In Gunda, Your Excellency, people are forced to trade with enclaves like Ashaka and Ngalda in Gombe and Yobe states, respectively. Tons of maize and beans are taken to these markets before finding their way to Dawanau Market in Kano. Farmers in the South West part of Biu like Kwaya Kusar, Ɓayo etc depend on Gombe while those in the North East (Gwoza, Uba) go to Mubi and other markets in Adamawa.
Your Excellency, in view of this ugly socioeconomic development and also the need to relief the terrible hardships of the communities in Biu alongside with those along the affected highway corridors, you may wish to;
• Get the Biu Dam completed
• Reconstruct, (not patch) the Damaturu-Biu-Garkida highway
• Do all it takes to open and keep open the Maiduguri-Damboa-Biu road
• Construct the Biu/Miringa-Garubula-Gunda-Tattaba link road
• Put more effort in bringing back the remaining Chibok girls and
• Evacuate the willing Gwoza and other IDPs from neighbouring Cameroon and Chad to their ancestral homes. These are few among the numerous excruciating pains of the people.
Mr. Vice President, Sir, without doubt, you are in a good stead to address the humble challenges aforementioned and more. The capacity and support system are there to leverage. Your Excellency, you have a very capable and hardworking governor at the home front. Borno State hosts the headquarters of the North East Development Commission (NEDC). You also have the NSA from the brotherly neighbouring Adamawa state
The Borno State team, comprising the VP, the Governor, Senate Chief Whip, the Senate Appropriations Chair, and other loyal legislators in the federal and state assembly, could not be more formidable. The team is also too privileged to fail. All that is needed is the political will and the compassion to do the right thing. A legacy mark is required.
Your Excellency, please, accept my assurances of highest regard.
A. G. Abubakar.
agbarewa@gmail.com

The national government's vision that informed the Biu network of highways was to facilitate economic activities especially agriculture and livestock, plus general commerce. The South-North highway was meant to evacuate livestock and farm produce from the Mambila-Adamawa enclave to the Railway Station at Buni-Yadi and from there to the Southern parts of the Country.
There was also a cotton Ginnery in Biu, which, together with the ones in Gombe, fed the textiles in Kaduna and Kano. The link between Biu in Maiduguri was meant to shorten the travel time for local commuters and Eastern Nigeria-bound (through Jos) haulage of goods, especially from the Lake Chad zone. Your Excellency, all these, have but gone. The people of Biu and most of the communities along the corridors of the now dilapidated highways have since become economically challenged over time. Widespread poverty has taken over. And the little so produced by necessity are traded with next door neighbors at ridiculous terms. The Biu area and parts of Southern Borno have been the natural food basket of Borno and other neighbouring states given its rich soil and abundant rainfall. The dearth of the physical infrastructure like roads have, however, denied the state the full benefit of the same. Especially in revenue and food self-sufficiency.

There have been symbolic concerns in the recent past, Your Excellency, but be rest assured that it could only go as far. The supply system which is one of the critical aspects of potable water delivery, hasn't been articulated. Your government shouldn't allow the Biu Dam to become another white elephant project in the North East. So much hope and resources shall be at stake, needlessly. As regards roads linking Biu, the town has literally and metaphorically been at a serious crossroads. Litera, ly Biu town sits on the intersection of two major highways. One, from North to South and the other East to West. The North-South highway links Damaturu the Yobe State capital via Biu to Gombi in Adamawa state over a distance of about 225 kms. Those old enough could vividly recall with nostalgia, the project signboards at Biu and Damaturu, reading: "Damaturu-Biu-Little Gombi" as the project and the FGN, its client. The defunct "Stirling Astaldi Nig. Ltd" as the contractor. The East-West connects Maiduguri via Damboa and Biu to Gombe town in Gombe state. It covers a distance of 202 kms. Biu is 117 kms to Gombe. A feeder road also branches of the Damaturu-Biu highway to Gunda, a border town near the Southern tip of Yobe state and some parts of Gombe state.
Your Excellency, these networks of roads were constructed about half a century ago. Precisely, in the twilight of the 60s and early 70s. Eras that could be less demanding than now after the population and human-to-human interaction had doubled. Unfortunately, and regardless of the positive role infrastructure plays in regional and national development, successive governments left the network to go into a total state of dilapidation. The one-hour journey from Damaturu to Biu now takes more than three. The extension to Garkida-Gombi, the same thing. The Gombe to Biu, too, which should be two hours now takes more than three. The road from Biu to Maiduguri has been closed since 2016. Attempt to open it in 2018, couldn't endure because of Boko Haram challenges and government's half-hearted attempt to keep it accessible. A situation that emboldened the insurgents operating in the ungoverned space.

Vice President, Kashim Shettima, GCON at 58: A Birthday Wish and A Call for Attention.

I wish to join the millions of people of Nigeria, Borno State and especially those from Borno South in wishing His Excellency a happy birthday. We pray to Allah SWT to grant him a long, long life in good health and wisdom in the service of the motherland and humanity. This birthday, coming after the first anniversary of the current Administration, is significant in more ways than one. First, the take-off challenges associated with a new Administration, would have been reasonably addressed. Second, the government vision should have been gotten clearer. We wish you and the President, C in C, well.
The onerous task of leading a huge and diverse nation like Nigeria, cannot be taken for granted. But for sure, you and your principal, Mr. President C-in-C is more than capable. History, experience, and the prayers of patriots are with you. May you keep doing His will, especially when it comes to justice and fair play for all Nigerians.
This humble birthday wishes, Your Excellency, is also intended to draw your attention to the challenges of infrastructure deficits in your backyard; the Southern flank of Borno State. A state you superintended its affairs for 8 years in executive capacity and much more as a member of the State's Executive Council (Exco). As the number two man in nation, you are in a good state to enhance your home base and also leave an enduring legacy behind if you could pay attention to the physical and social infrastructure decay across Southern Borno. A region whose electoral value cannot be taken for granted. Most astute politicians take pride in flaunting their complete electoral safety on the "home front." Southern Borno had been veritable part of the Borno political experience. Whether as a "one party" state since the GNPP era in the 80s through to the current APC or as a victim of the decade and a half Boko Haram insurgency.
However, Your Excellency, while Southern Borno has shared the pains of the State, the opportunities that accrue to the polity has been less reflective of this fact. The Gwoza IDPs in Cameroon are still there. The majority of the Chibok girls are yet to come home and the issue seemingly getting relegated. Biu town believed to be the defector political center of Southern Borno has its roads and water infrastructure in complete state of ruins. Your Excellency may be in a position to attest to this fact since information has it that you had a stint in one of the post primary institutions at Biu in the 80s. And might even be conversant with the popular “gauta da yaji" (spiced garden egg) delicacy, or take a few steps of what looks like the Ethiopian eskista-themed Waksha-Waksha dance!
The Biu Dam conceived about 40 years ago is yet to deliver a drop of water to Biu Town and environs. The vision of irrigation in the circumstance doesn't arise as the domestic needs could not be met as a matter of priority. If the Dam had come on line twenty years ago, it would have been ripe for desilting/dredging. In fact, President Obasanjo as far back as 9th, July, 2000. communicated the willingness of his government to partner with the Borno State Government to complete the Biu Dam, but to no avail. The state government has not been able to prioritize it with all seriousness.

The Way to Go
The problems in addressing the various crisis especially the sectarian ones are two folds. Poor understanding of the root causes and the existence of an enabling environment. Going by the history of religious movement, the causes are ideological and deeply impeded in the belief system. Bad governance and socioeconomic deprivation are just fuel. They don't cause it. They facilitate them.
The war against them has to be taken to the heart and minds of those that got wrongly indoctrinated or programmed, through an appropriate Islamic education process at the relevant levels. The roots of scourge is beyond the capacity of any political actor or actors. Even the jihadists themselves might not understand the depth of the pit they were sucked into. So, the earlier the government and the citizenry moved away from cheap and simplistic political and ethnic excuses, the better. Surprisingly, many government functionaries at the highest levels (state and federal), have this shallow view.
Next shall be to drain the swamp of poverty so to deny the insurgency the needed fuel for insurgency.
The state governments, especially in the Muslim majority-states should start preparations for the immediate introduction of an Islamic Religious education in their schools to shield the young children from eventual porching by extremists. The Presentren Pondok of Malaysia, the Madarasa system in parts of India/Pakistan and the Middle East could provide some valuable lessons.
Conclusion
Nigeria doesn't need to look any further to see how radicalization and insurgency can kill nations, by looking at the turmoil in neighboring Niger, Mali, B/Faso. In these countries, more than 50% of territories are outside the effective control of government.
The same thing shall happen in Nigeria when the marauding terrorists, armed bandits/herdsmen got ideologically dovetailed in radical extremists religious sects. No reasonable person can see any gain from the situations in the some of the West African countries and also in faraway Somalia, Sudan and the DRC. The time to wake up is now.
A.G. Abubakar
agbarewa@gmail.com

Radicalization/Extremism Phenomenon
The salafi in Nigeria became manifest about half a century ago. Prior to that most Muslim people practice the Sufi version that seemed to be less stringent. The aspects mysticism and free thinking equally appeal to cultural beliefs. Marabouts, and spiritual healers were held in high esteem. In 1804, the Danfodio reform movement called for the purification of Islam, basically along the Sufi order which most Northern traditional rulers have imbibed. This continued until the last quarter of the 20th century.
As Salafism took root in Nigeria, the group subtly gravitated towards three subgroups. These could be classified loosely as:
a) the participatory,
b) non-participatory gradualists and
c) the qital-jihadists who are in a hurry to create an Islamic State in Nigeria.
Participatory here means working under democracy while calling for change. A philosophy of change is better achieved from inside. Late Gumi, one of the pioneer proponents of Salafism, could be referred to as a "participatory" Salafist. He was the Grand Khadi of Northern Nigeria when Sir Ahmadu Bello was the Premier, (other pioneers included Ismaila Idris and Bawa Mai Shinkafa, both of blessed memory). People like, Prof/Sheik Isa Pantami (Cabinet Minister, in the Buhari Administration), Daurawa (Head of Hisba Board, Kano), Bala Lau, Jabir Mai Hula (Commissiner, Sokoto), Aliyu Umar, Rijiyar Lemo (Lecturer), Mansur Sokoto (Lecturer), Ahmed Lemu (Judge, Niger), and a host of others, are relating with democratic governance well. Their strengths, so it would seem are geared towards issues of morality like hijab, mass weddings, separation of gender, observing the five pillars of Islam and related Muslim way of life.
The gradualists are those who concern themselves basically with the exegesis/tafsir and teaching the religion. They distance themselves from government, but not unduly antagonistic towards it. They believe that change will come when the level of those knowledgeable in Islam reaches a critical mass.

Clerics like Haifan, late Abba Aji, Albany Zaria, Revered Ja'afar Mahmud Adam and a few others "may" fall in this category. The third are those who believe in weaponising aspects of teachings of Ibn Taymiyya, Abd al-Wahab, Bin Baz, Uthaymeen, Sayyid Qutb, al-Banna to "hasten the establishment of the Shari'a State" through coercion/war (Jihad). Democratic governance is an aberration to be obliterated. In the process, other movements and citizens who are considered complicit are to be destroyed!

That was the story of the Boko and how it's founder Muhammad Yusuf and a little known co-traveler Muhammad Ali, afterward being indoctrinated by the radical teachings of Salafi scholars parted way with "gradualist" teacher Sheik Ja'afar to create a jihadist movement called "Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati wal-Jihad" (the congregation of the people of the sunnah for da'awah and jihad). It is known locally as "Boko Haram" because the group was fond of preaching against western education as it calls for war (jihad) against western values including democratic governance the fact here is if at his (Yusuf) deep level of Islamic knowledge he could be so swayed, the generality of the untaught become easier fonder. They further got inspirations from older groups like the Taliban, Al qa'ida, Islamic State, Al Shabab, and the likes.

Earlier on, Sufism gave birth to the Maitasine Movement in the early 80s that raved Kano and other parts of the North. It is believed that since the sector's practices involved fetishism, and the coveting of women, they could not be part of Salafi movement. Movements such as the Maitasine and Boko Haram have cost nation its development as it rendered sizable part of multidimensionally poor and ungovernable. A situation that served a stimulus to other nefarious elements in the society to take to criminal activities with ease. The North and indeed the whole country had been infested with one form of armed group or the other. Armed gangs, kidnappers, terrorists and insurgents are having a field day. Lives and properties have become disposable objects and stretching government capacity to a breaking point. If it hasn't already reached.

The inability of successive governments to address the problems of sectarian movements and crisis from the roots had been the biggest draw back in containing the manifestation and maturity of armed conflicts and insurgency in Nigeria. Nigeria has thus joined the unenviable club of nations that struggle with peace and underdevelopment for more than one and a half decades if it's not a war of liberation.

In the Beginning
Islam, as it were, is a way of life, a political system and diplomacy, all rolled in one. The Prophet, during his lifetime, served as a spiritual head, a political leader and statesman, and a family man guided by divine messages (WAHAYI). Divisions started immediately after his death, starting with the political succession and also how to run the nascent Islamic Community (state) as of the time. The four closest disciples (Sahabi) were Abubakar (632-634 CE), Umar (634-644 CE), Usman (644-656 CE), and the Prophet’s cousin whom he raised Ali (656-661 CE). The four are referred to collectively as "Al-Khulafa' ar-Rashidun" (the rightly guided successors).
The "crisis" of succession started with fictionalization of support (shi'a), as faithful’s overtly or tacitly indicated their preference for the worthy candidates in contention. Shi'a as an ordinary Arabic word for faction however a acquired sectarian connotation during a later day succession crisis between followers of Ali, (and offspring’s Hassan and Hussain) on one side and those of the third Caliph Usman and his relation Muawiyah (governor of Sham, then) and his children, especially, Yazid, on the other. The intricate conflict (fitna) of the time culminated in the first permanent
crack in the Muslim world. It was basically a crisis born out of leadership tussle! It created the Sunni (those that follow and revere all the four caliphs without exception) and the Shi'a group who largely believe in Calipher Ali (RA).
The Shia and Sunni, Part Ways
The Shi’a consequently went on to adopt an Imamate system of government. Here, learned theologians who have traceable blood connections to the House of Ali, through his son Hussain, becomes the supreme spiritual and political head of the Muslim Ummah (State) as in the case of Iran. Over time, however, this requirement and others got diluted giving rise to more than a dozen subdivisions. They include the Sixers, Twelvers (ithna Ashari), Isma'ilias, Alawites (Nusayri), Druze, Zaidi/Houthi, Alevi etc. across the globe. The Hezbollah, Hamas, and Houthis are believed to be the militant/missionary arms of the group. Globally, the Shia is estimated to constitute 10% of the 2 billion Muslim population or thereabout, (Pew Research Centre).
The Sunni Political Engineers
As Islam expanded thereafter, some prominent scholars started work on how to evolve a more seamless and crisis free, Islamic political system based exclusively on the provisions of the Qur'an and the prophetic ways of life and sayings (Hadith and Sunna).
The prominent figures in this movement across various eras include Al-mawardi (972-1058) Al Ghazali (1058-1111), Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328) and Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406), just to mention a few. These scholars influenced the works of latter day scholars that currently serve as reference points/role models in parts of the Islamic world. Some the seminal works/treaties include, "The Ordinances of Government" (Al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyya) by Almawardi, and "The Incoherence of the Philosophers" (Tahafut al-Falasifa) spiting the Greek Philosophers, by Ghazali. Others are "Aqidah al-Wasitiyyah", "Minhaj al-Sunnah al-Nabawiyyah" and "al-Siyasa al-Shar'iyya" all authored by Taymiyya. Ibn Khaldun's concept of "Asabiyya" (social cohesion) has also remained a great reference source. The body of these works and similar have become "magna cater" of Sharia State scholars worldwide. Nigeria inclusive.
After Shi'a Left, The Sunni Too, Broke into Two: Sufism And Salafism
After the Shia sect left the attempt to reform the practice among the Sunni too, led to the manifestation of two Orders largely on account of purity. Some socioeconomic and political systems were believed to have been subtly influenced by popular philosophies of the time, especially the Greek and the Romans. The teachings of Al-Hassan al-Basri (642-728), Rumi (1207-1273), and those of Ghazali and Ibn Khaldun are believed to have have incorporated elements of external philosophical,
metaphysical concepts, including mysticism. This development, among others led some group to walk away literally from what they called Sufism. Sufi here is derived from the "...sophy" part of the “philosophy."
On the other hand, those bent on purity as done by forebears got referred to as the Salafi. Salaf is the arabic word for ancestors. This technically implied that Salafism aimed to practice the Islam as it was done by the Prophet and the four Rightly Guided Caliphs
In Nigeria, the Sufi Sunni may include the Tijjaniyah, Ahamadiyya, Qadriyyah, and the likes. Some of the prominent leaders of the group are the revered Sheik Dahiru Bauchi, Alfa Oranaike, Salaudeen Parakoyi, Adam Al-Ilori, Ishaka Rabiu, Emir Sanusi Lamido Sanusi Emir (current and/or former), of Kano, Sheik Ibrahim Saleh etc. While many are still alive, some had passed on. The Sufi group is generally more laid back and less revolutionary in approach.
The sunni -salaf driven by the teachings of Ibn Taymiyya, and those he influenced like Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahab (1703-1792), believed to be the father of Wahabism, and those he influenced such as Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia, Abd al-Aziz ibn Baz (1910-1999), and Muhammad ibn Uthaymeen, all of Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has more puritanical leanings that repudiate innovations (bid'ah) in practice of Islam, including the practice of western-style democracy. Shari'a minded in varying degrees among its members.
They stood on the shoulders of earlier scholars, particularly like Ibn Taymiyya. Many however believed that aspects of the themes of his work were impacted by the Muslim world's aversion to the tyrannical rulers of the Mongols (Muguls) that conquered parts of the Arabian Peninsula, India, and Pakistan (the Indus Valley) during that period. He saw "adulteration" in the way the Muguls were practicing the faith.He thus became a serious opponent of "occupation" and or "participation" in their government and the vehemently called for the establishment of a true Shari'a political system (Shari'a State). Its today’s parlance part of his works could pass for "liberation theology," as Christianity did in Latin America.
In the early part of the 20th century, the duo of Sayyid Qutb and Hassan al-Banna idealised the teachings of Ibn Taymiyya and Abd al-Wahab (Wahabism) to challenge Colonial rule in Egypt. They created the Muslim Brotherhood (1928) as a vanguard of resistance. The Brotherhood was also continued fighting injustices even after independent. Al- Banna died in 1948 while Sayyid Qutb actually paid the supreme price for his activities with the movement in 1966. Though not every Salafi subscribed to the Egyptian version, the flame of the ideology seems to have resonated in many parts of the Muslim world. Here lies the power of interpretation. While some people could interpret the text to mean purification, others saw it as a weapon. A case of half full and half empty! A challenge Nigeria and many Muslim countries are facing.
Many great scholars in Nigeria have embraced the Salafism. Clerics like Gumi, Ismaila Idris, Ja'afar, Albany Zaria, Abba Aji, Tajudeen Adigun, Kabir Gombe, Mansur Sokoto, Jabir Maihula, Aliyu Umar, Rijiyar Lemu, Usman Gadon Ƙaya, Sambo Rigachikun, Mai Shinkafa, Bala Lau etc have been active proponents of the Salafi ideals with varying degrees of restraints. On the whole however they have avoided violence even when keeping the vision of Sharia in focus and sight.

Radicalism and Extremism in The North: A Historical Context and Why the Governors and Elites Should Act Fast.


There is no need to bore the reader with the socioeconomic misery index. The average Northerner either knows or understands that the security of life and property is all but gone across segments of the region. Insurgents and armed groups are brazenly on prowl leaving blood and tear in their trail.
The seeming conspiracy of silence among Northern elites and governments had since emboldened religious extremists and armed groups. The divisive activities of some clerics which governments seem to turn blind eyes to, has added fuel to the emerging conundrum. Known or unknown to authorities, sectarian challenges constitute the greatest single factor that will disintegrate the North and ultimately Nigeria, if not nipped in the bud.
The history of all the major faiths tells that they all had their periods of trials and tribulations. How they prevailed depend on how their internal contradictions and divisions are managed largely through appropriate process of religious education and enlightenment as against the laissez-faire system in the North.
Christianity had its own sectarian challenges, but which seems to be contained. The sequence of the division from the Catholic, could be as follows; the Protestant (1517) on account of Martin Luther’s ninety-five theses, the Anglican (1534), the Pentecostal (1901), and the Spiritual/White garment churches in the 70s. They operate and coexist with "limited" inter-sect/denomination frictions. It all boils down to organization and management. The practice of Islam in the Middle East, and other Asian countries like Indonesia, Malaysia etc. should ordinarily provide a lesson for the North, since they are guided by the same Message.
Islamic Northern Nigeria, unfortunately is yet to find its cohesion as various groups pull in different directions. A problem that could be rightly attributed to the challenges of textual understanding and interpretations (exergies). A phenomenon, that is capable of tearing the fabrics of the country apart if not fully understood both contextually and historically. No society can wish away sectarian divisions. They are as old as most religions. What matters is how they are navigated. Islam is no exception. Its internal frictions and conflicts could be traced to the post era of the Messenger of Islam, Muhammad (s.a.w) who passed on in the year 662 CE.

Much ado about the Samoa Agreement

Nigerians, it would appear, are always on a lookout for opportunities to "create a storm in a tea cup" or a "mountain out of a mole." For a week or so, the media, both traditional and social, have been awash with news concerning the "Samoa Agreement" as signed by the Nigerian government.

A section of the media/clergy contended that the Agreement obligated its signees to recognise the sexual orientation rights of individuals to be a lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or queer (LGBTQ+), and more (+) such as a "non-binary" etc. Some went further to allege that government was preparing towards legalisation of same-gender marriages among the LGBTQ+ community in Nigeria, ultimately.

From nowhere, a section of the society went to town with the accusations that the government had signed to subscribe to the practice of LGBTQ+ in Nigeria which in their considered options run counter to peoples' moral, cultural and religious values, which should be stopped at all cost!

Truth was that many of the traducers of the government had not read the Samoo Agreement because there was no reference whatsoever to the acronym "LGBTQ+,) in the entire text. When that was pointed, then they made recourse to the existence of the word "gender rights," maybe as a second thought, to maintain their unfounded claim/stand.

Unfortunately, too, the use of the phrase "gender rights" has been an integral part of the UN System for about half a century to date. Since the need to improve the lots of womenfolk, dawned on humanity in the 70s and 80s, one of the lexicons so adopted include "gender rights." This represents a mellowed version of earlier ones such as 'gender equality', "what a man can do, a woman can do (even better)," etc.

Other euphemisms and/or diplomatic languages were brought in later just to assuage apprehensions and sensibilities with the use of "gender equity," instead of gender equality, or the "affirmative" action. It was also around the time that some women (and men) too started using such phrases as "Chairperson" when the occasion was being chaired by a woman, instead of the generic "Chairman." Most people understood these paradigm shifts without imputing a foul play.

Furthermore, most of the programme support documents (PSD) by both multilateral and bilateral doner agencies are replete with the word "gender," "gender rights," "gender mainstreaming," and "gender support,". These aspirations towards the development of the women segment culminated in the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action, where nations affirmed their commitment to "ensure greater equality and opportunities for women and men, girls and boys."

It went on to recommend to UN member nations to strive to set aside 30% of national endeavours to women for a start. First ladies from member countries of the UN including some from the Muslim countries of the Middle East and Asia, were in attendance. In fact, sections of the women activists have since been calling for more, out of enthusiasm. The more ambitious ones aspired for a 50:50 ratio between men and women by the year 2020, christened 2020-5050.! Those conversant with the provisions of MDG, SDG documents of the UN, and also that of bilateral donors such as USAID (USA), JICA (Japan), GIZ (Germany), QC (Qatar Charity) including the World Bank/IMF can attest to this.

At the home front, the various national vision frameworks articulated by successive governments, which were basically mutants/clones, also made copious use of the vocabularies and phrases. The Vision 2010, 2020, the NEEDs patterned their contents along the donor-countries' approaches/frameworks as well. The goals and objectives of defunct programmes like the Better Life for Rural Women (BLRW), FEAP, FSP, WID, Child Care Trust, WOTCLEF etc in Nigeria, were largely gender-biased.

Now, some are calling for the interrogation of the definitions of both words, gender and right, in what looks like an attempt to split hair. The fact remains that the definitions from various self- respecting sources have "largely" defined them with reference to "roles," "responsibilities," and "opportunities" in domestic/household and national settings. And for "rights" on its own, it is a neutral word.

The Collins English defines gender as "the state of being male or female in relation to social and cultural roles that are considered appropriate for men and women." The Oxford Dictionary considers gender to be male of female especially with reference to "social and cultural differences rather than biological ones, or one of a range of 'identities' that do not correspond to established ideas of male and female.

May be it's the "other identities" that poisoned the understanding of the concept. In climes where mutual distrust wasn't part of the citizens' DNA, imputing "where applicable" to references made to "other identities" would have sufficed since the document is a global one. The language of treaties, coventions, and international relations are usually read and understood in both spirit and letter. For, neither spirit or letter alone meets diverse expectations.

If the vehement opposition to the Samoa Agreement has been directed in equal measure against vices that the Almighty Himself hates such as corruption, injustice, transgression/fasadi (immorality, falsehood, exploitation, manipulation) and nepotism in society, Nigeria would not have been this "devasted." Turning one's back against these iniquities too is a way of soliciting for God's mercy in the Hereafter, but for which many of those up in arms against the Samoa Agreement are seemingly, ready to dispense with, in preference for selling the false image of piety to the World. A sheer hypocrisy?

In any case, this is Nigeria. A land of enormous chasm and schism where mutual suspicion has been elevated to an art form. A society that has so programmed its citizens to generally perceive more negativity than positivity in national life and conspiracy theories as a national pastime.

The uproar against the Samoa Agreement is the latest in the series. Something new may crop to keep people talking once more in a few day's time, thus consigning Samoa Agreement to the archive. One wishes, Nigeria is a productively engaging nation where citizens shall be busy making contributions towards nation building instead of finding reasons to pull her down under self-serving guises.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com

FOR THE LOVE OF YOBE...AND BORNO.
By: A. G. Abubakar.
Some sections of Yobe State feel nostalgic about their time under old Borno State. Many feel Yobe state is not Kanuri enough by complexion and image. Thus, those who hold this sentiment, have not only set-up permanent homes in Borno but seemed eager to trade their state of origin status for the latter. This is perfect if such moves are devoid of misgivings regarding Yobe as a state. The perception of Yobe by some of her elites has been similar to what obtains in neighboring Jigawa State in relation to Kano State.
It took the tough stand of the then, Governor Sule Lamido in 2007 to force the elites to stay and work in Dutse, the State capital. Two reasons might have accounted for the state of affairs in Yobe and Jigawa namely, the esteem the name Kano and Borno confer on individuals and also the seeming problems associated with the geographic/economic configuration of Yobe and Jigawa. And not discounting the initial challenges of accommodation and logistics, at the inception. However, unlike Jigawa people Yobeans have no reason to feel nostalgic about Borno because the umbilical cord of what is now Borno is buried in Yobe state; old Ngazargamo at that. Borno empire as a successor of Kanem Empire had its first major headquarters at Birnin Ngazargamo for the longest period of time during which it reached its zenith.
2. Established in 1488 AD under Mai Ali Gaji (Gazi) Ngazargamo (1460/88 -1809) served as the seat of the Borno Empire for more than three centuries. It was here that Borno was able to set the tone for later years boundary push and /or dispersal of the Kanuri westward into parts of present day Jigawa (Hadeja, Malammadori, Kirikasama etc), northern Kano and Katsina, up to Damagaram in Niger Republic. The menacing activities of Kwararrafa Kingdom to the southwest of Borno was equally contained from the impirial seat at Ngazargamo. The present-day Southern Borno and Gombe/Bauchi axis were the theatres of some of the wars. The last Jukun (Kwararrafa) and Borno war fought in 1644. Through all these, the Empire was able to extend her influence on as far as Zazzau where the Kanuri constitute one of the ruling families by providence. The same scenario obtains in Lafiya, Nasarawa state and other parts of the Middle Belt region. Later day wars like the one with the vasal Kindom of Mandara under Mai Bila in 1781 and that of Fulani Jihad sympathizer Goni Mukhtar, plus internal power struggles conspired to draw the curtain on Ngazargamo as the seat of Borno Empire. The jihadists and their growing sympathizers were able to sack the capital but were unable to take control. Repeated attempts to do so via the Southwestern flank via Gombe were checkmated by Kingdom of Biu forces, under Mai (Kuthli) Mari Watirwa (1793-1870). The battle took place around present day areas of Gunda/Gulani not too far from Ɓərmi (Bormi). Mai Watirwa succumbed to the battle wounds and eventually died, the Biu Kindgdom and Borno Empire were saved even though the seat of latter's Ngazargamo was lost. Ɓərmi (Bormi) as it were, was where Sultan was martyred by colonial forces which were in pursuit of him from Sokoto. In 1901 Fadi-Allah the son of Rabih was also killed in Gujba a Borno town between Biu and Borno Emirates. Today the areas of Gunda, Gujba, Gulani and Bormi constitute a tripoint region connecting Borno, Yobe and Gombe states; an enclave with huge potential for commerce, if effectively opened up by the three.
3. Now fast forward. And a version of what transpired posits that in August 1991 when the Regime of Babangida contemplated the creation of more states, his second- -in-command Abacha, who doubled as "son of the soil " was despatched to consult with the late Shehu of Borno. And naturally as a monarch, the Shehu's first instinct was to resist the balkanisation of an entity (Empire) bequeathed by his forefathers, during his reign, which was to be expected. As a bait, Abacha was however made to convince him that the state to be created out of Borno would not be to the disadvantage of his subjects especially the Kanuri stock. He was infact promised that the new capital of the proposed will be in the Borno Emirate side of the state which is Damaturu. With that settled the Shehu gave his nod. And consistent with this tacit "understanding" Yobe State was curved out of Borno. Overtly however the reason for the creation of Yobe especially with Damaturu as its capital was presented as being informed by quest for rapid development and "centrality" of the proposed capital, in that the state would comprise three emirates of Biu, Fika and Bade. Consequently, Damaturu, then even though a smaller settlement became the capital in the name of fairness to the trio. The economy and population of both the new Borno and Yobe were equally configured in a balanced way. However, no sooner the state was created, moves were made by made by powerful forces from Biu and Borno Emirates to resist the inclusion of Biu. Fika Emirate "innocently" joined the bandwagon citing an order of protocol "incidence" between the Emirs of Biu and Fika. Biu eventually got struck out of Yobe and thus remained in Borno with far reaching consequences for the long-term development of the two states. Yobe as it is having been left with smaller population with fragile economy in terms of agricultural and ecological considerations. With five local governments, deep in the southern flank of the state, Biu would have been the food basket of Yobe State as it does Borno currently. As for Borno too, having 27 local governments while your weaker offshoot/neighbor has only 17 doesn't look/seem equitable. The initial equation was Biu Emirate with 5 local governments would give Yobe a total of 22 while Borno retains 22 too (27 less 5). Same would have been, with the corresponding populations of the two state But that is now history.
4. The circumstances that brought about Yobe State as it is today could have been better, but Yobe people have every reason to be proud of the entity. The defunct Ngazargamo gave Borno and the Kanuri their essence and prestige. Remove Ngazargamo (Yobe State) in the narrative of Kanem-Borno and the history would be less compelling. In fact, the name of the State should have been Kanem State as a mark of honor. And it believed even other component parts of the State who claim common root/brotherhood with Borno/Kanuri won't say no. After all the etymology of the word Kanem (Annəm) has to do with direction "West or Western" and not ethnicity. Those who appreciate this fact should embrace Yobe with pride. A pride well deserved, just like Borno.
agbarewa@gmail.com

THE ILLUSIVE PEACE ON THE PLATEAU AND THE WEAPONISATION OF RELIGION AND ETHNICITY.
By: A.G. Abubakar.
In matters of ethno-religious crisis, the Yoruba model of tolerance comes handy. With modifications of course, depending on where one's sectarian inclination. Plus, the fact that poverty is not endemic among the Yoruba. Nor ethnic diversity as well. The bond of kinship and tradition among the Yoruba surpasses that of the Islamic faith, in contrast to what obtains in the North even though the two had contact with Islam about the same time. The Yoruba through the old Mali Empire, that was when they refer to Islam as "Esin Imale". Indeed, the first set of mosques in Yoruba land was built in Oyo-Ile and Iwo in 1550 and 1655 respectively, earlier than in most parts of the present-day Muslim North. Except maybe for Sokoto, Kano and Borno that embraced the religion in the 10th and 14th centuries. Outside this axis most development regarding Islam took place in the 18th and 19th centuries. In the Yoruba land of western Nigeria, Islam and tradition coexist harmoniously since ever since. The reason for this may not be unconnected with the variant (sect) of Islam generally being practiced which is the Sufi Order (Ɗariƙat Ahamadiyya, Tijjaniyah, Qadriyyah etc). A lot of the tenets of the Order have been found compatible with the Yoruba cultural dispositions. The Yoruba "Ifa" divination was subtly replaced by the Muslim "Alfa", a trado-muslim clergyman who like the Babalawo, prepares charms/amulets and concoctions for persons seeking success and protection in life. In the North they are refer to the "Malaman Tsubbu" and they are commonplace too. The practice of polygamy equally practiced by the Yoruba was allowed under Islam only that Islam limits the number to a maximum of four. Thus, today religious differences never really mattered in Yoruba land. To some extent the same disposition generally obtained in the North until the coming of the Jihadist reform of the Dan Fodio in the 19th century, precisely in the year 1804. A reform that resonated with later day Movements in the 20th century. Salafist Izala groups who strife for purity of practice. The two events (the Jihad and Salafism) reshaped and continue to reshape the practice of Islam in parts of Northern Nigeria. And one of the driving force behind the Salafism philosophy in Nigeria is the Jama'atu Izalatil Bid'ah wa Iqamatus Sunnah (JIBWIS) popularly called the Izala movement, founded in Jos in the 70s by an Islamic scholar named Sheikh Ismaila Idris (1930-2000). The Movement later got enormous boost through the activities of Sheikhs Abubakar Gumi (Kaduna) and Mahmood Ja'afar (Kano) both of blessed memory. The city of Jos was created by the Colonial Administration in aid of the tin mining activities in the area. “It was a virgin land among the Anaguta and the Afizere natives. Typical of most Hausa and Muslim settlements, leaders Sarkin Hausawan” Jos were appointed to manage their affairs (Krause, General Declaration paper, 2011). The native Berom then were living in a decentralized clan- based scattered settlements on the Jos Plateau with no central authority. In fact, the defunct Jos and Pankshin Divisions up to 1921 (or 1926) were then under Bauchi Providence. The first traditional ruler (Gbong Gwon) of Jos, Da Rwang Pam, a Berom from one of settlements, was appointed by the then Colonial AD in 1947 and directed to come and settle there (Jos) according to one of his sons, Mr. Pam Rwang Pam (May 2016). Before relocating the Gbong Gwon to Jos, there was already a sprawling "setler" enclave populated by Hausa, Fulani, Igala, Nupe, Igbo, Yoruba and others. And it was from this settlement that the Izala Movement was founded. As it were, the Muslim community on the Jos Plateau is a small one amidst the larger non Muslim Berom natives. The community (Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri, Babur and others) came to the Jos Plateau largely in pursuit of economic opportunities in the tin mining industry which the plateau was famous for. With the economic empowerment the "tiny" Muslim community started terming Jos "home" to the chagrin of the natives who were largely laid back and less involved, business wise, Envy and push-back soon set in. A perception soon manifested of a tiny economic emigrant group lording it over a vast sea of less prosperous natives. Thus, the age long peace on the Plateau soon started rupturing, triggering series of violent crisis. The two neighbors increasingly became arch enemies. In the ensuing battle for supremacy, the sides, resorted to cultivating platforms and rallying points to secure advantage. Appealing to, religious, political sentiments as wall. ethnicity became a potent strategy. The most lethal and effective one, turned out be "religion". It soon got weaponized. The Izala, the Church/CAN and other groups took side with their faithfuls in the deadly game of "push me I push you" between "indigenes" and "settlers. The Berom consider themselves the "hosts" and the Muslim (Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri, Babur and other faithfuls) community the "guests". They later say no based on their place in the history of Jos and also constitutional rights as Nigerians. The resultant violent crisis has since pitched entire Muslim against the majority Christian group in the Plateau State as a whole, needlessly. And since then, the Ethno-religious embers have been fanned to in and outside the Plateau. A move that kept exacerbating the conflict in both frequency and intensity. Marauding herdsmen and Christian/local militia soon became integral of the carnage to continue to give it a dangerous religious/ethnic coloration and context, away from the basic root cause which was economic with sprinklings of partisan politics. And the consequence? continuous bloodletting, needlessly. According to the Plateau State Peace Building Agency (PSPBA Report), between 1994 to 2020 the state witnessed over 70 cycles of violence that consumed tens of thousands of lives in addition to the destructions of properties worth billions of naira. While the two know the cause of crisis is economic, they successfully appealed to ethnic/religious sentiments to dig in. There is basically no spiritual content to the series of conflict but the gullible onlooker had been made to perceive it as such, unfortunately. The failure to appreciate the economic context of the crisis has largely been responsible for the many failed Peace Initiatives and Summits on Plateau State. A few include the Obasanjo declaration of state of emergency in 2004 and the appointment Gen. Alli as Administrator, the 2001, ACF Peace Misson led by IGP Coomassie (rtd), as well as various summits by well organizations and institutions (ACF, 2010). The Obasanjo frustrations boiled over during altercations with the CAN, made the unfortunate "CAN-my-foot!" statement. In continuing previous missteps, the current governor Mutfwang constituted a Security Committee of about a dozen persons, all of which were Christians with AVM Napoleon Bali (rtd) as Chairman and Arc. Samuel Jatau the Secretary to the Government as Secretary. No representation from the other divide (the Hausa, Fulani, and Muslims in general), yet the Committee was tasked with finding a lasting peace between the warring groups. It is simply a case of attempting to fly with one wing. This comedy of errors should stop. Plateau people deserve better. Governments at all levels would do well to educate people on this tricky aspect of the conflict to curtail it from becoming a religious war across the country. The move too, should be backed by robust program of poverty reduction and political equity. For, poverty, injustice and ignorance are threats to peace especially in diverse settings like the Plateau State and indeed anywhere else. They are strange bedfellows. They don't mix well. A stitch in time saves nine.
agbarewa@gmail.com

KOGI STATE, THE BIRTHPLACE OF NIGERIA AND ITS CHALLENGED VISION.
By: A.G. Abubakar
For those who may not be quite familiar with Kogi state, here is a short refresher. The state was created in 1991, comprising twenty-one (21) local governments and Lokoja as its capital city. The name Kogi means river in Hausa language after the two iconic rivers Niger and Benue that traversed the state and indeed Northern Nigeria. Kogi State is strategically sandwiched between the Southern and Northern part of the country, sharing 7 state boundaries the include Ekiti, Kwara, Edo, Anambra, Enugu, Benue, Nasarawa and the FC. Its mantra is the Confluence State could metaphorically mean the meeting point of both geographical and cultural divide. Kogi could thus be likened to a microcosm of Nigeria. A tapestry of diversity in terms of culture, tradition, and faith, giving it a quilt like outlook. Lokoja, the state capital was where the history and evolution of modern Nigeria started when a British explorer William Balfour Baikie established his "expedition tent/base" in 1857. The Royal Niger Company (1879-1900), followed later to facilitate trading along the rivers. It eventually became the first capital of the British Northern Protectorate when Lord F. Lugard proclaimed it on 1st January 1900. In 1914 the Southern and Northern Protectorates were amalgamated into one political entity called Nigeria. A name coined by Flora Shaw the wife of Lugard, in 1902 after the River Niger that incidentally connects the hitherto independent Regions. Missionary activities soon followed with the first school in the North established in 1866 under Bishop Crowther. Zungeru and Kaduna took over as successive capitals. The town of Wusasa-Zaria became the second Northern city to a missionary school established in 1926. The then major inhabitants Lokoja namely, the Igala, Egbira, Oworo-Okuns, Nupe and Hausa were the first set of Northers to be exposed to western education, which produced great scholars, technocrats, professionals, clerics, military officers, and entrepreneurs. Mayoralty as a leadership form was also first introduced in Lokoja where the Colonial Administration appointed a Maigari, a Hausa term for mayor. The Maigaris came from diverse backgrounds such as the Hausa, Nupe, Kanuri etc. one of famous being Bukar from Borno. The city too has the unenviable record of housing a pantheon of more than seven deposed Northern emirs/chiefs who lost the Favors of the Colonialists including, Alu Maisango (Kano), Aliyu Dan Sidi (Zazzau), Muhammadu Aliyu (Gwandu) and Abubakar Dan Abubakar (Gumel). The great Warrior Queen Amina of Zazzau has her resting place arguably at Ida still Kogi after a failed military expedition. Contemporary Kogi bears the marks of its past greatness as it gave the Nigerian state a class of highly patriotic citizens who served both the defunct Northern Region and the nation meritoriously. In no particular order they include Chief Awoniyi who was Sardauna's Private Secretary. Abdulrahman Okene a Cabinet Minister, Isa Koto, Oheiri, Achimugu, Adukwu G, Aliyu Ogbaje, Ado Ibrahim, Sani Omolori, Sunday Danian, Ahmadu Ali, Stephen Achema, Abdullahi Ibrahim, Salihu Ibrahim, Jibrin Usman, Ibrahim Ogohi, Ben Ekele, A.T.Ahmed, Abubakar Audu, Idacheba, Okpanachi S. etc, in addition to indirect beneficiaries through the Wusasa connection, like Gen. Gowon, R. B. Dikko, I. Audu the Beikies, the Millers in tow. Great individuals paid and/or still paying their dues to make Nigeria great through Wusasa connection with Lokoja missionary. It is on this curious pedigree and importance of that made Kogi state and its politics of great interest to the Northern and indeed Nigeria. However, to the disappointment of many, the fortune of the state has failed to march its great past, since the era of late Abubakar Audu who governed for total of five in the third (1992-1993) and fourth (1999-2003) republics. It was termed the golden era of Kogi because the massive developments that took place. The visionary initiatives of late Abubakar include the establishment of the first state-owned University, Ayingba (the first in the North) and the Kogi State Polytechnic, Lokoja. He also built the 5-star Confluence Hotel aside 1,500 housing units, a TV and FM stations, among other strides. Feats, that became too difficult to replicate or built upon by successive governors Idris (2008-2012), Ichala Wada (2012-206) and Yahaya Bello Adoza (2016-2025). The trio of Audu, Idris and Wada are of Igala extraction indicative of the ethnic group's dominance in the state. Democracy they say is a game of numbers or rather a tyranny of numbers. In Kogi like anywhere else in Africa the numbers are embedded with ethnic and religious enclaves. The Igala commanding over 58% of Kogi population is dominant in 9 out of the 21 local councils followed by Egbira (Tao and Koto) 5 and Okun 4, the remaining three shared with other ethnicities in varying proportion. The two major faiths Islam and Christianity are almost split in middle with the balance in favour of the Muslim group. The Igala inherently called the political shots in the state until Providence truncated the chain when Abubakar the presumed winner of the 2016 elections, returned to his Creator. Political power thus shifted to the Egbira through a second run-up Yahaya Bello Adoza. up through divine hands got thrusted on the laps of Yahaya Bello Adoza. It however became a rough ride for him as ghosts of competing ethno-religious interests and his poor handling of same kept haunting the Administration throughout. One would ordinarily expect that after a checkered two four-year tenure Yahaya would take a well-deserved rest and make peace with his aggrieved constituents. But no, he wangled the last election (the case in Court) to pave way for his protege, a tribe's man in the person of Ahmed Usman Ododo. The Igala and Okun were livid as they knew the voting pattern in the State like all others, follow ethnic lines. There was no way the Egbira vote could have elected Ododo governor. Barefaced manipulation did it, they so contended with evidence to show. Kogi State is likely to continue living precariously as obtained under Bello, for maybe another 4 years. This time around with the support of the contemplated creation of the "Office of Immediate Past Governor" to be domiciled in the Governor's Office. A bizarre political development among a supposedly highly enlightened state where elected leaders embarrassingly prostrate before political godfathers even at formal official functions. And worse still the declaration openly made by the Governor that Bello shall have the final say on governance in the state. Power really intoxicates. Governor Ododo and former governor Yahaya should do well to realize power is transient and always locate the locus of numbers. So the brazen attempt to keep power in Egbira land through alleged "electoral ambush " needs to be reassessed. Bello and Ododo should tow the path of collaboration over competition. In politics numerical is of essence and the lower will have to build credible alliance with the upper for power to keep residing with the latter. Contemporary history is clear about this fact. The minority white Boer regime in South Africa could hold the Black majority beyond a point despite its powerful state apparatus. The French could not keep down Algeria by force. America had to flee Afghanistan after about two decades of military operation, and so on. For, numbers don't respect sentiments especially a wobbly democratic dispensation. Yahaya couldn't have problem with his vision if he belongs to the Kanuri or Tiv groups places like Borno and Benue. The Kanuri in Borno has absolute majority over the Babur and other Southern Borno ethnic groups. Same applies in the case of the overwhelming Tiv electoral strength over the Idoma and so can keep with ease, sustainably. Yahaya Bello would do well to save Kogi the needless political suffocation and economic stagnation. But then it behooves the Igala, the Tiv, the Kanuri of Kogi, Benue and Borno respectively to cultivate the political habit of being their brother’s keeper. They should engage, to allow/facilitate power to shift in their states without acrimony. It creates a win-win environment for all.
agbarewa@gmail.com

THE PLANNED RELOCATION OF THE HEADQUARTERS OF FAAN AND SOME DEPARTMENTS OF THE CBN FROM ABUJA TO LAGOS: A CASE OF MISPLACED PRIORITY?
By: A. G. Abubakar

Having inherited an economy and indeed a nation in dire strait it amounts to being disingenuous indulging in frivolities such as the relocation of government institutions and departments. By the time the government came to power in 2023, Nigeria weighed in badly on critical indices of development. The UN Human Development Index (HDI,2023) ranks Nigeria 163 out of 191 countries surveyed. The Index is determined by such variables as access to education health, income, gender equity and inclusivity among others. On the Global Terrorism Index, Nigeria among the top 10, specifically 8 out of 163 nations. As regards peace, the Global Peace Index (GPI) places the country at 144 out of 163, while the global Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP), categorized her as one of least peaceful nations in the world. The economic hardships and insecurity Nigerians are grappling with could just be a testament to the assertions.
The furor generated over recent attempt to do just that by sections of the public should be seen as drawing the attention of President Tinubu to focus more on critical challenges. Relocating the headquarters of FAAN and some Departments of the CBN from Abuja to Lagos, is a luxury the government can do without. This is regardless of whether or not, the decision preceded the current government. Nigerians, over 220 million of them are looking up to the government to turn their well-being around for the better. People are finding survival increasingly difficult as extreme poverty, joblessness, hyperinflation, exchange rate, kidnappings and terrorism keep rising by the day. These, the public believed should be the major preoccupation of the Tinubu government. The economy and insecurity should therefore be on the front burner of governance.
2. The economy as inherited from Buhari is still in the intensive care unit (ICU).
Poverty was at about 63% of 220 million (138.6 million people) by the end of 2022 (NBS, MPI Survey). The figure must have risen to around 80% (176 million) on account of the fuel subsidy removal. A development that shot inflation into galloping level at 28.9 percent, putting lives in dire strait. The naira has lost about 50% of its value against the “almighty” dollar, the touchstone of global currencies. The exchange that stood officially at between 600-700/1$ in early 2023 now exchanges at over 1000/1$. In the autonomous (BDCs) and the black market the naira is inching towards 1500/1$. The naira today ranks among the fastest weakening currencies of the world in 2023/24 according to the IMF and the World Bank. Just as the national debts of about N87.91 trillion (DMO, 2023) kept rising and the servicing rendering government increasingly insolvent. This unwholesome economic environment has compromised the incentive to undertake any meaningful economic ventures.
Massive unemployment and loss of productivity naturally follow in tow, with the youth segment currently at 33 percent. There is no gainsaying that the deterioration in economic health of the nation has been chiefly responsible for the resurgence of violent crisis and increased mutual distrust across the country.
3. Carnage in The Land.
Armed bandits and killer herdsmen are becoming more daring in states such as Zamfara, Katsina, Kebbi, Sokoto, Niger, Kaduna and Benue. Ethno-religious distrusts continue to undermine peaceful coexistence among communities in Plateau, Taraba, and most Eastern states of the country. The degraded Boko Haram/ISWAP are also gradually staging a comeback in parts of
Borno and Yobe, making farming activities almost impossible, with serious consequences for food supply and hunger.
Abuja, hitherto insulated from attacks has become vulnerable. According to Beacon Consulting, an Abuja based security firm, the FCT has recorded more than 200 criminal attacks/security breaches leading to the death or killing of about 87people and the kidnapping of about 176 individuals, since PBAT assumed office in May 2023. The most horrifying being the murder of a young lady called Nabeeha Al’kadiryah who was kidnapped along with her five sisters, just recently. To date it has been estimated that more fifty thousand lives had been lost to needless violent crisis, with over three million internally displaced in Nigeria during the past decade. The psychological trauma, the heightened uncertainty and distrust that go with widespread violence had made economically productive activities difficult to carry out.
4. Shrinking National Output.
The industrial sector especially manufacturing in Nigeria has, almost disappeared. As far back as 2011 a NACCIMA report, shows that over 800 ventures nationwide have collapsed. The figure would have doubled after a decade. The latest exit being that of multinational oil giant, Shell plc. Hostile operating environment such as dearth of power and energy, insecurity and endemic corruption have been advanced as some of the reasons. The dwindling fortune of the industrial sector Nigeria had no choice but import nearly all of her consumer and capital goods. They range from basic needs (food stuff, plastics, apparels, pharmaceuticals) to building materials, machinery/ equipment, and military hardware. Nigeria must take this path or perish. Unfortunately, at a time when the capacity to generate the foreign exchange has been compromised. The elementary science of economics as regards the concept of “scarcity and choice” holds little in the Nigeria’s context, as alternative are far from being available locally. It’s a Hobson’s choice.
Things have to be imported to guarantee national and individual survival. All the imports however had to be done at premium governed by the law of demand and supply. The crisis in Nigeria therefore had to do with reconciling the demand of 220 million souls with near zero local supply of basic needs. A nation facing cul de sac, which in variably has reduced her to import dependent consumer one, with little hope for turnaround in the near future, given the vicious cycle in the ways that poor exchange rates, hyper inflation and low national output interact.
5. Being Fantastically Corrupt.
One may disagree with David Cameron, a former British Prime minister for referring to Nigeria as a fantastically corrupt nation out of patriotism but the phenomenon remains the greatest threat to her existence. Corruption in Nigeria has acquired a life of its own. It has become a full-fledged self-propelling industry level venture permeating all facets of national life. Like a virus, it is equipped with inbuilt survival mechanism, with “expert promoters and gatekeepers” in the executive arm of the government, the Judiciary, the Boardrooms, the Security and even homes. The phenomenon has effectively reduced Nigeria to a “dwarf” nation. It is estimated that from independence Nigeria has lost the equivalent of her GDP which in 2023 was about $450 billion (curtesy, Nuhu Ribadu, EFCC/NSA, Report by IFF 2018). This sordid development doesn’t surprise keen observers of the Nigerian state, given the figure and caliber of individuals and corporate entities allegedly involved and/or convicted of corruption over the years.
The former AGF, Ahmed Idris was accused of helping himself with over a hundred billion naira. The CBN governor Emefiele and cohorts had been charged with corruptively enriching themselves, conservatively to the tune of almost a trillion, through commission or omission. Three ladies namely, Sadiya, Halima and Betta. The trio superintended over the Humanitarian Ministry and parastatals have been associated with the disappearance of over 37 billion naira.
Years back Diezani Madueke as Petroleum Minister couldn't account for over $20 billion oil money under her supervisions (ref. Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, CBN governor). Mr. Sambo Dasuki, National Security Adviser during the Jonathan Administration failed to also account $2 billion weapons buying fund, put under his care. About $6 billion earmarked for the Mambila Power Project during the Obasanjo presidency is alleged to have disappeared. One of the Ministers involved, Olu Ogunloye is currently being interrogated by EFCC to unravel the mystery.
A set of 13 former governors had been on queue answering charges of embezzling their respective states’ resources to the of N835 billion cumulatively. They include; R. Okorocha (Imo) A. Yari (Zamfara), T. Almakura (Nasarawa), G. Akpabio (A/Ibom), A. Modu Sheriff (Borno), Bola Tinubu (Lagos), Sule Lamido (Jigawa) to mention but a few. Apart from this set of 13, there were others of interest too, who might have dipped their sticky fingers into the state totaling trillions going by the net present value of the naira. In fact, records indicates that more than 2/3 of the entire stock of state governors that held office from 1999 to date have corruption allegation cases.
Big private sector players like, the Chagoury & Chagoury Nig Ltd, the Dangote Group and some oil marketers are not left out of the allegations of exercising undue influence to access foreign exchange, particularly during the tenure of CBN governor Emefiele.
And in the process of dispensing the patronages he too (Emefiele) is believed to have helped himself and others with millions of dollars. He also stands accused of tampering with proceeds from stamp duty funds and the last currency (Naira) redesign exercise. In league with the CBN in terms of corruption is, oil block allocation. One of the well-known cases, being the billion-dollar underhand deal regarding the Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 245. Today oil cartels comprising criminals, traditional leaders and security personnel have made it impossible for the Nigerian government to meet her OPEC output quota of 2 million barrels or slightly less, per day. A country that ranks 6th in OPEC and first in Africa is forced to produce about a million or so barrels daily with serious negative consequences for the badly needed forex inflow.
Seemingly too, institutionalized corruption has taken hold of the operations of such agencies as the Military, Police, Judiciary, Customs and Immigrations services, the Academia, FIRS, NPA, the Man on the street, complete the cycle of Nigeria’s sustainable and debilitating experience with graft and corruption. Nearly all procurements under the Military, Police, other security outfits and MDAs are virtually opaque or better still mired in corruption. The figure of over $400 billion estimated to have been lost to corruption in Nigeria may therefore largely be the truth. Resources that could have catapulted Nigeria into the league of fastest developing nations of the World like Korea, Malaysia, Indonesia, Turkey, and Brazil.
The challenge before the Tinubu Administration should be on how to; redress the economic pains Nigerians are experiencing, remove the kid gloves used in fighting the systemic corruption, deal decisively with the terrorists/bandits and “stitch” the fractured unity across the nation. In the circumstance therefore, the relocation of head offices and/or movement of departments around should not be a top priority.
6. Not Unique to Nigeria.
Maintaining head offices away from field operations is not unique to Nigeria. The NATO headquarters is in Brussels, Belgium, even when the USA, is the driving force of the group. The international banking hub for both illicit and licit is based in Switzerland, yet the country is far from being the most powerful, economically. In Africa, Ethiopia houses the Africa Union (AU) headquarters regardless of the existence of more powerful members. International Finance Centres like the UAE (Dubai) and Singapore are not heavily industrialized, but they house global finance capital players. The British Civil Aviation Authority head office is at Gatwick and not Heathrow Airport one of the busiest airports in the world. The India Airports Authority is in Delhi, not Mumbai the financial capital of India. In the USA, the FAA is headquartered at Washington D.C. One therefore wonders where the BAT government got its global best practices especially viewed against the backdrop of more serious challenges.
7. Conclusion.
The CBN claim of space constrain is laughable. In its press release they said that the headquarters in Abuja was designed to carry about 3000 staff but now accommodates more than 4300, so solution according to the Management is to offload the 100 plus, to Lagos. So disingenuous. Who recruited the excess in the first place? Truth is both the CBN (departments), and FAAN planned relocation represents a case of a "a bad workman fighting with his tool". And to the President a case of a proverbial “hunter carrying an elephant on his head and using his toe to search for cricket” The government’s job has been cut out on assumption of office against the backdrop of inheriting a near zero economy (curtesy; C. Soludo, CBN governor 2004 - 2009). Improving the lot of Nigerians therefore is too onerous a task, to allow for unnecessary distractions and petty politics.
agbarewa@gmail.com

4. The losers.
The big-time losers in this case include Adamu Abdullahi, Ex Kaduna State Governor Nasir El Rufai, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso of NNPP, Former Senate President Ahmed Lawan, Ex VP Osinbajo, Ex Osun Governor Ogbeni Aregbesola and other Tinubu “frenemies” (friend-enemy) as some friends turned foes are referred to.
The popular adage that says, it is "your attitude and not your aptitude that determines your altitude" may not entirely apply to El ‘Rufai’s climb to positions of power but in more than one way had given him discomfort. For, every step of the way up, regardless of his good intentions, he had mired in controversy and insults. And the instances are legion. Reclaiming the Abuja Master Plan with its attended demolitions didn't go down well in a society that cherishes “disorder". Recall also El Rufai's accusation of a section of the national assembly of soliciting gratification before giving him confirmation as a minister in his first nomination. The same schism marked his Administration as a governor of Kaduna state starting with teachers, nurses, "achaba/keke NAPEP" operators etc. His government's role in containing the activities of the Shi'a sect (Islamic Movement in Nigeria (IMN) was viewed as being high handed. Lastly his experiment with Muslim/Muslim, and Male/Female gubernatorial ticket didn't go well with various ethnic and faith groups bearing in mind Kaduna is a highly diverse and enlightened state. Similarly, his recent controversial comment as being a "jihadist" for Islam didn't receive acclamation in many circles. El Rufai’s decisions/dispositions in these regards had cast him as being insensitive to "sense of proportion" and accommodation. Also remember the selection process for the revered position of the stool of Emir of Zazzau in which "against the run of play" a member of nearly a "moribund" and a century old lineage that has been in limbo was revived and its progeny enthroned. The list goes on and on. But by far it would seem El Rufai’s greatest challenge to his political ambition and personal peace has been his fair-weather loyalty to his mentors, from Atiku, Obasanjo and to some extent Buhari too. However, and regardless of all these there is a solid consensus that he is a man of courage and a first-class performer in the field whether as a Minister or Governor. But for his single-minded efforts the urban decay and choke that characterized Abuja and Kaduna cities would have reached intractable levels. He could also stand by and for his friends both at good and bad times, as demonstrated by his relationship with likes of the current emir of Zazzau and Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, former emir of Kano an emir dethroned by Ganduje when he was the governor of Kano state. Abdullahi Ganduje is now the National Chairman of APC, under which El Rufai was to be appointed as a minister. A move that could not come to be. This development and the many pockets of grudges against EL Rufai, this time around had made him a "loser." Added to these are the subtle moves by political camps that are readying themselves for a post BAT administration who are employing the exclusion and/ or elimination strategy to elbow out perceived potential threats which El Rufai qualifies as one of them especially from the North.
Adamu Abdullahi typifies the African old brigade politicians. Full of experience, wisdom and enormous years on earth but trapped in naivety or better selfishness. Or how else could he have imagined he could work with the Tinubu group after the ugly public spat that ensured during the pre-election campaigns. A spat that included publicly calling BAT childish and rude for claiming he "made" Buhari, politically. He went on to refer to the "emi lokan" exponent as incapable of leading the nation and who should be punished for affront. Adamu went on further to invent an opposition in the person of Ahmed Lawan the immediate past Senate President. The move was to checkmate BAT and also to give Atiku, the PDP presidential candidate a good run bearing in mind both come from the Northeast political zone. Adamu therefore draped Lawan in "consensus" garb and presented him as Buhari and APC's preferred candidate. Some Northern governors perceived Adamu's moved as they saw it as self-serving. They sought audience with Buhari whom on sensing trouble said he never anointed a candidate. He told them he was for open contest. Adamu was left high and dry. El Rufai and some members of the APC, led the "insurgency. They later pledged their support for power shift to the South and BAT in particular for purposes of equity. Ahmed lost woefully. Adamu did not stop there. He went on to back a court process that upstaged Bashir Machina victory to represent Yobe in the Senate. Lawan and Adamu saw it otherwise as they consider Bashir a place holder only. The court might have given Lawan victory on technical grounds but at an enormous cost to their integrity and public perception. With all these, a self-respecting person would simply and honorably exit the party's national Chairmanship the very moment BAT was inaugurated. But not Adamu, the naive. He waited until an internal coup was hatched and became apparent before he tendered his "resignation". He simply lost out of the political chess game in ignominy. Lawan by virtue of this is still precariously hanging in the senate but nursing serious political battle scares to his moral standing. No thanks to Adamu's fault Move.
Though Kwankwaso is believed to be politically savvy especially in Kano, he too became a victim of BAT maneuvers. BAT saw him as a spoiler in Kano and so sought to neutralize him by promising him a ministerial position, a move he publicly acknowledged and said he has been in talks with the President. This development happened at a time the Ganduje corruption (dollar) case as revived was giving the Presidency a lot of discomfort. So also, the massive demolitions being carried out in Kano metropolis to "correct" the Ganduje government's corrupt handling of land matters and disposal of public assets. There was also the threat of reviewing the dethronement of Sanusi and abolition of the newly created emirates by the Abba government in Kano. The interests of both BAT and Ganduje became under serious threat in Kano, a state that consistently delivers the highest votes during elections. To douse the tensions and also to insulate and expand the APC's base, a dummy has to be sold to Kwankwaso. He was thus invited into the ministerial heavyweight ring and subsequently given an upper cut that sent him to the political canvas. Though the last has not been heard from him, for now he has been bruised. But to fair to him, he too might not have been interested in the perks of office entirely but to get an opportunity to advance his presidential interest come 2027/31. This is in view of the inherent inadequacies of his NNPP platform to launch him. So, it was a "case of cony man die, cony man bury am". The slap that Ganduje promised Kwankwaso had they met in the Aso Rock has thus been metaphorically effected. And Kwankwaso is now on the loser’s side.
Other losers but in a lesser category include former VP Osinbajo, Ogbeni Aregbesola (former Governor of Osun), Iyola Omisor (former Nat. Sec, APC) and Amaechi (former Transport Minister). Some of them were considered ingrates for biting the fingers that fed them. Recall that individuals like Osinbajo, Aregbesola and many others were considered to have been mentored by BAT. Amaechi was however just a political foe during the party primary. Some of them will surely bounce back but for now alternative power bases are being built to contain and /or neutralize their respective domains.
5. The Winners.
The big winners in the BAT Administration include Gbajabiamila the Chief of Staff to the President, Ganduje, the National Chairman of the ruling party the APC, Akume the SGF, Akpabio the Senate President, Abbas the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Badaru Defence Minister, Bagudu Minister of Budget, Kenyamo Minister of Aviation & Aerospace Developed and Dele Alake Minister of Solid Minerals Development. What qualified most of these personalities to be on the winning side was basically fortune and circumstances. Gbajabiamila has been BAT's mentee for long, so they understand each other very well. Akume, struck relationship with BAT when they were senators in the military truncated Senate in the past. Akume too was sufficiently in non-alignment when the Party was primed to check Tinubu. And has been one of those power brokers that were instrumental in turning Benue into an APC state. Badaru and Akpabio stepped down for BAT during the Party's presidential primary which paved way for him to become the flag bearer. For sacrificing their ambitions, they got rewarded handsomely. Bagudu, while being a governor in Kebbi State didn't tow the lines of Malami the former Minister of Justice of the Federation to undermine Tinubu. Malami, it is believed to be among those around Buhari who did everything possible to stop BAT from getting the APC presidential ticket. Kenyamo, Alake & co were the media foot workers during the campaigns who did a good job. Abbas was promised and “donated" by the El Rufai camp from Kaduna. Ribadu was the defunct ACN, presidential candidate in 2015, though he performed abysmally. The party was Tinubu's baby before being melted into the APC. Ribadu's various attempts at becoming Adamawa State's governor also didn't work after more than a couple of attempts. Tinubu probably developed a compassion towards him and made him NSA. He came on board with little political capital as such. Ganduje as a winner is a child of circumstances. Kano state is rich in votes which every politician will want a chunk of it. Ganduje’s travails at the home front forced him to look for a new alliance which he found in the Tinubu camp. His fight with Kwankwaso his former boss of many years, the dollar bribe, the dethronement of Emir Sanusi and the balkanization of the old Kano Emirate created so much enemies as there were friends. BAT having denied him ministerial position to avoid soiling the image of the Administration, rehabilitated him with the Chairmanship of the ruling party. Great, as it would seem the new position shall set him for another round of political battle for the soul of Kano. A battle that himself and Kwankwaso may come out highly dented morally.
6. The tolerated ones who are living dangerously.
For leading the internal rebellion against his party, the PDP which affected its electoral fortunes seriously, thereby giving APC the winning margin, Nyesom Wike has been rewarded with ministerial position. BAT appointed him the Minister of the FCT, a class "A" ministry. The romance between Wike and BAT is likely going to be short lived as both have hidden agendas coming into the partnership. BAT loves Wike's nuisance values but not his person and forgetting that he has unbridled presidential ambition too. He liked when Wike led the G5 (Ortom of Benue, Makinde of Oyo, Egwanyi of Enugu and Ekpeazu of Abia) a splinter group to wound Atiku and the PDP. Having done that naturally Wike needed somewhere to "stay" away from the environment he fouled and the also the alleged cases of massive misapplication of Rivers State resources. And BAT provided him one but at a price. Use Wike to establish alternative power base in Rivers and use it to whittle down the powers of Amaechi, with 2027 in view. Also, to use Wike and the leaderships of the Niger Delta activists like Dokubo, Tompolo and others to consolidate his political base in the zone thereby isolating him from the Southeast influence. BAT wouldn't mind if Wike decamps to APC, but he cannot do so unless he shelves his presidential ambition because in APC, after Tinubu power will shift to the North. Wike will thus have to precariously hang in the PDP until they sacked him. By then he would have enough resources to facilitate his way back to the PDP where the ticket would have been designated to the South for him to contest. Alternatively, he can form a smaller party and strengthen it and use it as a platform to contest just like Peter Obi with then moribund Labor Party. In extreme case Wike can float a new political outfit to realize his ambition. In the end both Wike and BAT, could be engaged in a battle of political wit, in a sort of mutually assured destruction (MAD) fashion.
Shettima will be a loser too unless he watches his back. Remember Atiku and Osinbajo, even Jonathan with their experiences as VPs. The issue of natural successor and sense of entitlement on the part of deputies had always put a wedge between the two. The VP Shettima shall not be an exception too. So very soon presidential aides will attempt to “cut him to size” for his ambition, (which his body language seems to show ) and shield him from their principal. Other forces will come from the outside, especially other ambitious Northerners interested in the seat after BAT. And they seem to be many from the North as the time comes especially within the ruling party itself. So he could be a winner but one that will be “living dangerously” given his penchant for “grand standing).
In the end, BAT would cherish the unfolding scenario because it would key into his plans for connecting flight from 2027. So, it’s now game on for early planners and alliance builders.
agbarewa@gmail.com

AS TINUBU CONTEMPLATES CONNECTING FLIGHT FROM 2027: THE WINNERS, THE LOSERS AND THOSE LIVING PRECARIOUSLY.
By: A.G. Abubakar.

Politics is a game of ambitions. Nothing is too early or too late. Barely a couple of months in the seat of power, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (BAT) seems to be having a vision or nursing the idea for a second lap. This is going by his body language and the way appointments are being made and also the tinkering of some the institutions. Three moves among others illustrate the assertion that the foundation for 2027 is being laid concurrently with the Administration's take-off arrangements and they include.
• Attempts at blurring the lines of separation of powers between the executive and the legislature,
• The considerations for appointment of ministers and types of portfolios assigned to them and
• The composition of the presidential aides’ team.
2. The take-off.
It is customary for the executive arm of government to be interested in the leadership of the legislature but the extent to which BAT Administration went was beyond the ordinary. The maneuvers and arm twisting that went into the election of the principal officers of the Assembly left much to be desired aside being indicative of possible hidden agenda. Earlier on the party legitimately zoned the offices to various parts of the country, which was fair enough, but the Presidency went further to pin point those who should be elected or better still selected. A move that run counter to basic tenets of liberal politics and internal democracy of the legislative arm of governance. In the end, the Executive literally forced the emergence of its preferred candidates or the Presidency’s anointed leaders in the two Chambers: The Senate and the House of Representatives. Political expediency was made to override legislative independence, with impunity. Very much in line with the VP Kashim Shettima's disingenuous statement to the effect that the "the worst of Southern Christian is better than the best Muslim Northerner" for the position of Senate President. Though the VP later modified the statement on account of the backlash it generated, it reflected the desperation of the executive to control the Assembly.
Unlike the legislature, the constitution of the National Executive Council is the exclusive preserve of the President to be done in national interest. But here too personal political interests seem to have held sway. Loyalty as against the often-expressed merit largely became the yardstick. Majority of the individuals so appointed as ministers and the portfolios assigned to them smacks of gratification and plans for 2027. There were few exceptions however, such as the appointment of brilliant individuals like Edun, Pate, Mamman, Malagi etc.
As regards portfolios assigned to the ministerial appointees it is apparent that the security architecture of the BAT Administration is skewed to the North (Defense, Police, NSA) for obvious reasons, or to prove the appointees’ inadequacies and subsequently use it against the Region, whilst the economy headed by Southwest. The South-South and Southeast were tasked with matters of stability and also the economy too. How far this given arrangement would bring about the desired results, only time could tell.
In putting together, the team of Presidential aides, tradition demands that loyalty towers above all other considerations. Here, BAT like former President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB) didn't disappoint. So, the crop of BAT's aides is naturally made up of home boys with a sprinkling of few outsiders for effect. Gbaja has settled down well as the new Abba Kyari of blessed memory and calling the "shots". Dele Alake erstwhile presumed spokesperson/communications man for the President was strangely "promoted" to a ministerial level. Strangely, because he seemingly fits the bit more than his new assignment. Maybe the forces of Nadeco are still at play. For, during his ministerial confirmation hearing in the senate he claimed more than his fair share of struggle during the "June 12 Movement" which his principal arguably considered it to largely be his creating. According to Robert Greene, in his 48 Laws of Power (1998), “Never Outshine the Master” especially in politics.
With the inauguration of the National Assembly, the formation of the Cabinet and appointment of Service Chiefs and also various aides, it is safe to say that the BAT Administration has taken off, though not without the usual teething problems. These include the inherited ever increasing and widespread poverty and insecurity across parts of the country currently fueled by the effects of the removal of subsidy on PMS. There was also the unsettling military coupe d’état that took place in neighboring Niger Republic. Nigeria and Niger Republic share extensive borders and cultural affinity and so there has been this fear of domino effect. Already, Niger's western neighbors Mali, B/Faso and Guinea are under military rules. Though the development is couched as an ECOWAS problem, it poses a more clear and apparent danger to Nigeria.
3. The bumps.
There are also the myriad of court cases challenging the electoral process Which is continuously unsettling the government but going by precedents it is unlikely the litigants will get their desired expectations.
While in the short run these political developments could look innocuous, they are actually harbingers of how the minds of politician’s work. And BAT as a typical political animal has his eyes already beyond the 2027 first destination. He seems to be perfecting a "connecting flight" including the team to do that. The current set up of the government therefore had been formatted in such a way as to facilitate the realization of the second lap objective. This, though still at abstraction level, with time it will be expressed in a framework and eventually translated into actionable strategy. The building blocks had already been assembled.
Naturally, individuals and /or power blocks that could be perceived as threats had to be weeded out or weakened while loyal ones are empowered and primed for the political battles ahead. From the time of inauguration to date, the supporters, backers, and foot workers of BAT could now largely be classified into three broad categories namely, those who lost out of the power sharing (the losers), those appointed into the Administration (the winners) and persons being tolerated on account of their “nuisance value). The losers were those whose loyalties to the President or to his handlers' interests are suspect. The winners group consists of trusted allies who share Mr. President's ambition and vision. The third category are made up of the “necessary evils”, including political attack dogs.

What’s your number please I want to discuss with you small about Starlink please

mrklock:
Good day house!!! I will try to make this short.

On the 23rd of April I posted a Request for a FACTORY UNLOCKED iPhone 12 Pro Max and Hayzed111 message me that he has 256g I told him that what I have budgeted for is 128g he said the 128g is locked but the 256g and 512g is unlocked. I asked how much and we got to agree for 500K. Then he (Hayzed111) sent me phone screen showing imei and storage and battery health, and even a video of the phone. And phone imei was showing no sim restriction which I happily picked. My mistake was not running the imei, because

1) I trusted him. (I believe he knows the consequences of trying to scam one of us)

2) He sent a screen already showing it’s unlocked for all carriers.

3) My request was specific. *Factory Unlocked iPhone 12 Pro Max.


My client Picked his new phone directly from airport. On Thursday my client called me with a very harsh tone shouting that I’ve scammed him and sold him a stolen phone, I pleaded with him to calm down and explain things slowly for me. He now told me that he sold the phone to another person only to find out that the phone is locked, that it is fraud, I ask him what he meant by locked, only to Check the imei and find that it was locked to T-Mobile, I then checked my record book and the imei, so I messaged Hayzed111 telling him about the phone, he replied and I quote
“Boss honestly I don’t even know what to say about this because this phone bought as FU and I sold it as FU so I no fit go meet obas now tell am phone of March after 9month”

I am forced to believe that a WWU iPhone 12 Pro Max was sold as factory unlocked thinking I will not blow back, 8months later, the phone was reset and it went back to being locked, after all a Leopard cannot change its skin.

After some deliberation and discussions we couldn’t reach a decision or even an agreement. I therefore table this matter to the house for deliberations and solutions. Thank you for your time.

@Hayzed111

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Good day all, on 17th Dec. i opened a dispute with Hayzed111. I was very disappointed at the participation of our so called “All offer up thread members” I am not even going to lie, the lackadaisical attitude we pay to dispute is the reason why many people have the audacity to scam people and get away with it. Lately we are just doing business without any guiding principles and I am talking to everybody involved. We all need to be more responsible and more accountable.
However my dispute with Hayzed111 has been settled amicably and we agreed to unlock the phone for my client. To every one who participated in this dispute resolution especially Omicpet, Kreamie and elpacino481 I appreciate you and I want to say a very big thank you. And to everybody who has been participating in dispute resolution silently or openly keep doing your best, y’all are the pillars that is holding this business in one place.
Hayzed111 was also very communicative in settling our dispute, i look forward to doing more business with you.
Cheers

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Elpacino481:
Can you share pictures of the said imei where it was shown No sim Restriction. And also @Hayzed111 you're hereby summoned to say your own side of the story. Keeping quiet won't help you.

Attached is the pictures supporting my claim.
1) factory unlocked 256g
2) phone screen showing no sim restrictions

Cc: Hayzed111

//

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