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Politics / Re: Killings Continue In Mile 12 Hausa-Yoruba Clash by YorubaParapo: 11:18am On Mar 05, 2016
Cray!

The update doesn't look pretty and nice on Yorubas, especially on home turf. Ashamed right now. Some folks are just too weak and cowardly. Thank God weakness isn't a DNA thing, it is more of a subconscious thing based on environment, mentality, and upbringing. If not, I'd hate myself right now.

Lmao @ Igbos gloating and rejoicing. Random killings can't replace three million lives. Have fun.

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Politics / Re: Eko Atlantic - Work Starts On Corporate Tower II (37 Floors) by YorubaParapo: 6:59pm On Jan 18, 2016
Implementation

Politics / Eko Atlantic - Work Starts On Corporate Tower II (37 Floors) by YorubaParapo: 6:59pm On Jan 18, 2016
CREDIT ELIAS ASSAD/EKO PEARL
"EKO Pearl offers you 2 NEW corporate towers. Located at a short distance from the residential towers. Corporate tower 2 has been demarcated and mobilized to commence construction."

Design

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Properties / Re: Eko Atlantic: Champagne Pearl Tower - 30 Floors & Black Pearl Tower by YorubaParapo: 2:25am On Jan 13, 2016
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Properties / Re: Eko Atlantic: Champagne Pearl Tower - 30 Floors & Black Pearl Tower by YorubaParapo: 2:25am On Jan 13, 2016
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Properties / Re: Eko Atlantic: Champagne Pearl Tower - 30 Floors & Black Pearl Tower by YorubaParapo: 2:24am On Jan 13, 2016
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Properties / Re: Eko Atlantic: Champagne Pearl Tower - 30 Floors & Black Pearl Tower by YorubaParapo: 2:23am On Jan 13, 2016
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Properties / Re: Eko Atlantic: Champagne Pearl Tower - 30 Floors & Black Pearl Tower by YorubaParapo: 2:22am On Jan 13, 2016
Implementation

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Properties / Eko Atlantic: Champagne Pearl Tower - 30 Floors & Black Pearl Tower by YorubaParapo: 2:21am On Jan 13, 2016
Eko Atlantic: Champagne Pearl Tower - 30 Floors & Black Pearl Tower
Eko Pearl, being built by Eko Pearl Nig. Ltd in association with *ESLA Int, is a 24 story residential tower located on the harbor front in Lagos' brand new city, "Eko Atlantic."

Residents of this brand new luxury tower will be able to enjoy uninterrupted views of the water as they take in the endless breeze from the ocean.

In addition to living in the newest prime area of Lagos, residents will enjoy first class infrastructure facilities, including: uninterrupted power, water, and security services. Amenities in Eko Pearl, in addition to what Eko Atlantic city will offer, will also include a swimming pool and tennis courts.

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Health / Re: "Men Suffering Poor Attention Are 70% More Likely To Die Early" by YorubaParapo: 7:58pm On Jan 12, 2016
cc: lalasticlala
Travel / Re: Owu Waterfalls – Kwara State (Pictures) by YorubaParapo: 7:56pm On Jan 12, 2016
cc: lalasticlala ...
Politics / Why I Fought On The Side Of Ojukwu, Biafra – Lt Fola Oyewole by YorubaParapo: 3:10am On Jan 10, 2016


Retired Lt. Fola Oyewole, 77, a Nigerian Military Officer of the Yoruba stock, fought on the side of Biafra during the ncivil war. Before then, he was, because of the first coup 50 years ago, imprisoned in Lagos and in the Enugu but was released by Lt Col Ojukwu.

He wrote his own war account too, entitled “The Reluctant Rebel”, which joined other civil war narratives like ‘The Biafra Story’ (1969) by Frederick Forsyth, ‘Why We Struck’ (1981) by Adewale Ademoyega, ‘Sunset In Biafra’ (1975) by Elechi Amadi, ‘The Nigerian Revolution And the Biafran War’ (1980) by Alexander Madiebo among others.

In this interview with Ademola Adegbamigbe and Femi Anjorin (Idowu Ogunleye snapped the photos), the retired army officer narrated what happened during the first coup, his participation in it and why he, despite being Yoruba, fought on the side of Biafra like other non Igbo officers like Lt Col. Victor Banjo, Major Wale Ademoyega and others.

Q: On January 15, it will be 50 years that the military struck, how will you assess the journey so far? Because there is always this stock phrase that the military spoilt Nigerian politics?

A: Well I don’t subscribe to that and maybe you will understand why I said that. I do not think that the military really spoilt Nigeria. More importantly, you will find out that right from Aguiyi Ironsi to the time the military sort of ended its intervention, if they had ended it at all, the military hadn’t any say in what is happening it is always the civilians dictating the pace, advising the military.

Q: It was on the allegation that you were among the people that planned that coup that you were detained by the federal government… we want you to assess the situation then, that really prompted the military to strike?

A: I was not one of the master planners of the coup. It will interest you to know that by half past eleven on the night of Janaury 14th, 1966, I had no clue about the coup. No clue whatsoever.

Q: So why did they link you?

A: Precisely, I was friendly with Emmanuel Ifejuna who was the brigade general and then after they had planned and done everything possible as the saying goes, some of the people who agreed to what they had agreed decided not to take part, it is a matter of getting anybody who could help and by virtue of my position, I had a telephone in my house which was the same thing that happened to most people there. The original planners started telephoning. Where are you.. I want to see you. It was an emergency period. I was second in command to the Transport Brigade in Apapa and we were on 24-hour alert. (So, like they will say something like this.. something is happening in Ogbomosho blah blah blah, can you help out? We did get instructions 24 hours).

It didn’t come as a surprise, so that is what happened. They drove to my house at about twenty five minutes to twelve and asked me to come to Ifejuna’s house. I got there and I saw a lot of officers, sitting down and they had even finished what they were talking about, and they said, you stay and I will brief you.

Q: Were you effectively court martialled before you were detained?

A: No.. No.. No… there was no trial, no court-martial nothing. I tell you, I got picked up before 8 o clock on Saturday morning and a group of senior officers interviewed me. I told them what I know and they said go and wait, that was the beginning of it all.

Q: There is a political tilt on how the coup was carried out and it has been generating controversy till today. Critics said the coup was lopsided. Ladoke Akintola was killed in the West, then Zik and Mike Okpara “were not around”. The argument was that they got wind of what was going to happen and left. There is this argument as to why were leaders from other parts killed and the Igbo leaders allowed to escape? What is your position?

A: I wouldn’t subscribe to that argument. They said Zik was ill, he was going for treatment and then he left the country and at the time of the coup, he wasn’t there, whether he got wind or he didn’t get wind of it, I would not know. Those who planned the coup must have taken a decision but it does appear that it was not in totality deliberate. I give you a specific example, the signal commencing the action in Enugu was delivered that morning and it did say: “Arrest, secure the key points and wait for further instructions”. And if you are in doubt, that was why Fani Kayode was arrested in Ibadan and brought down to Lagos, they wanted to kill him but what stopped them from killing him in his house in Ibadan was because of the instructions (waiting for further instructions) and he was brought down to Lagos.

Q: This interview is meant for people that are under 50 because even some people who witnessed what happened have forgotten. Tell us what happened before and after the coup happened and the pogrom leading to the Biafran war…

A:From that 15th of January, I was in prison, so it was all about they say, they say, they say.

Q: Looking at that time and now, have the factors that led to the coup and pogrom gone?

A: For me I wouldn’t think so. This question of quota system, being fair to this side and outside, taking advantage is still there. It is probably even worse. That’s the way I look at it. It is unfortunate, otherwise the country should have moved forward better than we are now. That’s the way I look at it.

Q: It was quite surprising that the people who really carried out the coup were not allowed to govern…

A: In planning the coup they had an idea, they know what they wanted and went ahead and achieved it but they did not have the power. So what can you do?

Q: Now let us come down to your book, Reluctant Rebel. What prompted you to write it?

A: When you find out that there is life in you. In the last two years I have been trying to do some writings, I can’t do so, but in prison there is nothing to do but eat, sleep. I wrote everything in prison.

Q: Were you not monitored?

A: Yes and No. You, find a way!

Q: What were the challenges that you faced in writing the book?

A: I faced none because the face that keeps reccurring or that I was remembering, I document it. I didn’t need any reference book. I didn’t need anything. The book is a narrative of a personal experience.

Q: Do you still feel the same perception about the coup? I mean this is a coup that you do not know anything about, just because some people backed out and you were now drafted in.

They said Zik was ill, he was going for treatment and then he left the country and at the time of the coup, he wasn’t there, whether he got wind or he didn’t get wind of it, I would not know. Those who planned the coup must have taken a decision but it does appear that it was not in totality deliberate. I give you a specific example, the signal commencing the action in Enugu was delivered that morning and it did say: “Arrest, secure the key points and wait for further instructions”. And if you are in doubt, that was why Fani Kayode was arrested in Ibadan and brought down to Lagos, they wanted to kill him but what stopped them from killing him in his house in Ibadan was because of the instructions (waiting for further instructions) and he was brought down to Lagos.

A: I was not the only one. There are some other people who didn’t know until that day. For instance on the night people were briefed, a colleague was in the briefing and he told them, look I have to consult my family. They looked at him and said ok, go and consult your family. Just by the corridor, they told somebody: “Follow him maybe he will be the first casualty of the coup”! Of course, what do you want him to decide? So simple. That gentleman is still alive today.

Q: In what area did you take part in that coup?

A: Arrest, seize facility and others…

Q: In your book, you write that after the coup, you were detained in Lagos and then transferred to the East but Ojukwu released you. We wonder why you didn’t run away?

A: Where do you want to run to? In Nigeria I was absolutely persona non grata, is it heaven you want to run to? Apart from that I and my other Yoruba colleagues had the fortune of having a chat with Chief Obafemi Awolowo when he came to the East. He and leaders of south east I cant remember all of them. On behalf of Nigeria, they came to plead with Ojukwu and we had the fortune of meeting him (Awo) because my late uncle M A Oyewole was Awo’s friend. So when he was leaving Lagos, he jokingly told him, you must come back with my son. So when he came to the east, Awo started looking for me. Eventually he left a message where I would meet him and I did. I told my colleagues and we all went and we saw him and in the course of the discussion, we did ask if we could come home and he said ‘not now, don’t try it’. So what do you do? And the easterners were not chasing us, so why not stay where you are accepted? So we stayed.

Q: You didn’t run away. But why did you decide to fight on the side of Biafra?

A: Now there was a trade I learnt- that is soildiering. What will I be doing in Biafra if I did not fight? I only practiced my trade. It is as simple as that. You could not just be walking around town doing nothing.

Q: But Ojukwu asked people who wanted to leave to go to the federal side..

A: That is before the war. If you remember early 1966 before the war till late 66 during the pogrom, by the time the war started, non easterners were in the east, they had not gone.

Q: In the book you said you do not believe in secession.

A: Yes.

Q: Despite that, you have it in your book that Ojukwu had genuine grievances, yet you fought on Biafran secessionist side, help us reconcile those positions…

A: You might have your objections but the powers that be, this was what they wanted, you have no choice. Mark you, I was not the only one who, given the chance, didn’t believe in secession, more so because we were not ready, we did not have enough arms. We had manpower, yes, credible manpower was there, but manpower alone doesn’t do it.

Q: You were at a point, according to your book, with Captain Adeleke, another Yoruba soldier, who was he?

A: He was a colleague. He is the one who said he wanted to consult the family and we were friends, we both worked in Apapa before the crisis.

Q: I want you to describe what happened to other Yoruba people or non Igbo who fought on the Biafran side – Lt Col. Victor Banjo, Major Wale Ademoyega, then Major Kaduna Nzeogwu an Igbo from Opanam in Delta?

A: They were detained like myself, and Nzeogwu was detained, that was a common factor.

Q: In the book, you applaud Ojukwu’s performance in Aburi, explain to us what actually happened because there is this argument that he bamboozled Gowon

A: If you listen to the Aburi accord or the proceedings as a whole, you will duff your cap for Ojukwu whether he is a villain or whatever you want to call him, call him. He really dictated the pace of the discussion, he was prepared for it, he kind of put together all the things and if you listen, the moment he started talking, others kept quiet and when he finished, they will say ok ok ok. To give you a full grasp of what the theme was, you need to read the comment of the super perm sec who led us to were we are today.

Q: Was it Philip Asiodu?

A: The group – Asiodu, and the rest. Their recommendations, what they brought back from Aburi was agreed to be implemented but when they came here they tore it into pieces/.

Q: Ok, was after the agreement was signed in Aburi? They came back to Nigeria….

A: To put it in whatsoever you can say political implementation. They desired to analyse it, it was an agreement not suggestion, that’s where our problem sort of started.

If you listen to the Aburi accord or the proceedings as a whole, you will duff your cap for Ojukwu whether he is a villain or whatever you want to call him, call him. He really dictated the pace of the discussion, he was prepared for it, he kind of put together all the things and if you listen, the moment he started talking, others kept quiet and when he finished, they will say ok ok ok. To give you a full grasp of what the theme was, you need to read the comment of the super perm sec who led us to were we are today.

Q: Kindly let us into what the agreement was? Because there was this talk of confederation, federation…And some critics said that was where Ojukwu bamboozled Gowon…

A. At the conference, Ojukwu spoke his own views, and they were entitled to theirs too, and fortunately or unfortunately they agreed. So what do you bamboozle?

Q: Do you have any reason to disagree on the war accounts of people like Frederick Forsyth, Wale Ademuyoga, Elechi Amadi?

A: It is their opinion. I only sympathise with them, they were writing after so many years after the event and in all modesty I will say I wrote more accurately than many of them. I wrote immediately after the war. I have nothing to refer to. I did not copy anybody and I wasn’t getting wiser after the event. I only reported what I saw. They have their own opinion, that’s how they see it.

Q: How will you describe the experience, in such traumatic detention circumstance, it is difficult to have power of recollection, how did you navigate?

A: That is the easiest thing to do, especially when I started writing it. What really prompted it, was the account being given by a lot of these igbo people- of what happened or what did not happen only to exonerate themselves. What is all these story telling, rather than keep quiet? That’s why I wrote. I wrote my book 1971-72 which wasn’t published until 1975. I don’t think any soldier wrote before 1980. Everything settled down. The difference is clear!

Q: Whats your view on the war accounts by Ojukwu himself and even Obasanjo?

A: I refuse to read, I don’t want to read. You cannot say Obasanjo was not telling the truth or Ojukwu was not, but if you want to value or know the value of Obasanjo’s book, go and read Alabi Isama, you find the difference. I am proud to say nobody has come up to say anything opposite in what I wrote. It was more or less reporting.

Q: Awolowo was accused of being behind the blocking of food supply to the easterners which really affected the civilian populace, what is your view on this?

A: Well he is the only one who has the view on it. I don’t have any view.

Q: Critics have been arguing about whether or not what he did was right…

A: Is any thing right in war?

Q: People who were in charge of Biafran propaganda said oh, the federal side took the advice of Awolowo and stopped food to the East….

A: Awolowo said, hunger, is the legitimate instrument of war so what else do you want to say? You want to be feeding your enemy so that he can fight you? Anything you have, you use it.

Q: Awo defended himself . I want your reaction to that. He argued that the Biafran soldiers (you were with them), were seizing food meant for the civilian population, that’s why the civilians were having kwashiorkor and soldiers were looking robust. How will you react to that?

A: O ma se oo (It is a pity!). I didn’t look robust anyway. If anything, civilians were donating food to the soldiers. It is not true. It is the civilians. They know they have a stake, and they said, lets maintain these soldiers so that they can fight for us. And where is the food anyway? In Biafra, Ojukwu introduced what we called land army because there was no food. So land army will say, yes we have this area now, it will be good for cultivating corn-if it is corn, plant.

I wouldn’t subscribe to the argument that soldiers were taking food from civilians, where is the food? The ones available it was like let us share, for instance which was an argument I put up on fuel price, fuel subsidy. I used to produce petrol for Biafra-I, Fola Oyewole. Yes. It is like brewing ogogoro, put it in something, fire it, and it would produce steam, pass it through cold water. So if you have a small river around your camp, about one third of the crude you put is petrol, the second third or there about is kerosene, without doing anything and the next is diesel, because we didn’t know what to do, we threw away the rest, but people who do know can tap it into something.

The point is the kerosene I got, I didn’t need. I gave to people of Owerri Nkwo Orji, the village where my camp was. Then I was chief so to say, I gave them anytime I boiled- petrol, kerosene, so everybody was looking after everybody so to say. If you snatched food from civilian, who do you want to control? Who do you want to command? It doesn’t make sense.

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Health / "Men Suffering Poor Attention Are 70% More Likely To Die Early" by YorubaParapo: 12:35am On Jan 10, 2016
Those who ejaculate 21 times monthly cut prostate cancer risk by 22%



ARE you finding it difficult to get it up or keep it standing? Are you having poor erection or rather erectile dysfunction? You may have a short lifespan.

Recent study has found that men suffering erectile dysfunction are 70 per cent more likely to die early. Erectile dysfunction is an embarrassing condition that can affect a man’s performance in the bedroom.

The team of researchers from the University of Mississippi, United States (U.S.) has warned erectile dysfunction could have an impact on a man’s lifespan because the disorder is an important marker of cardiovascular risk.

The study, published in the Journal of Sexual Medicine, concluded: “These findings have major public health and clinical implications in that erectile dysfunction is a strong predictor of premature mortality.

“Further research is needed to see the long-term results over a longer follow-up period.”

It was already known that erectile dysfunction is linked to cardiovascular disease risk factors – including hyperlipidemia, hypertension, obesity, diabetes and smoking.

The disorder has also already been recognised as a risk factor for stroke and coronary heart disease – in addition to angina myocardial infarction.

Erectile dysfunction is often thought of as an issue that primarily affects older men.

Yet, researchers said, nearly 20 per cent of men under the age of 40 are affected by the disorder.

Meanwhile, another study has found that men who have regular orgasms – once a day – are less likely to be diagnosed with prostate cancer.

Scientists have discovered that regular ejaculation throughout their lives reduces the risk of the disease.

The researchers, from Harvard Medical School, U.S., said they could not explain why orgasms could lower prostate cancer risk, adding further research is necessary.

However, it has previously been suggested that regular orgasms may flush out cancer-causing chemicals in the prostate.

Another theory is that if sperm is regularly cleaned out to allow new cells to develop, it helps stop the build-up of old cells that might be more likely to turn cancerous.

The prostate is a small satsuma-sized gland located between a man’s penis and his bladder.

Its main function is to produce a thick white fluid that is mixed with the sperm produced by the testicles, to create semen.

The Harvard study is the largest to date to examine the frequency of ejaculation and related prostate cancer risk.

The researchers found that men in the 40 to 49 age bracket who ejaculate 21 or more times a month reduced their risk of prostate cancer by 22 per cent.

This was compared to men who ejaculate four to seven times a month.

Also, another study has found that men who sleep with multiple women reduce their risk of prostate cancer.

To protect against prostate cancer, take a lover – or 20.

The research was published in the journal Cancer Epidemiology.

According to a study, men who sleep with multiple women are almost a third less likely to develop the disease.

Researchers at the University of Montreal, Canada, found men who have more than 20 notches on their bedpost slashed their risk of prostate cancer by 28 per cent.

And the study also revealed that men who have slept with more than 20 women reduced their chances of getting the most aggressive tumours by 19 per cent.

Celibacy, on the other hand, doubles the risk of the disease.

Meanwhile, the scientists said the link between erectile dysfunction and cardiovascular risk may arise as a result of endothelial cell dysfunction and impaired production of nitrous oxide.

To arrive at their conclusions, they examined data from 1,790 men between the ages of 20 to 85 who participated in the 2003-2004 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey.

They linked the survey data with death certificates from the National Death Index through December 21, 2011.

Erectile dysfunction was measured by asking: “How would you describe your ability to get and keep an erection adequate for satisfactory intercourse?”

Those who answered ‘sometimes able’ or ‘never able’ were determined to have the disorder.

The scientists found that 557 of the survey participants had erectile dysfunction.

After a follow-up of nearly eight years, 244 of the original group had died.

Meanwhile, while the researchers said they were unclear as to why ejaculation lowers the chances of prostate cancer, they called the results ‘particularly encouraging’.

The study followed almost 32,000 healthy men for 18 years – 3,839 of whom later were diagnosed with prostate cancer.

Dr. Jennifer Rider, of Harvard Medical School and Brigham and Women’s Hospital, said the results are ‘particularly encouraging’ but should be interpreted with caution.

She said: “While these data are the most compelling to date on the potential benefit of ejaculation on prostate cancer development, they are observational data and should be interpreted somewhat cautiously.

“At the same time, given the lack of modifiable risk factors for prostate cancer, the results of this study are particularly encouraging.”

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Culture / Ile-ife’s Pre-eminence In Yoruba Land by YorubaParapo: 12:03am On Jan 10, 2016


Historical facts and legends concerning the place of Ile-Ife in Yoruba history abound. In fact, it is incontrovertible that every Yoruba of whatever dialectal variation has his roots in Ife. Seyi Odewale traces the genealogy of Ife, its widely held myths and legends as well as its place in Yoruba world view.

When the immediate past Ooni of Ife, the late Oba Okunade Sijuwade, OlubuseII, passed on on July 28, the ancient town of Ile-Ife grabbed the headlines. The last time similar stories were done on Ile-Ife was 35 years ago, when Oba Sijuwade’s predecessor, Sir Adesoji Aderemi, passed on.

A lot of reasons may be adduced for the prominence, which the town has always enjoyed. Principal amongst them are the place of the ancient town in Yoruba history and the pre-eminence of its monarchs. Ile-Ife is fondly referred to by Yoruba as the cradle of the race; the source of creation, a place where all Yoruba, regardless of their dialects and world view, have their roots. Oduduwa is generally believed to be their progenitor.

According to Yoruba, a myth regarded Ile-Ife as where the founding deities of Oduduwa and Obatala began the creation of the world, as directed by the paramount and Supreme Deity, Olodumare. The Oòni (King) of Ife, it was also said, claims direct descent from the god, Oduduwa, and is counted first among Yoruba kings”.

According to historians, the town’s habitation can be traced as far back as 350 BCE. The meaning of the word “Ife” in the Yoruba language is “expansion;” “Ile-Ife” means in reference to the myth of origin, “The House of Expansion”. In fact, the city is regarded as the origin of Yoruba culture and industry. It has been called the “Athens of Africa”, where civilisation originated from.

History has it that the town, first occupied as early as the 1st millennium AD, was the most populous in the early days of the race and the importance of its culture during the 14th and 15th centuries AD, made the town to be considered the traditional birth place of the Yoruba civilisation, of the latter part of the African Iron Age.

During the heydays of 12th-15th centuries, the town flourished in bronze and iron arts. Beautiful natural terracotta and copper alloy sculptures made during the early periods were found at Ife. These artifacts were later sculptures of the lost-wax brass technique known as Benin bronzes. Perhaps the apogee of the town’s culture was the construction of decorative pavements, open-air courtyards paved with pottery shreds. This unique Yoruba custom was said to have been first commissioned by Ile-Ife’s only female monarch, Queen Luwoo, who was the 21st Ooni of Ife The potsherds were set on edge, sometimes in decorative patterns, such as herringbone with embedded ritual pots.

There are two significant versions of history of origin of Ife; mythical and migratory. Perhaps the mythical version gave it the pre-eminence it has among Yoruba and their cities.

As earlier on stated, Yoruba claimed to have originated in Ife. According to their mythology, Olorun (God), the Supreme Being, ordered Obatala, the arch deity, to create the earth, but on his way, Obatala found palm wine, drank it and became intoxicated. Therefore, the younger brother of the latter, Oduduwa, was said to have taken the three items of creation from him, climbed down from the heavens on a chain and threw a handful of earth on the primordial ocean, then put a cockerel on it which scattered the earth, thus creating the land on which Ile Ife was built.

Oduduwa later planted a palm nut in the hole and from there sprang a great tree with sixteen branches representing the clans of the early Ife city-state. The usurpation of creation by Oduduwa gave rise to the everlasting rivalry between him and his brother Obatala, which today is being re-enacted by the cult groups of the two clans during the Itapa, New Year festival in Ile-Ife.

But the migratory version seemed more plausible. Yoruba were said to be the product of intermarriage between a band of invaders led by Oduduwa from the Savannah in the northeast and the indigenous inhabitants, whom they subdued. Oduduwa was said to be the son of Lamurudu, a prince from the east; said to be possibly of Nok culture origin.

Oduduwa and the subdued natives left their homeland at some point between the first and the seventh centuries, wandered for a while, before settling in Ife. He first had twin from his wife and because it was a taboo to have twins, he sent them away. He was to later have a son called Okanbi, who in turn had seven children that founded the Yoruba states of Owu, Sabe, Popo, Benin, Ila orangun, Ketu and Oyo.

A variation of this legend said Oduduwa had six sons and one grandson, who went ahead to found their own kingdoms and empires, namely Ila Orangun, Owu, Ketu, Sabe, Popo, Oyo and Benin. Oranmiyan, Oduduwa’s last born, was one of his father’s principal ministers and overseer of the nascent Edo Empire after Oduduwa refused the plea from the Edo people to govern them. When Oranmiyan decided to return to Ile- Ife after a period of service in Benin, he left behind his child, Eweka, whom he had had in the interim with an indigenous princess. The young boy went on to become the first legitimate ruler of the second Edo dynasty that has continued to rule what is now Benin. Oranmiyan later went on to found the Oyo Empire, which stretched, at its height, from the western banks of the river Niger to the Eastern banks of the river Volta. It would go on to serve as one of the most powerful empires of Africa’s medieval states.

Supporting the mythical origin of Ife, oral tradition saw Oduduwa as a heavenly being, which descended at the instance of God, to complete the creation of the earth. Like most Yoruba names, Oduduwa is believed to be a shortened form of Odu-to-da-iwa, which translates in English to mean, “the deity or cosmic principle that created existence”. It can also be interpreted as “the deity or cosmic principle that creates character” Oduduwa has always been tied to his function in earthly creation.

To typical Ife indigenes, the earth was created twice. To them, Ife creation story has a semblance with the biblical explanation of the creation story. According to the Holy Scripture, God created the heavens and the earth in the book of Genesis chapter one. Though the world was wiped off in a flood, resulting from downpour that lasted forty days and nights, God preserved the family of Noah, who became the transitory vehicle to the second world.

According to the legend, the first creation was ‘Ife Oodaye’, which means “Ife of first earth origin”, which was corroborated by some high chiefs of the town. To them, Obatala’s mission of creating humans was brought into fruition by Oduduwa, because he lost the opportunity by being inebriated. The myth said the supreme deity ordered his son, Oduduwa, to descend from the heavens on a chain with three things. That is why Oduduwa is being referred to as ‘Atewonro’, literarily means the one, who descended with chain. He was said to have scattered a handful of dirt over the ocean, creating Ile-Ife. He then put a cockerel, which had six fingers on the land. It was the cockerel that undertook the task of spreading the soil to other parts of the world with its fingers just like we have today while scavenging for something to eat. Through this process, the earth was expanded upon the earth created by the Supreme Being, which the Bible alluded to as formless and void and dark. Today in Ife, Oduduwa’s statue with his divine cockerel stands in a flowery beautiful park facing the palace of the Ooni.

A historian, Olu Ademulegun, in his book, ‘Who is Oduduwa?’ “The first creation, which was Ife Oodaye, was destroyed by flood due to conflicts and excesses of the gods. This had a semblance with the forty-day Biblical flood story. The second creation, therefore, took place after the flooding and it was called Ife “Ooyelagbo, which means Ife of the survivors and, its creation was by Oduduwa as one of the surviving sky (celestial) gods”.

Justifying the Ife traditionalist’s perspective on the role of Oduduwa in creation, Ademulegun, wrote: “I see a lot of sense in the traditional view that Oduduwa was fully in charge at that second creation and he berthed on a hill the traditionalists called Oramfe. The Jews, who departed Africa years later toward the east, probably abridged Odu-ino-iwa (the ancient Ife dialect for Oduduwa) to Noah and also abridged Oramfe to Arafat. The correlation between this myth of flooding and the biblical version seemed to have lent much credence to the belief of many Yoruba that Ife, was indeed, the cradle of creation. Consequently, places such as Edena, a corrupt version of Garden of Eden, Orun Oba’do, Oke Oramfe, a corruption mount Arafat and many other historic places made the myth more potent.

Some Ife High Chiefs affirmed that Noah’s ark berthed on a hill called Oramfe. This may have explained why the new Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, visited Oramfe to perform some rights preparatory to his installation as the Ooni. Ademulegun seemed to have agreed to this myth that Ife is “where the earth started and expanded”. He wrote: “The Ife/Oduduwa myth as recorded in Ife Corpus is, to me, about Africa being the home of the mother race of humanity.”

Also, in their book “Yoruba: Nine centuries of African Art and Culture,” Professors John Drewal, Penberton and Rowland Abiodun said: “The Yoruba speaking peoples of Nigeria and the popular Republics of Benin (former Dahomey) together with their countless descendants in other parts of Africa and the Americans, have made remarkable contributions to world civilisation. Their urbanism is ancient and legendary, probably dating to AD800 – 1000 according to the result of archaelogical excavations at two ancient city sites – Oyo and Ife. These were only two of numerous complex cities – states headed by secret rulers, men and women and council of elders and chiefs. Many have flourished up to our own time. The dynasty of kings at Ife, for example regarded by the Yoruba as place of origin of life itself and of human civilisation, remains unbroken to the present.

They added: “The prehistoric era is still unknown, but data from a last stone age site at Iwo Eleru about 47 miles from Ife contributed some collateral data. There, human remains identified as Negroid dating to 8000 BC were found, more significantly, about 1000 BC decorated pottery appears in abundance at Ife.” These excavations clearly revealed Ife and Yoruba history to be well over 4000 years before Abraham, the father of the Jewish nation and about 8000 years before Jesus Christ.

Also, Reverend Samuel Johnson in his book wrote: “All various tribes in Yoruba traced their origin from Oduduwa and the city of Ile-Ife, fabled as the spot where God created man and from where they dispersed all over the earth.” With all these assertions Ife unarguably occupied and still occupies a pre-eminent place in Yoruba history, beliefs and religion.

Ife in the eyes of the Yoruba
Historians and archaeologists may have attempted to place Ife as the cradle of creation, particularly to suit the Yoruba, whose belief is that the founder of their race was from Ile-Ife. Throughout the length and breadth of Yoruba, Ife is held in awesome reverence. From time immemorial, Yoruba villages and towns trace their ancestral link to the town. In the same way, every king traces his authority to Ife. Any monarch that cannot trace his root to the ancient city cannot be seen as Oba. Every beaded crown must be able to establish his link to the undisputable cradle of Yorubaland and civilisation, even till the present. In fact, most Yoruba monarchs preferred to get their staff of office from Ife.

It is, therefore, not uncommon to see kingship lineages labouring hard to establish the fact that their ancestors migrated from Ife. There is probably no king in Yoruba land that does not claim that his ancestors had the blood of Ife running in their veins. Going by the claim of affinity and biological bond by monarchs as well as towns and cities, it would appear that in those days, an Ife man, who crossed the border of the town, is seen by his host community as one with royal blood running in his vein. If he chose to settle in that community, he would soon become the rallying point of that community. In a matter of time, he would naturally assume position of leadership.

Almost all historians agreed on the fact that Ife was the capital of Yoruba, until the emergence of Oyo Empire. Captain C.H. Elegae, the colonial administrator of Ibadan, who wrote on the evolution of Ibadan, supported the view and noted that Ife was the capital and most ancient city in Yoruba land. During the colonial administration, a study on the origin and history of Yoruba and of course, Ife, formed part of the primary school curriculum in Yorubaland. This continued until the 1970s when the nation began to place less emphasis on the people’s cultural heritage and history while it embraced foreign cultures.

All sub-ethnic groups in Yoruba hold Ife in high regards and have one legend or the other to support their link with Ife. For instance, as distant as the Awori seem to be to Ife, their roots are firmly from Ife. Legend has it that their fore bearer, Ogunfunminire, a hunter, hunted games from Ile-Ife before camping at Isheri-Olofin, where he rested at the bank of the river. It was from there that his son, Aromire, always travelled to Lagos Island, Iga Idunganran, where he had his pepper farm. Aromire’s farm became the rallying point for Ijebu pepper traders and others from the hinter land that came to buy pepper, which they called in their local parlance, Idunganran, meaning pepper, while Iga in Ijebu dialect means place. Iga Idunganran, therefore, means the place of pepper in Ijebu dialect as recorded by historians. Interestingly, the descendants of Ogunfunminire became the land owners of Lagos, the Idejo chiefs headed by Olumegbon.

The same goes for other sub-ethnic groups such as Ekiti, Igbomina, Okun people, Egba and others with dialectical variations in Yoruba land.

In those days Ife’s pre-eminence was unrivaled and no one ever waged war against Ife because it was sacrilegious to do so. In fact, the first town that transgressed this unwritten law was severely punished by other Yoruba towns. Orile-Owu was reputed to have been the first town that transgressed this law. It began with a mere misunderstanding between two traders in the market over the price of pepper. Unfortunately, it escalated into taking up of arms against Ife, which was abominable and sacrilegious. The 1821 Owu war precipitated the 19th Century inter-tribal wars in Yoruba, which led to the beginning of the fall of old Oyo Empire, which was later ravaged by the Jihadists.

The late Oba Sijuwade, in establishing the pre-eminence of Ife, made a tour of Cotonou, Republic of Benin and Ghana, where the Yoruba live. The experience further bonded the Yoruba in the Diaspora with those at home. So also were the late Ooni’s visits to Brazil, Cuba, America, where he was deified as the representative of Oduduwa, their progenitor.

The advent of the British colonial masters, however, brought a twist into how Ife was being viewed by the Yoruba. At the time they came, old Oyo Empire was occupying the centre-stage as the only dominant power, politically, having won territories through wars of conquests, which took Alaafin’s suzerainty to places such as Dahomey, now known as the Republic of Benin. In fact, the old Oyo Empire stretched in power and splendor from the western banks of the river Niger to the Eastern banks of the river Volta in Ghana. However, Ife had then assumed a spiritual pedestal of some sort and was being given some spiritual pre-eminence.

But this seeming defining of role was to later pitch the Alaafin of Oyo against the Ooni of Ife, especially in assigning duties and responsibilities to them by the colonial masters. This, perhaps, brought about certain misgivings about who is pre-eminent between the two leading monarchs. However, the wound inflicted by the imperialists may have healed long ago, but the scar appears bolder by the passing of the day.

The Ooni/Alaafin ‘fight’ for supremacy was to play itself up in the 80s with the creation of the council of traditional rulers and who was supposed to head the council. But the carving of Osun State from the old Oyo State seemed to have put a permanent end to the unwarranted ‘war’ of ego.

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Romance / Re: Who's Your Nairaland Crush. by YorubaParapo: 5:00pm On Jan 09, 2016
I don't post comments but I will do it this time.

1bkaye and milychocs. I want a party if I can get both. But I won't mind either of the two. cheesy
Travel / Re: Omo Shasha Oluwa Forest Reserve (Pictures) by YorubaParapo: 3:14pm On Jan 09, 2016
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Travel / Re: Omo Shasha Oluwa Forest Reserve (Pictures) by YorubaParapo: 3:14pm On Jan 09, 2016
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Travel / Re: Omo Shasha Oluwa Forest Reserve (Pictures) by YorubaParapo: 3:13pm On Jan 09, 2016
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Travel / Re: Omo Shasha Oluwa Forest Reserve (Pictures) by YorubaParapo: 3:12pm On Jan 09, 2016
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Travel / Re: Omo Shasha Oluwa Forest Reserve (Pictures) by YorubaParapo: 3:11pm On Jan 09, 2016
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Travel / Omo Shasha Oluwa Forest Reserve (Pictures) by YorubaParapo: 3:10pm On Jan 09, 2016
The Omo Forest Reserve within Ogun and Ondo States of Nigeria, is of great conservation value with more than 200 species of tree, 125 species of bird and many mammal species including forest elephant, chimpanzee and white-throated guenon monkeys, all of which are seriously endangered. The Nigerian Forest Elephant Group (NFEG) was established in 1989 in order to protect the 1300 km² Omo Forest Reserve and work towards its long-term conservation. Paignton Zoo Environmental Park began supporting the NFEG in 1993 and has been involved with the programme ever since, although management of the programme was officially handed over to the Nigerian Conservation Foundation in 2006.

With logging, poaching and uncontrolled farming threatening the biodiversity in the Omo Forest Reserve, the conservation goal of the project is to ensure the survival of the Omo Forest ecosystem by education in schools and raising conservation awareness amongst the local community. Also, general practical conservation activities are supported.

WAZA Conservation Project 10025 is implemented by the Omo-Oluwa-Shasha Forest Conservation Project, with support provided by Paington Zoo Environmental Park. Other stakeholders involved in the project include the Nigerian Conservation Foundation and ProNatura Internationa (Nigeria). In 2007, British Gas commissioned the Nigerian Conservation Foundation to report on the feasibility of its proposed protected area in the three reserves. Among the report's findings were:

40 percent of the natural forest in the reserves remains.
Elephants and chimpanzees still inhabit the area.

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Travel / Re: Owu Waterfalls – Kwara State (Pictures) by YorubaParapo: 2:48pm On Jan 09, 2016
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Travel / Re: Owu Waterfalls – Kwara State (Pictures) by YorubaParapo: 2:47pm On Jan 09, 2016
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Travel / Re: Owu Waterfalls – Kwara State (Pictures) by YorubaParapo: 2:45pm On Jan 09, 2016
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Travel / Owu Waterfalls – Kwara State (Pictures) by YorubaParapo: 2:43pm On Jan 09, 2016
Owu falls is the highest and one of the most spectacular natural waterfalls in West Africa, and is located in Ifelodun Local government area of Kwara State.

The waterfall stand as a majestic natural wonder nestled in the beautiful atural surroundings of Owa-Kajola, but can only be appreciated and promoted by exploring. The water curtain is 120m above stream level and cascades 330 feet down an escarpment with rocky outcrops to a pool of ice cold water below.

The water falls is surrounded with a beautiful natural ambience and hills which makes sightseeing a memorable experience. The waterfall is characterized with fall of ice cold water, beautiful rocky part and walk ways, and evergreen surrounding.

This beautiful vista offering surrounding is composed of stretch of mountains extending to Ekiti and Kogi States, which makes for an attractive environment to visitors and offers them opportunity to engage in the sighting of other creatures such as like birds, monkeys and reptiles. The natural flora and fauna have turned the falls into a nature seekers delight.

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Politics / Re: How Cuba Helped End Apartheid In South Africa by YorubaParapo: 12:39am On Jan 09, 2016
Cuito Cuanavale 25 years on: celebrating revolutionary internationalism in the struggle against colonialism and apartheid



“The history of Africa will be written as before and after Cuito Cuanavale” – Fidel Castro

Twenty-five years ago, on 27 June 1988, the army of apartheid South Africa was forced to start withdrawing from Angola after 13 years’ intervention in that country’s civil war. The South Africans had been outmanoeuvred and outgunned by the Angolan defence forces (FAPLA – the People’s Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola), in combination with thousands of Cuban soldiers, and units from both the MK (uMkhonto weSizwe – the armed wing of the ANC) and PLAN (People’s Liberation Army of Namibia – the armed wing of the South West African People’s Organisation). The four-month battle between the SADF and the Cuban-Angolan force at Cuito Cuanavale was, to use the words of Nelson Mandela, “the turning point for the liberation of Africa from the scourge of apartheid.”

Background
Cuba’s assistance to post-colonial Angola started in 1975, just a few days after the independence celebrations on 11 November (Angola won its independence from Portugal in the aftermath of the Portuguese Revolution of 1974). At the time, three different Angolan political-military movements were struggling for supremacy: the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), UNITA (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola) and the FNLA (National Front for the Liberation of Angola). The most radical, most popular and best organised of these groups was the MPLA, which had the support of most of the socialist countries. The FNLA was allied with the pro-imperialist Mobutu dictatorship in Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo), and UNITA was collaborating with the US, white-supremacist South Africa and the representatives of the old colonial order. As Fidel Castro noted at the time: “The Soviet Union and all the countries of Eastern Europe support the MPLA; the revolutionary movements of Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau support the MPLA; the majority of the nonaligned nations support the MPLA. In Angola, the MPLA represents the progressive cause of the world.” (Speech given in Havana to the first contingent of military instructors leaving for Angola, 12 September 1975)

South Africa, faced with the prospect of pro-socialist, anti-racist, anti-colonial, independent states in Angola and Mozambique (plus a rising independence movement in its colony of South West Africa – now Namibia), decided to intervene militarily in Angola on the side of UNITA. The SADF entered Angola from Namibia on 14 October 1975, and the MPLA’s army, FAPLA, was in no position to stop its advance. It was, writes Piero Gleijeses, “a poor man’s war. South of Luanda there were only weak FAPLA units, badly armed and poorly trained. They were strong enough to defeat UNITA, but were no match for the South Africans” (‘Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington, and Africa, 1959-1976′).

South Africa’s invasion, along with the continued threat and provocations by Mobutu’s Zaire, caused Fidel Castro and the leading commanders in Cuba to understand that Angola needed urgent help. In mid-November 1975, several hundred Cuban soldiers boarded two planes for Angola. Over the course of the next 13 years, nearly 400,000 Cubans volunteered in Angola, mostly as soldiers but also as doctors, nurses, teachers and advisers.

With Cuban assistance (and with the help of Soviet advisers and weaponry), the Angolans drove the SADF troops back across the border, and for the next decade or so South Africa focused its efforts in Angola around destabilisation, providing significant financial and logistical support for UNITA, thereby extending a brutal civil war that caused the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Angolan civilians.

The Battle of Cuito Cuanavale
As long as Angola was embroiled in bitter civil war, it was not a major threat to apartheid control of South Africa or Namibia. But in mid-1987, FAPLA – with the help of Soviet and Cuban forces – launched a major offensive against UNITA. This offensive had the potential to finally bring an end to the civil war – an outcome that neither South Africa nor the US could accept. Therefore the SADF intervened again. “By early November”, writes Gleijeses, “the SADF had cornered elite Angolan units in Cuito Cuanavale and was poised to destroy them.”



Ronnie Kasrils notes that the situation “could not have been graver. Cuito could have been overrun then and there by the SADF, changing the strategic situation overnight. The interior of the country would have been opened up to domination by UNITA, with Angola being split in half. This was something Pretoria and [UNITA leader Jonas] Savimbi had been aiming at for years.”

The Cubans moved decisively in support of their African allies. Fidel decided that more Cuban troops must be sent immediately, boosting the total number in Angola to over 50,000.

Cuito Cuanavale was defended by 6,000 Cuban and Angolan troops, using sophisticated Soviet weaponry that had been rushed to the front. The SADF had been convinced that its 9,000 elite troops – in addition to several thousand UNITA fighters – would be able to conquer Cuito and thereby inflict a major defeat on MPLA, and indeed the progressive forces of the whole region. But Cuito held out over the course of four months, in what has been described as the biggest battle on African soil since World War II (Greg Mills and David Williams, Seven Battles that Shaped South Africa, 2006). Kasrils notes: “All the South African attempts to advance were pushed back. Their sophisticated long-range artillery kept bombing day and night. But it didn’t frighten the Angolan-Cuban forces and turned out to be ineffective.”

With the South African stranglehold at Cuito Cuanavale broken by the end of March 1988, the Cuban-Angolan forces launched a major offensive in the south-west of the country. This offensive is what Castro had intended from the start: to tie South Africa down with pitched battles at Cuito (several hundred kilometres from its nearest bases in occupied Namibia) and then launch a ferocious, dynamic attack to drive South Africa out of Angola once and for all, “like a boxer who with his left hand blocks the blow and with his right – strikes“. Castro noted: “While in Cuito Cuanavale the South African troops were bled, to the south-west 40,000 Cuban and 30,000 Angolan troops, supported by some 600 tanks, hundreds of pieces of artillery, a thousand anti-aircraft weapons and the daring MiG-23 units that secured air supremacy advanced towards the Namibian border, ready literally to sweep up the South African forces deployed along that main route.” (Cited in Vladimir Shubin ‘The Hot “Cold War”‘)

Kasrils writes: “The end for the SADF was signaled on June 27 1988. A squadron of MiGs bombed the Ruacana and Calueque installations, cutting the water supply to Ovamboland and its military bases and killing 11 young South African conscripts. A MiG-23 executed a neat victory roll over the Ruacana dam. The war was effectively over.”

The supposedly invincible South African Defence Force had been forced out of Angola. The apartheid regime was left with no choice but to sue for peace.

Turning point for southern Africa
Fidel stated that “the history of Africa will be written as before and after Cuito Cuanavale”. Nelson Mandela is on record as saying that Cuito Cuanavale was “the turning point for the liberation of Africa from the scourge of apartheid”. What made a battle in the Angolan war the major turning point for the wider southern African region?

Isaac Saney explains in his excellent book ‘Cuba: A Revolution in Motion': “The defeat shattered the confidence of the South African military, and with the approach of Cuban forces toward Namibia, Pretoria sought a means by which to extricate their troops ‘without humiliation and alive’. Thus, the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale was instrumental in paving the path to negotiations. In December 1988, an agreement was reached between Cuba and Angola on one side and South Africa on the other, which provided for the gradual withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola and the establishment of an independent Namibia”.

So, as part of the negotiation process resulting from the Cuban-Angolan victory, South Africa was forced to set a timetable for withdrawal from Namibia. Namibia became an independent state in March 1990. The victory in Angola also provided important impetus for the anti-apartheid forces within South Africa. In early 1990, Nelson Mandela was released from prison after 27 long years, the ANC and other liberation organisations were unbanned, and the negotiations towards a free South Africa were begun in earnest. UNITA suffered a series of major military reverses and Angola was able to start pursuing a course of peaceful progress. These were all extraordinary developments that nobody could have predicted a few years’ earlier.

“Cuito Cuanavale changed the military balance in Southern Africa on the side of liberation” (Kasrils).

Not a proxy cold war but an epic battle between the forces of imperialism and the forces of progress

It has been suggested by several western historians that the war in Angola was, at heart, an extension of the so-called Cold War between the two superpowers of the day (the USA and the USSR) with South Africa acting on behalf of the USA and Cuba acting on behalf of the USSR. Such an analysis is wholly refuted by the facts; its only purpose is to place a moral equivalency between imperialism and socialism.

For one thing, Cuba has tended to maintain a high degree of political independence in spite of close relations with the Soviet Union. In Angola, it is well documented that the Soviets were surprised by the sudden arrival – in both 1975 and 1987 – of large numbers of Cuban soldiers. Kasrils writes that the US security services were “surprised to discover that the Soviet Union’s so-called proxy had not even consulted Moscow over Havana’s massive intervention. They were even more taken aback when sophisticated Soviet military equipment was rushed to Angola to supply the Cuban reinforcements.”

Even the arch-reactionary Henry Kissinger, who was among the leading ‘hawks’ in relation to US Angola policy at the time, admitted: “At the time, we thought Castro was operating as a Soviet surrogate. We could not imagine that he would act so provocatively so far from home unless he was pressured by Moscow to repay the Soviet Union for its military and economic support. Evidence now available suggests that the opposite was the case.” (Cited in ‘Conflicting Missions’)

The Soviet Union did provide significant support for the MPLA, sending weapons, funding, training and military advisers to Angola (as documented in detail in Vladimir Shubin’s book ‘The Hot “Cold War”‘). Furthermore, they provided much of the weaponry and planes used by the Cubans. Was this done in the pursuit of cynical geostrategic interests, for the sake of ‘cold war’ one-upmanship? Such a suggestion represents a vicious attack on the history of socialist internationalism. Shubin, former head of the Africa Section of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union’s international department, writes:

“The Soviets did not assist liberation movements and African frontline states only because of the ‘Cold War’. To put it in the language of the day: such actions were regarded as part of the world ‘anti-imperialist struggle’, which was waged by the ‘socialist community’, ‘the national liberation movements’, and the ‘working class of the capitalist countries’… In reality the ‘Cold War’ was not part of our political vocabulary; in fact the term was used in a strictly negative sense. It was considered to be the creation of the ‘warmongers’ and ‘imperialist propaganda’. For us the global struggle was not a battle between the two ‘superpowers’ assisted by their ‘satellites’ and ‘proxies’, but a united fight of the world’s progressive forces against imperialism.”

One need only look at the succession of devastating, predatory wars of imperialist domination since the collapse of the Soviet Union – Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya – to see that, in spite of a period of intense confusion and political degeneration, the USSR played a fundamentally positive role in opposing imperialism and standing with the oppressed nations.

The continuing relevance and necessity of revolutionary internationalism
Why is it important to remember Cuito Cuanavale? Because it represents a pinnacle of revolutionary internationalism, of solidarity between peoples struggling for freedom. As Nelson Mandela said, speaking at a huge rally in Havana in July 1991:

“The Cuban internationalists have made a contribution to African independence, freedom and justice unparalleled for its principled and selfless character… We in Africa are used to being victims of countries wanting to carve up our territory or subvert our sovereignty. It is unparalleled in African history to have another people rise to the defence of one of us.”

Cuba’s actions in Angola were driven by a deep sense of social justice and revolutionary duty. One of the historical forces driving its actions was the depth of African roots in Cuban society. Fidel, speaking shortly after the departure of the first few hundred troops to Angola, explained: “African blood flows freely through our veins. Many of our ancestors came as slaves from Africa to this land. As slaves they struggled a great deal. They fought as members of the Liberating Army of Cuba. We’re brothers and sisters of the people of Africa and we’re ready to fight on their behalf!” This dynamic is reflected in the name that was given to the operation: ‘Carlota’ – in honour of the heroic Afro-Cuban female slave who led an uprising near Matanzas in 1843 and who, upon her capture, was drawn and quartered by Spanish colonial troops.

Raúl Castro pointed out that Cuba had itself benefitted massively from revolutionary international solidarity and thus felt morally compelled to extend the same type of solidarity to others. “We must not forget another deep motivation. Cuba itself had already lived through the beautiful experience of the solidarity of other peoples, especially the people of the Soviet Union, who extended a friendly hand at crucial moments for the survival of the Cuban Revolution. The solidarity, support, and fraternal collaboration that the consistent practice of internationalism brought us at decisive moments created a sincere feeling, a consciousness of our debt to other peoples who might find themselves in similar circumstances.” Fidel emphasises this point: “As we have said before, being internationalists is paying our debt to humanity. Those who are incapable of fighting for others will never be capable of fighting for themselves. And the heroism shown by our forces, by our people in other lands, faraway lands, must also serve to let the imperialists know what awaits them if one day they force us to fight on this land here.”

This type of solidarity, sacrifice, sense of duty and revolutionary morality is a model, a benchmark. This level of unity of the oppressed is exactly what we need in an era when imperialism – desperate to slow its historic decline and to cut down all potential challenges to its hegemony – is projecting its military power around the world, ably assisted by its media dominance.

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Politics / Re: How Cuba Helped End Apartheid In South Africa by YorubaParapo: 12:37am On Jan 09, 2016
Cuito Cuanavale - a turning point in the battle to end apartheid
In the year that marks the 25th anniversary of the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale, a violent and sustained period of fighting within the Angolan civil war, LSE alumnus Edward Crowther (BSc Economics 2002), location manager with the HALO Trust, talks to LSE Connect about a devastating legacy left behind by the significant battle that still affects the lives of local communities a quarter of a century later.

Cuito Cuanavale is a small town on the Cuito River in the Cuando Cubango province of Angola. From the outside it appears to have little strategic importance, but in late 1987 and early 1988 it became the focus of a fierce and prolonged battle, which ended on 23 March when the Angolan army, supported by Cuban forces, repelled the advances of the South African Defence Force-backed UNITA, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola. Today, 23 March 1988 is a date that resonates with many for its perceived role in heralding the end of South African apartheid (see below).

During this battle – and all across Angola throughout the 27-year civil war – both sides laid thousands of anti-personnel and anti-tank mines. The vast majority were placed in and around towns and villages that are still today recovering from years of fighting and attempting to develop economies that will enable their communities to cope with expanding populations. Despite the historical and political significance afforded to the town through its associated battle, the minefields around Cuito Cuanavale remain, making it one of the most heavily mined areas in Africa.

Edward works with the HALO Trust, an NGO operating in Angola and other landmine-afflicted countries. From 2011-13, he spent 18 months working with local field teams to remove mines from Cuito Cuanavale and communities in three other provinces in the country.

He explains: “Even now, years after the war ended, living within these communities can still be hazardous. Landmines have a devastating impact on people’s lives beyond the very obvious physical perils they pose. Basic everyday tasks such as collecting water, growing food and fetching firewood – staples of family life – can often demand travelling through a minefield. Mine-littered roads deny vehicular access too, cutting off communities from the outside world.”

According to HALO, anti-tank mines on roads pose a far greater problem in Angola than in any other mine-affected country in the world today. They hamper commerce by restricting the flow of goods and impede healthcare by preventing government and NGO-led initiatives such as vaccination and education awareness programmes from being able to reach certain communities.

Edward continues: “We have worked with communities unable to farm their own land – arable land they are desperate to use to create a sustainable livelihood that supports their families. People who are willing and able to provide for themselves are prevented from determining their own futures. It affects generation after generation.”

But, thanks to the work of HALO and its local field teams in Angola, there is better news on the horizon. Slowly yet surely, the landmines are being located and destroyed – enabling communities to resume everyday life.

While not perhaps envisaging the career path he ended up taking when he began his Economics degree in 1999, Edward is aware that his experiences at LSE contributed significantly to the choices he made. “When I arrived at LSE, I thought I was taking the first steps towards a career in banking. That was the plan but something changed for me. I began to think in different, broader terms, with a more questioning – maybe even political – focus. It wasn’t just the academic side of things; I shared meals with students who were refugees from places I’d never even heard of. It opened my mind,” he states.

After graduating from LSE, Edward volunteered with a small NGO in Cambodia which led him to pursue a master’s in Development Studies at SOAS. He then spent two years with Médecins Sans Frontières in Papua New Guinea and Pakistan, before joining the HALO Trust in 2011.

Edward Crowther has recently moved from Angola to Sri Lanka to assume the role of location manager with HALO’s teams tackling the landmine legacy of another lengthy civil war. You can learn more about the work of the HALO Trust at www.halotrust.org

From Castro to Mandela – a small town with a large footprint
Fidel Castro once made the assertion that “the history of Africa will be written as before and after Cuito Cuanavale”. If the writing of history is the preserve of the victor, as is often claimed, then he was making a very deliberate point about a separate, politically greater battle.

For all that the outcome of the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale in 1987-88 is still contested, it arguably helped to bring about the beginning of the end of apartheid – even though it formed just one part of Angola’s bloody 27-year-long civil war, which continued until 2002 and resulted in 500,000 deaths and over one million Angolans being internally displaced.

While the battle didn’t signal the end of the civil war, its broader ramifications were so significant that Nelson Mandela would later recognise it as a defining moment in African history, stating: “Cuito Cuanavale was the turning point for the liberation of our continent – and of my people – from the scourge of apartheid.”

On 23 March 1988, the majority of SADF troops, under orders from Pretoria, retreated after their tanks failed to breach a massive minefield laid on the banks of the Cuito River. South Africa’s regional agenda was revised to such an extent that it was forced back to the negotiating table; it was ultimately the beginning of the end of apartheid.

In a marked gesture in South Africa’s Freedom Park, outside Pretoria, the names of 2,070 Cubans who died in Angola join those of South Africans who died during the anti-apartheid struggle.

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Politics / How Cuba Helped End Apartheid In South Africa by YorubaParapo: 12:36am On Jan 09, 2016
The Battle of Cuito Cuanavale was the battle that broke the back of apartheid in South Africa. It was a battle between the Cubans and Angolans vs. Apartheid South Africa with support from Israel and western countries, including the US and the UK.

The battle of Cuito Cuanavale
The battle of Cuito Cuanavale was a key moment in the smokescreen conflict of the Cold War played out in southern Africa. Gary Baines looks at the ways in which opposing sides are now remembering the event.



Winners invariably believe that they are entitled to rewrite the past from the vantage point of history’s vindication, but official histories are always challenged by the ‘losers’.

With the approach of the 25th anniversary of the battle of Cuito Cuanavale, the controversy over who won this pivotal engagement in southern African history is being revisited. It is as if the battle has been rejoined as protagonists from both sides of the conflict press their claims as victors.

The so-called Border War began as a counter-insurgency campaign by apartheid South Africa against the South West Africa Peoples’ Organisation (SWAPO) in northern Namibia. From 1966 the South African Defence Force (SDAF) reinforced the South African Police counter-insurgency units in what was then Rhodesia and South-West Africa and from 1984 it assisted in suppressing insurrection in its own country’s black townships. South African security forces were also involved in the ‘destabilisation’ of the frontline states, which bore the brunt of the conflict, a strategy designed to contain the fighting beyond South Africa’s boundaries and minimise destruction in its own backyard.

From bases in occupied Namibia, the SADF supported its Angolan surrogate, UNITA (National Union of the Total Independence of Angola), and periodically occupied large swathes of southern Angola during the 1970s and 1980s. These deployments meant that the SADF regularly confronted the forces of the Angolan army or FAPLA (People’s Armed Forces for Liberation of Angola), as well as their Cuban allies. In late 1987 combined FAPLA-Cuban forces mounted an operation to crush UNITA once and for all. The SADF mobilised to counter the southward thrust of these forces and this resulted in an engagement of an unprecedented scale on Angolan soil.

The battle of Cuito Cuanavale lasted from September 1987 to July 1988, in three phases (for which the SADF employed the codenames Operation Modular, Hooper and Packer). The SADF won a tactical victory at the Lomba River, where the FAPLA advance was stopped in its tracks. But the repulse of its subsequent frontal attacks on well-fortified positions at Tumpo proved a decisive setback in the SADF’s bid to capture Cuito and its airstrip. The stalemate was broken by a Cuban force which outflanked the SADF and advanced on Namibia’s southern border. The loss of the South African Air Force’s superiority meant that the ground forces had to withdraw or face the prospect of incurring heavy losses during a disorderly dash south.

Some retired generals and military historians have insisted that the SADF mission was meant to ensure that UNITA would survive the FAPLA-Cuban offensive, continue to conduct guerrilla war and remain a thorn in the flesh of the MPLA government in Luanda. They argue that this objective was successfully achieved (although it only postponed UNITA’s demise). They have dismissed claims that they sought to capture Cuito. This is a post hoc rationalisation for the SADF withdrawal from the front. Many commentators have claimed that the Angolan war ended in a stalemate, though if the Cuban-FAPLA forces did not win the battle they certainly altered the balance of power in the region in their favour.

SADF apologists invariably cite statistics to ‘prove’ that its enemies at Cuito sustained far greater losses in personnel and materiel than it did. This was undoubtedly the case. But the outcome of a battle cannot be measured by such statistics. In any case these figures never mention the UNITA fatalities, which ensured that the losses sustained by SADF regular units, particularly among white conscripts, were kept to a minimum. The public reaction to the news of the loss of 12 national servicemen on June 27th, 1988, when Cuban-piloted MiGs bombed the Calueque dam on the River Kunene in southern Angola, confirmed that the cost of mounting casualties was becoming politically unsustainable for the apartheid government and that it was prudent to withdraw from Angola.

Still, when the SADF did so, it proclaimed itself ‘winner’. A photograph by John Liebenberg depicted a SADF convoy heading into Namibia on August 30th, 1988. The convoy passed under a banner with a message of congratulations for having prevailed against the FAPLA-Cuban forces. The inscription read: ‘Welcome Winners/Welkom Wenners’.

Any assessment of the outcome of the battle of Cuito Cuanavale should heed Clausewitz’s dictum that ‘war is a continuation of politics by other means’. The SADF subscribed to the formula that the war was 80 per cent political and 20 per cent military. They recognised that victory could not be won on the battlefield alone but necessitated an all-out offensive employing diplomacy, propaganda and psychological warfare. The SADF and its proxies might have won many engagements, though not the war, because Pretoria was compelled to accept a SWAPO government in Namibia, which it had fought so long to avert. Although the SADF insisted that it was never defeated, the political system of white power and privilege that it had defended for so long was dismantled.

Since becoming the ruling party in South Africa, African National Congress spokespersons have regularly declared that the triumph of the Angolan and Cuban forces at Cuito Cuanavale over the ‘apartheid army’ strengthened the ANC’s hand in negotiating a ceasefire in South Africa. From Nelson Mandela to Jacob Zuma, ANC presidents have feted the Cubans as heroes who sacrificed their lives out of solidarity with the liberation struggle. The names of Cubans killed in Angola have been added to the Wall of Names at Freedom Park, the ANC’s premier heritage site in Tshwane/ Pretoria. And in 2008 parliament sponsored a project to celebrate the 20th anniversary of Cuito Cuanavale. This was regarded by critics as a government effort to impose ANC orthodoxy on the country’s citizens.

These developments have led retired SADF apologists to challenge the ANC’s version. Books, letters, newspapers and blogs have been written in a bid to correct what are widely regarded as ‘biased’ and ‘mistaken’ interpretations of the events. In February this year Afriforum, the Afrikaner lobby group, used social media to request that people pledge support for a campaign to demand that the government cease its misrepresentation of (white) Afrikaner history. A video featuring some Afrikaner artists and celebrities was used to communicate this message to prospective supporters of the campaign. They were also asked to endorse General Jannie Geldenhuys’ recent book We Were There: Winning the War for Southern Africa, which purports to tell the ‘real’ history of the battle of Cuito Cuanavale. A representative group was to undertake to distribute a memorandum to President Jacob Zuma’s office in order to convey to powerful figures in the government that they were serious. But the campaign appears to have become a non-event.

SADF veterans have mobilised on a number of occasions in order to contest the ANC’s version of the history of the Border War in general. This would seem to suggest that they have invested their sense of collective self-worth in their own narrative of this conflict. For this history is part of who they are and goes some way to defining their identities in post-apartheid South Africa.

Gary Baines is the co-editor of Beyond the Border War: New Perspectives on Southern Africa’s Late- Cold War Conflicts (Unisa Press, 2008) and author of Redrawing the Battle Lines: Contesting the Meaning and Memory of South Africa’s Border War (forthcoming).

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Travel / Re: Interesting Places And Tourist Attractions In Lagos by YorubaParapo: 4:21pm On Jan 08, 2016
Radisson Blu Anchorage Hotel, Victoria Island, Lagos
A world class Hotel located on Ozumba Mbadiwe Avenue, Lagos. It has an ocean view lounge and lovely rooms. Found on the banks of upscale Victoria Island, the Radisson Blu Anchorage Hotel, Lagos, V.I. affords guests with beautiful views of the up-and-coming city and the lovely Lagos Lagoon. The hotel’s position is well suited for business travelers and pleasure seekers alike because of its proximity to corporate headquarters, banking districts, consulates and attractions like Bar Beach and several shopping malls. Choose from our 170 rooms and suites styled by Swedish designer Christian Lundwall, each with Free high-speed, wireless Internet, air conditioning and great views of the lagoon or the city. Dine on international cuisine or local dishes from Lagos at the hotel’s Voyage Restaurant, savor a meal outside on the terrace at Surface Bar & Grill and sip your favorite mixed drink while looking over the lagoon at the hotel’s bar The View. Stay in shape with our well-equipped fitness center, and let all your stress melt away in our wellness area, which offers a massage room, steam room and outdoor infinity pool. For event planners, we offer 6 versatile meeting facilities that can host business events, weddings and other special occasions.



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Travel / Re: Interesting Places And Tourist Attractions In Lagos by YorubaParapo: 4:20pm On Jan 08, 2016
Iga Idungaran (Oba’s Palace)
The palatial residence of the local monarch, the Oba of Lagos. Located to the North of Lagos Island, on Upper King Street, this magnificent building dates back to 300 years ago. Iga Idungaran is the Oba’s Palace for Lagos Monarch. The newly renovated palace combine modern architectural show piece and acient Yoruba artifacts. Historic moments and monuments of Lagos tradition is available at the palace. Iga Idungaran is one of the most important historical sites in Lagos and is the official residence for the Oba of Lagos. An important part of the structure was built by the Portuguese in 1705. The building has been expanded and renovated in stages to keep it in good condition. Tourists who want to explore the palace can ask the Secretary of the Oba of Lagos for permission.

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Travel / Re: Interesting Places And Tourist Attractions In Lagos by YorubaParapo: 4:17pm On Jan 08, 2016
Freedom Park, Lagos
It represents a journey towards the greater goal; the triumph of humanity over all forms of tyranny, both political and social and the ultimate liberation of the human spirit from all that seeks to confine it.

The new FREEDOM PARK Lagos, formerly Old Broad Street Prison; (a colonial instrument of control and oppression) is now a peaceful place for individual and collective contemplation and interaction.

Dedicated to our Heroes past….

Description
Freedom Park is a Memorial and Leisure Park dedicated to the preserving the Lagos colonial heritage and history of the Old Board Street prison.

The park provides venues and the grounds for events and recreational entertainment,with relevant facilities like :• Open Air Stage

• Amphi-theatre
• Pergola Cell (internet booths)
• Skeletal Cells
• Food Court:
• Ponds and Fountains
• Historical Statues
• Museum Complex
- Historical displays
-Souvenir shops
-Resource centre
-Court yard
- Cells Units.
• Wole Soyinka Art Gallery





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