashanti people developed a large and influential empire in West Africa. The Ashanti later created the powerful Ashanti Confederacy and became the dominant presence in the region. The Ashanti , Adansi , Akyem , Assin , and Denkyira peoples of Ghana , like the Baule of Côte d'Ivoire , are subgroups of the West African Akan nation which is said to have migrated from the vicinity of the north-western Niger River after the fall of the Ghana Empire in the 13th century. [11] Evidence of this is seen in royal courts of the Akan kings reflected by that of the Ashanti kings whose processions and ceremonies show remnants of ancient Ghana ceremonies. Ethnolinguists have substantiated the migration by tracing word usage and speech patterns along West Africa. [12] Thus, although the Ghana Empire was geographically different from present-day Ghana, some of its people, specifically the Akan, moved to what is today Ghana, hence the historicity of the name. In fact, the North African Almoravid dynasty gold coin was renowned throughout the medieval world as being made of the purest of golds, since West African gold was 92 percent pure at the time it was mined, higher than old Egyptian gold ore, which started at 85 percent, a figure which was later refined to 95 percent. Evidence of early Ashanti connections to the Islamic world is the Ashanti word for money – "sikka" – the same as the Arabic word for minting money. |
keep it up. |
By Farooq A. Kperogi, Ph.D. I am taking a break from English grammar this week to discuss a fascinating 22-page article I read on the Arabic roots of many contemporary Yoruba words. Titled “On Arabic Loans in Yoruba,” it was written by Professor Sergio Baldi, a well-regarded Italian linguist, who presented it at the Annual Conference on African Linguistics in California, USA, in March 1995. The article lists scores of common Yoruba words that are derived from Arabic sometimes by way of Hausa, at other times by way of Songhai (Zarma and Dendi languages in present-day Niger, Mali, and Benin republics are examples of Songhai languages), and occasionally directly from Arabic. (To read the full article, click here ). In this essay, I isolate only words that, from my modest knowledge of Yoruba, enjoy widespread usage and that are not limited to the vernacular of Yoruba Muslims. It is noteworthy that different versions of many of the words below are also used widely in Hausa, Kanuri, Igala, Ebira, Batonu, Nupe, and many Niger-Congo languages in northern and central Nigeria. In fact, “wahala,” a common Nigerian Pidgin English word, has Arabic origins, as you will see shortly. 1. Abere. This Yoruba word for “needle” traces its etymology to the Arabic “ai-bra,” which also means needle. 2. Adura. This is the Yoruba word for prayers. In fact, there is a popular syncretic Christian sect in Yorubaland that goes by the name “aladura,” meaning “people who pray” or “praying people.” Many other northern and central Nigerian languages have some version of this word to denote prayers. It is derived from the Arabic “du’a,” which also means prayers. 3. Alubosa. This Yoruba word for “onion” was borrowed from the Hausa “albasa,” which in turn borrowed it from the Arabic “al-basal.” 4. Alufa/Alfa. This is a widely used word for a Muslim scholar (and occasionally any Muslim) not just in Yorubaland but in Nupeland, Borgu, Igalaland, Ebiraland, etc. It is now increasingly used by Yoruba Muslim women as a term of respect for their husbands. Surprisingly, the word is absent in the Hausa language. It came as no surprise therefore when Professor Baldi suggested that the word came to the Yoruba language—and many other central Nigerian languages—through the Songhai. It is derived from the Arabic “khalifah,” which means a “successor” or a “representative” (of the prophet of Islam). It was first corrupted to “Alfa” by the Songhai who later exported their version of the word to western and central Nigeria—and to other parts of West Africa. Many Songhai were itinerant Islamic preachers who traveled all over West Africa. 5. Atele/itele. It means “following” in Yoruba, and it is derived from “at-talin,” which also means “following” in Arabic. 6. Amodi. It means “disease” in Yoruba and is derived from “al-marad,” the Arabic word for disease. 7. “Amo.” It is a conjunction in Yoruba, which performs the same function that the word “but” performs in English; it introduces contrast. It is rendered as “amma” in Hausa, which is the way it is rendered in its original Arabic form. 8. Anfani. This Yoruba word for “utility” or “importance” also occurs in Hausa, Batonu, and many northern and central Nigerian languages. It is derived from the Arabic “naf,” which means “advantage, profit.” 9. Ara/ apaara. The word means "thunder" in Yoruba, and is derived from the Arabic “ar-ra’d.” 10. Asiri. It means “secret” in Yoruba, Hausa, and in many other Nigerian languages. It is derived from the Arabic “as-sirr” where it also means “secret.” 11. Barika. This is the Yoruba word for “congratulations.” It is rendered as “barka” in Hausa. The word’s original Arabic form is “al-baraka,” which means “greetings.” 12. Borokinni. It means a “gentleman, respected man in a secure financial position.” The word is also found in many Borgu languages, such as Batonu and Bokobaru, where “boro” means a “friend.” It is derived from the Arabic “rukn,” which means “support, corner, basic element.” 13. Faari. It means “showing off” or “boastfulness” or “ostentatious display” in Yoruba. It has the same meaning in many Borgu languages. It is derived from the Arabic “fakhr,” which means “glory, pride, honor.” (Note that “kh” is a guttural sound in Arabic, which is close to a hard “h” in English. That sound was dropped by Nigerian languages). 14. Fitila. It means any kind of lamp. Its roots are located in the Arabic word for lamp, which is “fatil.” 15. Ijamba. Professor Baldi defines this word as “bodily harm,” but the meaning of the word I’m familiar with is one that associates it with cunning, cheating, deceit. It is derived from the Arabic “danb,” or “danba,” which means “sin, crime.” (Note that Arabic frequently dispenses with end vowels (that is, a, e, i, o, and u) in words, whereas many Nigerian languages almost always end words with a vowel—and add them to words they borrow from other languages if such words lack an end vowel). 16. Imale. This is the Yoruba word for “Muslim.” I read previous interpretations of this word from Yoruba scholars who say it is Yoruba for “that which is difficult” to underscore the difficulty of Islamic practices like praying five times a day, fasting for 30 days during Ramadan, etc. Other Yoruba scholars said the word initially denoted “people from Mali” since the Songhai people who Islamized Yoruba land in the 15th century were from Mali. But Baldi argues that “imale” is the corruption of the Arabic “Mu’alim,” which means a teacher. In the Hausa language, the word is rendered as Maalam. It’s interesting that “Mallam” has become the synonym for Hausa (or northern) Muslim in southern Nigeria. 17. Iwaju. It’s the Yoruba word for “front part.” I didn’t imagine that this word had an Arabic origin until I read Baldi’s article. It is derived from the Arabic “al-wajh,” which means “front” or “face.” 18 . Iwaasu. It is the Yoruba term for “preaching” or “sermon.” It is used by both Christians and Muslims in Yorubaland, and is derived from the Arabic “waz,” which means “admonition” or “sermon.” (The Yoruba language has no “z” sound, so it substitutes “z” with “s” when it borrows words from other languages with “z” sounds). 19. Suuru. It means “patience” not only in Yoruba but in many languages in central and northern Nigeria. It is derived from the Arabic “sabr,” which also means “patience.” 20. Talaka. It means the poor. It came to Yoruba by way of Hausa, which borrowed it from the Tuareg (where it is rendered as "taleqque" and where it means “a poor woman”). It’s also used in Mandingo, Songhai languages, Kanuri, Teda, and many West African languages. Baldi says this word has no Arabic origins. On the surface, this may be true. After all, the Arabic word for a poor person is “fakir” (plural: “fuqura”). However, “talaq,” as most Muslims know, is the Arabic word for divorce. (The chapter of the Qur'an that deals with the subject of divorce is called Suratul Talaq). Talaq is derived from the verb “talaqa,” which means to “disown,” to “repudiate.” In times past (and it’s still the case today in many Muslim societies) if a woman was divorced, she was invariably thrown into poverty. Thus, Tuaregs used the term “taleqque” to denote a “poor woman.” But Hausa, Kanuri, Yoruba, Mandingo, and other West African languages expanded the original Tuareg meaning of the word to include every poor person. This is my theory. 21. Tobi. This Yoruba word for “women’s knickers” is derived from the Arabic “taub,” which means “garment,” “dress,” “cloth.” Another tonal variation of this word leads to a different Yoruba word, which means “big.” 22 . Wahala. Well, this isn’t just a Yoruba word by way of Hausa; it’s made its way into most Nigerian languages—and into West African Pidgin English. It means “trouble,” and it’s derived from the Arabic “wahla,” which means “fright,” “terror.” Postscript: Someone called my attention to the fact that "alafia," which also appears in the greetings of many northern and central Nigerian languages (and which is rendered as "lafia" in Hausa) is also derived from the Arabic "afiya," which means "health. http://www.farooqkperogi.com/2012/05/arabic-origins-of-common-yoruba-words.html?m=1 |
By Farooq A. Kperogi, Ph.D. I am taking a break from English grammar this week to discuss a fascinating 22-page article I read on the Arabic roots of many contemporary Yoruba words. Titled “On Arabic Loans in Yoruba,” it was written by Professor Sergio Baldi, a well-regarded Italian linguist, who presented it at the Annual Conference on African Linguistics in California, USA, in March 1995. The article lists scores of common Yoruba words that are derived from Arabic sometimes by way of Hausa, at other times by way of Songhai (Zarma and Dendi languages in present-day Niger, Mali, and Benin republics are examples of Songhai languages), and occasionally directly from Arabic. (To read the full article, click here ). In this essay, I isolate only words that, from my modest knowledge of Yoruba, enjoy widespread usage and that are not limited to the vernacular of Yoruba Muslims. It is noteworthy that different versions of many of the words below are also used widely in Hausa, Kanuri, Igala, Ebira, Batonu, Nupe, and many Niger-Congo languages in northern and central Nigeria. In fact, “wahala,” a common Nigerian Pidgin English word, has Arabic origins, as you will see shortly. 1. Abere. This Yoruba word for “needle” traces its etymology to the Arabic “ai-bra,” which also means needle. 2. Adura. This is the Yoruba word for prayers. In fact, there is a popular syncretic Christian sect in Yorubaland that goes by the name “aladura,” meaning “people who pray” or “praying people.” Many other northern and central Nigerian languages have some version of this word to denote prayers. It is derived from the Arabic “du’a,” which also means prayers. 3. Alubosa. This Yoruba word for “onion” was borrowed from the Hausa “albasa,” which in turn borrowed it from the Arabic “al-basal.” 4. Alufa/Alfa. This is a widely used word for a Muslim scholar (and occasionally any Muslim) not just in Yorubaland but in Nupeland, Borgu, Igalaland, Ebiraland, etc. It is now increasingly used by Yoruba Muslim women as a term of respect for their husbands. Surprisingly, the word is absent in the Hausa language. It came as no surprise therefore when Professor Baldi suggested that the word came to the Yoruba language—and many other central Nigerian languages—through the Songhai. It is derived from the Arabic “khalifah,” which means a “successor” or a “representative” (of the prophet of Islam). It was first corrupted to “Alfa” by the Songhai who later exported their version of the word to western and central Nigeria—and to other parts of West Africa. Many Songhai were itinerant Islamic preachers who traveled all over West Africa. 5. Atele/itele. It means “following” in Yoruba, and it is derived from “at-talin,” which also means “following” in Arabic. 6. Amodi. It means “disease” in Yoruba and is derived from “al-marad,” the Arabic word for disease. 7. “Amo.” It is a conjunction in Yoruba, which performs the same function that the word “but” performs in English; it introduces contrast. It is rendered as “amma” in Hausa, which is the way it is rendered in its original Arabic form. 8. Anfani. This Yoruba word for “utility” or “importance” also occurs in Hausa, Batonu, and many northern and central Nigerian languages. It is derived from the Arabic “naf,” which means “advantage, profit.” 9. Ara/ apaara. The word means "thunder" in Yoruba, and is derived from the Arabic “ar-ra’d.” 10. Asiri. It means “secret” in Yoruba, Hausa, and in many other Nigerian languages. It is derived from the Arabic “as-sirr” where it also means “secret.” 11. Barika. This is the Yoruba word for “congratulations.” It is rendered as “barka” in Hausa. The word’s original Arabic form is “al-baraka,” which means “greetings.” 12. Borokinni. It means a “gentleman, respected man in a secure financial position.” The word is also found in many Borgu languages, such as Batonu and Bokobaru, where “boro” means a “friend.” It is derived from the Arabic “rukn,” which means “support, corner, basic element.” 13. Faari. It means “showing off” or “boastfulness” or “ostentatious display” in Yoruba. It has the same meaning in many Borgu languages. It is derived from the Arabic “fakhr,” which means “glory, pride, honor.” (Note that “kh” is a guttural sound in Arabic, which is close to a hard “h” in English. That sound was dropped by Nigerian languages). 14. Fitila. It means any kind of lamp. Its roots are located in the Arabic word for lamp, which is “fatil.” 15. Ijamba. Professor Baldi defines this word as “bodily harm,” but the meaning of the word I’m familiar with is one that associates it with cunning, cheating, deceit. It is derived from the Arabic “danb,” or “danba,” which means “sin, crime.” (Note that Arabic frequently dispenses with end vowels (that is, a, e, i, o, and u) in words, whereas many Nigerian languages almost always end words with a vowel—and add them to words they borrow from other languages if such words lack an end vowel). 16. Imale. This is the Yoruba word for “Muslim.” I read previous interpretations of this word from Yoruba scholars who say it is Yoruba for “that which is difficult” to underscore the difficulty of Islamic practices like praying five times a day, fasting for 30 days during Ramadan, etc. Other Yoruba scholars said the word initially denoted “people from Mali” since the Songhai people who Islamized Yoruba land in the 15th century were from Mali. But Baldi argues that “imale” is the corruption of the Arabic “Mu’alim,” which means a teacher. In the Hausa language, the word is rendered as Maalam. It’s interesting that “Mallam” has become the synonym for Hausa (or northern) Muslim in southern Nigeria. 17. Iwaju. It’s the Yoruba word for “front part.” I didn’t imagine that this word had an Arabic origin until I read Baldi’s article. It is derived from the Arabic “al-wajh,” which means “front” or “face.” 18 . Iwaasu. It is the Yoruba term for “preaching” or “sermon.” It is used by both Christians and Muslims in Yorubaland, and is derived from the Arabic “waz,” which means “admonition” or “sermon.” (The Yoruba language has no “z” sound, so it substitutes “z” with “s” when it borrows words from other languages with “z” sounds). 19. Suuru. It means “patience” not only in Yoruba but in many languages in central and northern Nigeria. It is derived from the Arabic “sabr,” which also means “patience.” 20. Talaka. It means the poor. It came to Yoruba by way of Hausa, which borrowed it from the Tuareg (where it is rendered as "taleqque" and where it means “a poor woman”). It’s also used in Mandingo, Songhai languages, Kanuri, Teda, and many West African languages. Baldi says this word has no Arabic origins. On the surface, this may be true. After all, the Arabic word for a poor person is “fakir” (plural: “fuqura”). However, “talaq,” as most Muslims know, is the Arabic word for divorce. (The chapter of the Qur'an that deals with the subject of divorce is called Suratul Talaq). Talaq is derived from the verb “talaqa,” which means to “disown,” to “repudiate.” In times past (and it’s still the case today in many Muslim societies) if a woman was divorced, she was invariably thrown into poverty. Thus, Tuaregs used the term “taleqque” to denote a “poor woman.” But Hausa, Kanuri, Yoruba, Mandingo, and other West African languages expanded the original Tuareg meaning of the word to include every poor person. This is my theory. 21. Tobi. This Yoruba word for “women’s knickers” is derived from the Arabic “taub,” which means “garment,” “dress,” “cloth.” Another tonal variation of this word leads to a different Yoruba word, which means “big.” 22 . Wahala. Well, this isn’t just a Yoruba word by way of Hausa; it’s made its way into most Nigerian languages—and into West African Pidgin English. It means “trouble,” and it’s derived from the Arabic “wahla,” which means “fright,” “terror.” Postscript: Someone called my attention to the fact that "alafia," which also appears in the greetings of many northern and central Nigerian languages (and which is rendered as "lafia" in Hausa) is also derived from the Arabic "afiya," which means "health. http://www.farooqkperogi.com/2012/05/arabic-origins-of-common-yoruba-words.html?m=1 |
ShawttySoFyne:enemies |
umufarha:when are we getting married |
1 is correct because it's written in bold letter.only ONE statement is true. |
goodvision12:aproko spotted
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benedictnsi:talk is cheap, name any achievement in your region that we afonjas haven't surpassed. we be ur papa anyday . |
this is hustling not pushing drug like dem dem .I didn't mention any names. Afonja always making naija proud |
eye service |
, are on display in