Welrez's Posts
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Nword22:Unfortunately, we are too dumb as a people to let BAT lose next year. We have a congregation of idiots willing to bring him back for a second tenure. That's the cost of democracy. |
Avoid sugar and reduce carbohydrates intake. Embrace intermittent fasting. Eat more protein and vitamin rich foods. But go for colonoscopy to rule out issues |
The German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche once warned that "if you gaze long into an abyss, the abyss also gazes into you." The statement captures a timeless political irony: those who spend years fighting a system can sometimes unconsciously absorb its methods, habits, and instincts. In Nigeria's political history, few examples illustrate this paradox more strikingly than the growing comparisons between the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the military dictatorship of General Sani Abacha. For many Nigerians who witnessed the turbulent 1990s, the comparison would once have seemed unimaginable. Tinubu was a prominent member of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), the pro-democracy movement that challenged Abacha's authoritarian rule after the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election. Alongside other activists, politicians, journalists, and civil society leaders, Tinubu became a symbol of resistance against military repression. He was among those who condemned arbitrary arrests, restrictions on free expression, and the concentration of power in the hands of a few. Yet politics is often filled with ironies. Today, critics increasingly argue that some of the governing tendencies associated with the Tinubu administration resemble practices that democracy activists once fought against. The concern is not that Nigeria has become a military dictatorship; it has not. Elections still take place, opposition parties still exist, and democratic institutions continue to function. However, critics point to a growing pattern of centralised power, weakened opposition influence, increasing pressure on dissenting voices, and the expanding dominance of the executive arm of government. One of the strongest similarities identified by critics is the perception of political co-optation. During the Abacha era, political survival often depended on aligning with the centre of power. Opposition voices were isolated while political elites were encouraged to join the ruling establishment. Under the current democratic dispensation, many opposition politicians have defected to the ruling party, creating concerns about the emergence of a de facto one-party state. While such defections are constitutionally permitted, the scale and frequency of these movements have raised questions about the health of political competition in Nigeria. Another area of concern is the relationship between government and criticism. Democracy thrives when governments tolerate scrutiny, even when it is uncomfortable. However, journalists, activists, and opposition figures have periodically expressed worries about increasing pressure on dissenting opinions. The issue is not necessarily the existence of criticism—criticism remains widespread in Nigeria—but whether those in power view dissent as an essential democratic ingredient or as an obstacle to governance. There is also the question of state institutions. During Abacha's rule, institutions were largely subordinate to the will of the executive. Critics of the current administration argue that Nigerian institutions still struggle to demonstrate sufficient independence from political influence. Whether dealing with anti-corruption agencies, electoral bodies, or security institutions, there remains a persistent perception among many citizens that political considerations often outweigh institutional neutrality. Yet the comparison should not be exaggerated. Important differences remain. Abacha ruled through military decrees, suspended democratic processes, and operated outside electoral accountability. Tinubu governs within a constitutional framework and remains subject to electoral judgment. Courts continue to function, opposition parties contest elections, and civil society organisations remain active. These distinctions matter greatly and should not be ignored. Nevertheless, the deeper concern lies in what Nietzsche's warning represents. Political actors are not immune to the environments that shape them. A person who spends years battling authoritarianism may learn not only how to resist power but also how power operates. The techniques of political control, coalition management, elite negotiation, and institutional influence can become familiar tools. Over time, the line between resisting power and exercising it can become blurred. This possibility may explain why some observers believe that the current administration exhibits characteristics that echo aspects of the political culture NADECO once opposed. The resemblance is less about military dictatorship and more about governing instincts—the tendency to centralise authority, dominate the political landscape, and treat opposition as a problem to be managed rather than a democratic necessity. History repeatedly shows that democratic decline rarely begins with the abolition of elections. It often starts with subtler developments: weakened opposition, shrinking institutional autonomy, growing executive influence, and a political culture that rewards loyalty more than accountability. These trends can emerge even under elected governments. The ultimate lesson is not about Tinubu alone. It is about the nature of power itself. Nigeria's democratic struggle was never merely about replacing military rulers with civilian politicians. It was about building institutions capable of restraining whoever occupies power. When democrats become rulers, they face the same temptation that confronted their predecessors: the temptation to prioritise control over accountability. Nietzsche's abyss remains relevant because it reminds us that power changes people as much as people change power. Those who spend years staring into the darkness of authoritarianism must remain vigilant lest fragments of that darkness follow them into government. The challenge for Nigeria's democracy is therefore not simply to remember the lessons of the Abacha era, but to ensure that the methods once condemned do not reappear under new names, new faces, and democratic clothing. |
War tactics have changed, there are technically no superpowers anymore |
1999, Nwankwo Kanu signing took to Arsenal |
SadiqBabaSani:Which south are you talking about? Is it the Yorubanisation or Lagosianisation of the federal government? Shift, make person see road. Rubbish! |
I'm happy that my Bayelsa brother's term is effectively now the barometer of democracy in this country |
GEJ govt was bad, but you see this Tinubu govt, Omo, monumental corruption. The reason they want don't the survival of any opposition party to take over from them! |
owobokiri:How is the South-East discriminated in the federal civil service? |
Dr Deji Adeleke, father of Afrobeats superstar David ‘Davido’ Adeleke, has addressed the long-running controversy surrounding DNA claims involving his son, saying multiple paternity tests have conclusively shown that the teenage girl at the centre of the allegation is not Davido’s child. Speaking during a press briefing that went viral on Wednesday, the billionaire businessman said the Adeleke family went to great lengths to verify the claim and would have accepted the child without hesitation if the results had proven otherwise. The controversy centres on Ayo Labinjo, an Ibadan-based woman who alleged she had sexual relations with Davido during one of his visits to the city early in his music career, resulting in the birth of a baby girl, Anu. She claimed the singer abandoned the child. The issue resurfaced recently after an Instagram account said to belong to the girl appealed publicly to Davido to submit to another DNA test. Davido had responded last week, stating that he had already conducted multiple DNA tests on the girl and that the results showed she was not his daughter. The singer spoke out after 12-year-old Anu Adeleke allegedly wrote an open letter on social media claiming she was being bullied in school for not knowing her father and calling on Davido to address the matter publicly. At the press briefing, Dr Adeleke explained that the family had no intention of denying a child and would have welcomed her if paternity had been established. Adeleke said, “I am Deji Adeleke, I’m the father of five children, three boys and two girls. David Adeleke, who you all know as Davido, is the baby of my family, he’s the last. “I’m calling this press conference, and this is my very first time addressing the press, and for just one single reason. I’m not on social media, but I’m sure those of you on social media have been inundated with all kinds of talks about this issue that keeps coming up almost every year, regarding one little girl called Anuoluwapo, who lives in Ibadan, whom Kemi Olunloyo has continually alleged that David is the father of the little girl.” Tracing the matter to its origin, Adeleke said he first became aware of the allegation in 2014 after receiving a DHL package from Ibadan containing photographs of Davido and the child, a birth certificate listing “Adeleke David” as the father, and a letter from the child’s grandmother. The issue resurfaced recently after an Instagram account said to belong to the girl appealed publicly to Davido to submit to another DNA test. Davido had responded last week, stating that he had already conducted multiple DNA tests on the girl and that the results showed she was not his daughter. The singer spoke out after 12-year-old Anu Adeleke allegedly wrote an open letter on social media claiming she was being bullied in school for not knowing her father and calling on Davido to address the matter publicly. At the press briefing, Dr Adeleke explained that the family had no intention of denying a child and would have welcomed her if paternity had been established. Adeleke said, “I am Deji Adeleke, I’m the father of five children, three boys and two girls. David Adeleke, who you all know as Davido, is the baby of my family, he’s the last. “I’m calling this press conference, and this is my very first time addressing the press, and for just one single reason. I’m not on social media, but I’m sure those of you on social media have been inundated with all kinds of talks about this issue that keeps coming up almost every year, regarding one little girl called Anuoluwapo, who lives in Ibadan, whom Kemi Olunloyo has continually alleged that David is the father of the little girl.” Tracing the matter to its origin, Adeleke said he first became aware of the allegation in 2014 after receiving a DHL package from Ibadan containing photographs of Davido and the child, a birth certificate listing “Adeleke David” as the father, and a letter from the child’s grandmother. According to him, the grandmother, a widow, appealed for a paternity test, stressing that she was not seeking marriage or financial gain. “Also in the package was a letter from the grandmother, including her phone number. She wrote that she was a widow with two daughters, that she lost her husband years ago and raised them alone. “She said her eldest daughter informed her that David Adeleke was responsible for her pregnancy after meeting him when he came to Ibadan for a show. She said her daughter gave birth to a baby girl and asked that David step up for a paternity test. She stated clearly that she was not asking David to marry her daughter, only to confirm paternity and take responsibility if confirmed.” Adeleke said he immediately contacted the family and personally arranged a DNA test at Vedic Lifecare Hospital in Lagos, with samples analysed in South Africa. “Immediately I read the letter, even before speaking to David, I called the woman. I told her I hadn’t spoken to my son yet, but if the child was truly my granddaughter, she had no problem with me. I would welcome her into my family happily. “I sent my driver to Ibadan to confirm where they lived. I told her about the hospital I use in Lekki, an Indian hospital, where DNA tests could be arranged. The hospital explained that samples would be taken in Nigeria but sent to South Africa for analysis.” He explained that saliva samples were taken from Davido and the child in the presence of all parties, with both himself and the grandmother designated to receive the results. “On the appointed day, my driver brought the mother, the grandmother, and the child to Lagos. David, myself, and his aide met them at the hospital. Only David, myself, the grandmother, the mother, and the child were allowed into the room. Samples were taken using saliva, not blood, and sealed for analysis.” Adeleke said the results showed a zero per cent probability of paternity. “The DNA profile is clear. DNA will not change even if it is done ten times,” he said. “When the results were ready, both the grandmother and I went to collect them together, as agreed. The result stated that the probability of paternity was zero per cent. The lab explained clearly that David was not the father of the child.” He added that despite the outcome, he personally suggested additional tests to eliminate any doubt, offering to cover accommodation and logistics for the family in Lagos. “The grandmother broke down and cried. I told her mistakes could happen and suggested we do two more DNA tests at other reputable centres. I offered to keep them in Lagos for a week at my expense so additional tests could be carried out.” According to Adeleke, multiple DNA tests were eventually conducted, all yielding the same result. Addressing calls for the DNA reports to be released publicly, he declined, citing security and legal concerns. “It is dangerous for anyone’s DNA profile to be in the public domain,” he said, adding that such disclosure could expose Davido and the minor to serious risks. He stressed that the family had no reason to deny a child, noting that he already has 14 grandchildren. “What is one more?” he asked. “Is it that I cannot afford to take care of her? But there is science. And science is clear.” https://www.vanguardngr.com/2026/01/i-have-14-grandchildren-davidos-dad-breaks-silence-amid-sons-paternity-saga/
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Australia lost a war against emus in 1932 |
Caaz:And he didn't suffer with them? It is time we did away with this nonsense mentality that only a woman suffers with a man and not the other way around. They both suffered together! |
Tajbol4splend:What have you produced or made that is of benefit to Nigeria? Or, are you too small or mediocre to make things? |
This is how public agencies should work: Quiet yet potent |
I know of two candidates in my institution suffering from the same fate. Submitted themselves to the police for investigation and went through all the checks and nothing was found, yet JAMB is yet to regularise their admissions. May Nigeria never happen to any of us! |
Apt, though it is worse in some areas than others |
Cheating is about psychology and not economics |
Streetinvestor2:Why make it look like a SW thing? It's a Tinubu thing, his administration has brought untold hardship and people are right to reject any association with it! |
Illness, being healthy is hugely underrated! |
Christistruth02:The South does not mean equity, we all know that equity in this context would mean zoning it to the South East, but he never advocated for that, and was busy obstructing the eastern solidarity to favour himself. The selling out to a northern candidate was as a result of his crude antics! |
If he was so committed to equity and justice, why didn't he support a south-eastern candidate for the presidency in 2023? |
The current electoral process poses the greatest threat to democratic sustenance in Nigeria! |
reiddecuti:No mind them. If there was no rift, tell me why Tinubu should be ruling from abroad. Constitutionally, the VP takes over once the president is out of the country, especially for a prolonged period, or on leave |
Now we pay for gym sessions to do the same thing |
Go for a test/scan today, early detection is the key to cancer survival |
Irony1:Who told you that? |
Armaggedon:Bonny and Opobo Igbo? |
God didn't create Nigeria |
Recently, I have observed a trend by awardees of honorary doctorate degree to write their doctorate degree title like the academic one. This trend should be arrested. Honorary doctorate degree should be abbreviated in brackets, unlike the academic one earned by hardwork. |
We need to investigate recurrent expenditures into moribund public corporations. The public funds need to be justified, there are too many lazy and incompetent folk in the public sector! |
allthingsgood:Yes, the police is under his command, the same way we blame the father for the infractions of the son! |
