Ethnic conflict, a form of conflict in which the objectives of at least one party are defined in ethnic terms, and the conflict, its antecedents, and possible solutions are perceived along ethnic lines. The conflict is usually not about ethnic differences themselves but over political, economic, social, cultural, or territorial matters.


Ethnic conflict is one of the major threats to international peace and security. Conflicts in the Balkans, Rwanda, Chechnya, Iraq, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, India, and Darfur, as well as in Israel, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip, are among the best-known and deadliest examples from the late 20th and early 21st centuries. The destabilization of provinces, states, and, in some cases, even whole regions is a common consequence of ethnic violence. Ethnic conflicts are often accompanied by gross human rights violations, such as genocide and crimes against humanity, and by economic decline, state failure, environmental problems, and refugee flows. Violent ethnic conflict leads to tremendous human suffering.

Ethnic Identity, Ethnicity, And Ethnic Group
The terms ethnic and ethnicity have their roots in the Greek word ethnos, which describes a community of common descent. In ethnic conflict research, the terms ethnic group, communal group, ethnic community, people, and minority are mostly used interchangeably. Two elements provide the basis to identify ethnic groups: first, the accentuation of cultural traits and, second, the sense that those traits distinguish the group from the members of the society who do not share the differentiating characteristics. Anthony D. Smith, a scholar of ethnicity and nationalism studies, identified ethnic criteria that provide the origins of communal identity. Those include shared historical experiences and memories, myths of common descent, a common culture and ethnicity, and a link with a historic territory or a homeland, which the group may or may not currently inhabit. Elements of common culture include language, religion, laws, customs, institutions, dress, music, crafts, architecture, and even food. Ethnic communities show signs of solidarity and self-awareness, which are often expressed by the name the group gives itself.

Ethnic identity is formed by both tangible and intangible characteristics. Tangible characteristics, such as shared culture or common visible physical traits, are important because they contribute to the group’s feeling of identity, solidarity, and uniqueness. As a result, the group considers perceived and real threats to its tangible characteristics as risks to its identity. If the group takes steps to confront the threats, its ethnicity becomes politicized, and the group becomes a political actor by virtue of its shared identity. On the other side, ethnicity is just as much based on intangible factors—namely, on what people believe, or are made to believe, to create a sense of solidarity among members of a particular ethnic group and to exclude those who are not members.


In reality, some ethnic groups have identities with deep historical roots whereas others do not, and some groups have static identities whereas others have dynamic identities. The concrete expression of ethnicity and its propensity to lead to violence and warfare depend on the context. Ethnic identities are adaptable to and activated by unexpected threats and new opportunities. Ethnicity cannot be politicized unless an underlying core of memories, experience, or meaning moves people to collective action. In light of this, Milton J. Esman, in his book Ethnic Politics (1994), noted that ethnic identity usually “can be located on a spectrum between primordial historical continuities and (instrumental) opportunistic adaptations.”

Several factors contribute to the salience and intensity of ethnic identities. Indisputably, the strongest factor is war and violence. First, the history of common efforts, stories of sacrifices for a common goal, and memories of human suffering create strong connections among the members of affected ethnic groups. Similarly, if a group experiences economic, political, and cultural discrimination, group cohesion tends to increase. Second, a group’s ethnic identity is stronger if mass literacy is achieved. Literacy allows elements of identity to be stored in writing, which means that historical and cultural narratives can reach a mass audience and stay the same over time. Even if an ethnic identity lies dormant for some time, it can be revived. Finally, the identities of nonimmigrant groups tend to be more pronounced than the identities of immigrant ethnic groups. While immigrants often assimilate, nonimmigrant minorities generally adhere to their traditions, especially if they are easily distinguished from the rest of the society by tangible traits such as physical markers.


Origin And Nature Of Ethnic Conflict
Conflict describes a situation in which two or more actors pursue incompatible goals. It is not necessarily violent, but the use of tension, dispute, or unease is more common in a nonviolent context. A violent internal conflict is generally called a civil war or armed conflict when casualties and destruction are substantial, the conflict has a certain duration, the protagonists are organized, and military operations are used to achieve political goals.

Ethnic conflict, therefore, is a form of conflict in which there is an ethnic dimension. The ambitions of at least one party are defined in ethnic terms, and the conflict, its antecedents, and possible solutions are perceived along ethnic lines. The conflict tends not to be about ethnic differences themselves but over political, economic, social, cultural, or territorial matters.

If the political goal of ethnic mobilization is self-determination, the movement is called nationalism. A nation in this context is a politicized ethnic group with the desire for self-government; that self-government may take a variety of forms, ranging from participation in public affairs to local segmental autonomy to territorial claims, including independence. The use of the word nation is problematic. On the one side, nation can mean the state as a whole (the way the term is used in international or United Nations). If nation refers to people in this context, it can be understood as the aggregate, permanent population of the state, based on citizenship. On the other side, the word nation is also widely used to refer to a politicized ethnic group, in which case the link among people is based on ethnicity rather than citizenship.

Ethnic disputes are common in every multicultural society. Intergroup problems arise in periods of substantial political, economic, and social change and lead to uncertainty, emerging opportunities for action, and particularistic interests. Grievances and polarizing leadership lead to mobilization, ranging from political action (conventional politics, strikes, demonstrations, and other nonviolent means) to violent acts such as terrorism, armed uprisings, guerrilla activity, and civil wars.

Causes of ethnic conflict
In several scholarly articles, Michael Edward Brown provided a useful approach to understanding the causes of ethnic conflict. In those articles, he distinguished between underlying causes and proximate causes. Underlying causes include structural factors, political factors, economic and social factors, and cultural and perceptual factors. Proximate causes embrace four levels of conflict triggers: internal mass-level factors (what Brown calls “bad domestic problems”), external mass-level factors (“bad neighborhoods”), external elite-level factors (“bad neighbors”), and internal elite-level factors (“bad leaders”). According to Brown, both underlying and proximate causes have to be present for ethnic conflict to evolve. This section first summarizes what Brown described as the “four main clusters of factors that make some places more predisposed to violence than others”—the underlying causes—and then presents the four catalysts, or triggers, that Brown identified as proximate causes.

Underlying causes




Structural factors
Weak or failed states often serve as an impetus for ethnic conflict. Many times such states are artificial products (e.g., former colonies) that were created without regard for the existing ethnic and political divisions within their borders, and their political and legal institutions tend to be ineffective. Violent conflicts are likely if changes in the economic situation of a state (e.g., cuts in foreign aid, corruption, administrative incompetence, and the inability to promote economic stability) are associated with the deterioration of the political situation in the country and the mobilization of ethnic groups. Group rivalry can lead to military mobilization, which leads to general armament of all ethnic groups within the state. That causes a security dilemma: by making efforts to provide a means with which to defend themselves, ethnic groups often threaten the security of others, whose reactions to that threat may, in turn, increase the threat level faced by the original group or groups. Violent conflicts and internal security dilemmas lead to massive human-rights violations, refugee flows, and spillover effects with the potential to destabilize whole regions.


Ethnic geography—the geographic distribution and territorial concentration of ethnic groups in pluralistic states—also contributes to the likelihood of violent ethnic conflict. Ethnic conflict is particularly common in states with territorially concentrated ethnic groups located near a border or with ethnic kin in an adjacent state. Those groups show high levels of organization and increased group cohesion and are able to use shared homelands as a territorial base for their political struggle.

Political factors
Ethnic conflict is particularly likely in states where ethnic groups lack sufficient representation in public and political institutions. Authoritarian one-party regimes with discriminatory legislation and a lack of opportunities for ethnic groups to participate in state decision-making processes are particularly prone to ethnic conflict. Liberal democracies that focus on the ideals of inclusion, political debate, and the attempt to reach consensus among all participants in the political process facilitate nonviolent ethnopolitical action and are thus less likely to experience rebellion or uprisings.

Exclusionary national ideologies may also serve as a source of conflict. Nationalism and, in an increased form, citizenship based on ethnic distinctions are especially dangerous because such ideologies tend to flourish in situations of political uncertainty and economic collapse. Other forms of exclusionary national ideologies include religious fundamentalism and supremacist fascist expressions.

The existence, or lack of existence, of stable domestic intergroup relations can also have a bearing on whether violent ethnic conflict is likely to occur. Violent conflict is particularly probable if the claims of the various ethnic groups are incongruous, if groups have strength and are organized, if it is possible for groups to take action, if success is a feasible outcome, and if there is a tangible fear of suppression and discrimination on the basis of ethnicity.


The tactics that may be utilized by leaders and elites during political turmoil also affect the likelihood of violent ethnic conflict. Scapegoating, hate speech, and manipulation of the mass media are means that have the potential to heighten existing discord between ethnic groups.

Economic and social factors
Economic problems such as slowdowns, stagnation, deterioration, and complete collapse are sources of state destabilization and can lead to increased tensions and competition among ethnic groups. Discriminatory economic systems in which various groups are faced with inequitable options (in terms of economic opportunities, access to land and other resources, standards of living, and the like) generate resentment and also contribute to tensions and destabilization. Fast economic transitions (e.g., from centrally planned to market economies) and development can also aggravate instability by creating favourable conditions for domestic migration, urbanization, and other societal changes to which the existing political and social structures might not be able to adapt. These changes also can raise hopes for economic and political gains that might not come to fruition and might then serve as a source of frustration.

Cultural or perceptual factors
Cultural factors such as problematic group histories, stereotypical perceptions, and grievances over cultural discrimination—including limitations on religious and cultural practices, unequal educational opportunities, and restrictions on the use of minority languages—are common causes of ethnic conflict. In addition, a weakening of traditional forms of dispute settlement (such as a council of elders) changes the environment for the resolution of ethnic disputes.

Proximate causes
Brown notes that proximate causes can be situated within a matrix that identifies them as being instigated at either an elite level or a mass level and as being instigated by developments that occur internally or externally. He thus identifies four main types of proximate causes of internal conflict: internal mass-level factors, external mass-level factors, external elite-level factors, and internal elite-level factors.

Internal mass-level factors
Internal mass-level factors may include fast-paced economic changes, modernization, patterns of political or economic discrimination, and internal migration. Brown deems those “bad domestic problems.”

External mass-level factors
“Bad neighborhoods,” according to Brown, are created when radicalized politics in a region lead to contagion, diffusion, and spillover effects (external mass-level causes). Those effects can also occur when refugees or fighters from neighbouring countries cross the border and bring violence and unrest with them.

External elite-level factors
External elite-level factors exist when governments make decisions to provoke conflicts in weak neighbouring states for political, economic, security, or ideological reasons, leading to Brown’s label “bad neighbors.” In addition, in some cases, ethnic minorities decide to wage a violent struggle in the hope of political gains and international support. Ethnic groups assume the willingness of the international community to react and to provide a political forum to support negotiation, arbitration, and the settlement of disputes.

Internal elite-level factors
Brown uses the term “bad leaders” to refer to internal elite-level factors. Those include power struggles by leaders of different groups, ideological disputes over the way a country should be organized, and criminal activity directed against a country’s sovereignty by leaders of organized crime. Leaders have the ability to “play the ethnic card”—to invoke ethnicity in situations where it may or may not be relevant—in a manner that can quickly lead to increased tensions between ethnic groups.



Dynamics of ethnic conflict
Once ethnic conflict breaks out, it is difficult to stop. Massive human-rights violations and physical attacks on civilians—such as rape, torture, mass killings, ethnic cleansing, and genocide—lead to tremendous human suffering. Systematic discrimination and exclusion from national and local political decision making, the appropriation of ethnic minorities’ traditional homelands, and policies that marginalize ethnic minorities are common practices accompanying ethnic conflict.



Even if fought at a low level of intensity, protracted ethnic conflicts have a great impact on the affected society. The lack of functional or legitimate political institutions, weak economic performance, a nonexistent or polarized structure of civil society, and antagonized elites lead to polarization and separation, leaving societies deeply divided and prone to further ethnic strife. In addition, ethnic conflicts have very direct effects far beyond their epicentres. Those involve refugee flows, internal displacement, regional instability, economic failures, environmental disasters, diffusion and spillover effects, and conditions favourable to organized crime and terrorism.

Ethnic conflicts spread in two ways. Diffusion occurs when an ethnic conflict in one state stimulates conflict in another state with similar conditions. Successful movements provide images and moral incentives that result in the motivation and mobilization of other ethnic movements in similar economic and political conditions. Escalation or contagion effects occur when a conflict in one country spreads across borders into neighbouring countries in which an ethnic minority has its kinfolk. That usually involves the engagement of new foreign fighters who are employed by local elites. Ethnic conflicts may start out as intrastate disputes, but they become regional or international crises when foreign powers get involved.



Neighbouring states, regional powers, and international powers are often overwhelmed and unable to deal with international consequences of ethnic conflicts. However, in many cases, those external actors are not passive victims of ethnic crises but actively pursue their own agendas and interests. Foreign sympathizers and diasporas can contribute substantially to a group’s cohesion and mobilization by providing financial, military, political, and moral support. External actors in some cases play important roles in inflaming conflicts or prolonging violent struggles. Opportunistic interventions to gain military, economic, or political benefits take advantage of conflict-affected states and contribute to the conflict. At the same time, international involvement can be crucial in preventing and settling ethnic conflict. The international community plays a role in negotiating, organizing, and supervising cease-fires and peace agreements; investigating past human rights violations; implementing the provisions of peace settlements; conducting peace operations including humanitarian, military, and economic assistance; imposing arms embargoes and economic sanctions; and providing mechanisms that build confidence and capacity and support peaceful means of solving future disputes. Neighbouring states and the international community can thus be victims of the troubles in the region or active contributors—sometimes deliberately, in other cases unintentionally—by providing military, economic, or political support to ethnic groups or by engaging in negotiation and peace implementation. Regional instability is as much a source of ethnic conflict as it is a consequence.

Conclusion
Cultural differences and ethnic conflicts are important issues shaping international politics. Because cultural affiliations and ethnic identity are particularly strong factors shaping group relations, these conflicts have led to tremendous human suffering and are a significant threat to international security. Instability, refugee flows, spillover effects, and other international consequences guarantee that ethnic conflict remains an issue on the international political agenda. However, it is not the cultural differences per se that lead to conflict but the political, ideological, and economic goals of international actors, regardless of whether these actors are states or ethnic groups. Given the complexity of ethnic and cultural conflicts, there is no easy solution to related issues.

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