Gbagura: I newly changed the screen of my pixel 6 but the finger print not working. I learnt that it will be recalibrate for it to work again. Who can help with that here? Thanks
Solcampbell: That's not always how it works bro, football ain't mathematics. If arsenal or athletico scores first, it might difficult for any of the two team to equalise or even win. Personally I feel this match is quite a poor display because both teams are unable to defend thier goals.
P.S, Arsenal have not conceded more than two goals in a match for over 3 years now.
izaac23: I drive toyota corolla 2003. For about 8 months now when I park my car overnight, kick starting it in the morning makes it crank dry sound like there is no oil in the engine, and this cranky sound last for just a second before the sound normalizes. Now its begining to crank not only in the morning, but any time i park it for about 5 hours. What could be the cause of this my people pls?
BlueRayDick: If I use God Is Good, Can they deliver to the person's address or they would ask the person to come pick up at their office?
Two options are available - office pickup and direct delivery. GIGL has a more efficient direct to home delivery than GUO but it will get to the recipient within 72 hours.
The PDP awarded the contract few years ago for the sum of N11.5 billion and paid a mobilisation fee of N2 billion to BNL Limited, the contractor handling the project. The contract, which was signed at the party’s national secretariat, Wadata House has a delivery date of 126 weeks.
Chief Tunde Ayeni opened the donations with N1 billion on behalf of himself and his group of friends at the fund raising event. He also announced the donation of another N2 billion on behalf of a different group of friends he said came from across the country.
Professor Jerry Gana donated N5 billion on behalf of his friends, while the National Automotive Council donated N450 million. The PDP Governors’ Forum, represented by the former Bauchi State Governor, Isa Yuguda, announced a donation of N50 million by each of the 21 PDP state governors, making a total N1.05 billion. Yuguda was supported by the governors of Cross River, Bayelsa, and Gombe states while announcing the donation.
Bola Shagaya from Kwara State representing oil and gas industry donated N5 billion, while the construction sector donated N310 million. The chairman of Deep Offshore, Didi Ndimou, representing the Transport and Aviation sector donated N1 billion. The real estate sector represented by Oluchi Okoye donated N4 billion while the food and agricultural sector, represented by Chief Ominife Uzoegbu donated N500 million. Also making donation at the event attended by former President Goodluck Jonathan, his vice, Alhaji Namadi Sambo, Chief Tony Anenih and the then PDP national chairman, Alhaji Adamu Mua’zu among others, was Cizaly Ltd which donated N250 million, while the representatives of the power sector led by Tunde Ayeni donated N500 million. Other donors at the PDP fund raising dinner included the National Association of Stevedores’ Companies, N25 million; former governor of Ebonyi State Sam Egwu, N1 million; Halima Jubril, N5 million; and Ajuji Best Western Hotel, N1 million; among others.
The party realised over N21 billion at its fund-raising dinner from donors spanning business, elected government officials and private individuals Although the president, Dangote Group, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, who was billed to be the chief launcher, was absent at the dinner held at the Banquet Hall of the Presidential Villa, the event received huge financial commitment from those present.
maxtrix: I won’t say it’s good nor bad, but I’ll say this for a fact you just paid more for a used engine that was washed in china, it’s the same tokunbo engine in ladipo just that this particular one was washed and cleaned, and now you can’t even return the engine if it turns out to be faulty you’re stuck with it. But if it turns out great congrats.
With the recent paradigm shift to upgrades, people are swapping brand new engines (Chinese new, Japanese remanufactured or very low mileage) on older models of the Landcruiser, Hilux and GX470.
warrenweste: Pls guys how can one spot a fake phone merchant store on AliExpress? The store was opened March 4 this year and seem to have good price for Samsung phones
Tickles001: There's a lot of cheap TVs there that boast of the same quality as the ones sold here at significantly higher prices, and I'm tempted to buy a replacement from there.
lawani: NIN registration is ongoing at numerous centers all over the country. If you don't update, then they freeze your bank account if it is still working and then mark the id as dead after a length of time
lawani: It can be required for everybody to update once every three years for the NIN to remain valid.
What happens to the persons who refuse to provide an update? Who will provide the funding for the database update?
The NIMC cannot supersede the role of the NPC.
The National Population Commission (NPC) in Nigeria determines population growth rates by analyzing data on three key components: birth rates, death rates, and net migration. These metrics are derived from census figures, surveys (such as the Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey), and vital registration systems to track population change.
David010405: Hi everyone Please after printing-out my jamb exam slip yesterday, I was posted to "LAGOS STATE UNIVERSITY OF EDUCATION, OTO/IJANIKIN, EPE CAMPUS, (CNTR.1), KM 7, EPE-IJEBU-ODE ROAD, NOFORIJA, EPE, LAGOS STATE" And I based in "OYINGBO" Lagos and I am not familiar to the location at all neither any of my relatives too. Please, I'm pleading to anyone who knows how to locate the exact location from OYINGBO should tell me cuz I have just few days to my jamb exam. I will be glad and very grateful if anyone can tell me.
The Federal High Court in Lafia, Nasarawa State, has ordered the final forfeiture of a slew of landed properties located in parts of Nasarawa State bordering the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, to the federal government.
The judge, M.O. Olajuwon, ordered the forfeiture, saying the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCc) proved the properties seized from Theophilus Ebonyi, the General Overseer of Faith On The Rock Ministry International, to be proceeds of crime.
EFCC, which arrested Mr Ebonyi in 2023 and subsequently instituted the forfeiture proceedings targeting the alleged proceeds of fraud, said in a statement on Thursday that the court issued the order of permanent forfeiture in a ruling on Wednesday.
According to EFCC, the properties include a 23-room hotel and event centre known as De Thinkers Home and Apartments located at New Layout, Abattoir Road First Gate, Nyanya Gwandara, Nasarawa State. They also include a warehouse and sachet water factory and dispenser located at No. 20 Philip Doda Street, Koroduma, Karu Local Government Area of Nasarawa State; two office buildings, located at Philip Doda Street, before Chapel of Redemption Church, One-man Village, Koroduma, Karu, Nasarawa State.
The rest are Theo International Academy Primary School, situated at Second Gate, Balogun Street, beside Football Field, Nyanya Gwandara, and the sum of N1,005,489.27, which was found in Mr Ebonyi’s bank account domiciled in First Bank.
The judge said EFCC satisfied the requirements of Section 17(1) of the Advanced Fee Fraud and Other Fraud Related Offences Act to warrant the issuance of an order for the final forfeiture of the assets.
EFCC said its investigations showed that the account of the second respondent in the forfeiture case, Theobarth Global Foundation, was used to launder money and receive funds from victims of a Ponzi scheme.
After reviewing the evidence presented by the EFCC, the judge ruled that Mr Ebonyi failed to “show cause as to why the assets should not be permanently forfeited to the federal government.”
In 2023, the EFCC arrested Mr Ebonyi for allegedly defrauding victims, including individuals and organisations, of over N1.3billion.
He reportedly lured his victims through the advertisement that the Ford Foundation was purportedly providing a grant of $20 billion to aid the poor.
EFCC said he carried out the publicity through Theobarth Global Foundation.
He allegedly hoodwinked his victims to subscribe as beneficiaries of the phony grant by asking them to pay for registration forms and clusters.
EFCC said each subscriber was made to pay N1.8 million. Through the scheme, EFCC said, Mr Ebonyi allegedly raked in N1.39 billion from unsuspecting individuals and non-governmental organisations.
EFCC said its investigations also showed that Ford Foundation had no arrangement, grant, relationship or business with Mr Ebonyi. The Foundation pointedly disclaimed him and his NGO stressing that it had no link whatsoever with them.
The Federal High Court in Lafia, Nasarawa State, has ordered the final forfeiture of a slew of landed properties located in parts of Nasarawa State bordering the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, to the federal government.
The judge, M.O. Olajuwon, ordered the forfeiture, saying the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCc) proved the properties seized from Theophilus Ebonyi, the General Overseer of Faith On The Rock Ministry International, to be proceeds of crime.
In 2023, the EFCC arrested Mr Ebonyi for allegedly defrauding victims, including individuals and organisations, of over N1.3billion.
He reportedly lured his victims through the advertisement that the Ford Foundation was purportedly providing a grant of $20 billion to aid the poor.
EFCC said he carried out the publicity through Theobarth Global Foundation.
He allegedly hoodwinked his victims to subscribe as beneficiaries of the phony grant by asking them to pay for registration forms and clusters.
EFCC said each subscriber was made to pay N1.8 million. Through the scheme, EFCC said, Mr Ebonyi allegedly raked in N1.39 billion from unsuspecting individuals and non-governmental organisations.
EFCC said its investigations also showed that Ford Foundation had no arrangement, grant, relationship or business with Mr Ebonyi. The Foundation pointedly disclaimed him and his NGO stressing that it had no link whatsoever with them.
de3lar: What’s their delivery timeline like? Is it like the normal 2 weeks SpeedAf does?
I have someone that made a Temu order this week and was assigned TGG, I don’t even know how to track the shipment
Track on Temu, you should be fine. Unfortunately, TGG and Sharp Logistics rely on Speedaf or GIG Logistics in locations where they have no physical presence.
The Women War Memorial Museum in Ikot Abasi is a lasting relic that tells the correct story about the 1929 Women Riot which originated from Ukam Market in Ikot Abasi where women gathered to protest against a colonial policy which imposed taxes on them for domestic animals, household utensils, etc.
What started as a non-violent protest became an unfair battle as the women were shot by the colonial policemen and some of them drowned in the adjoining river during the melee.
The sculpture outside the museum was made in honour of Madam Udo Udoma (the mother of the late legal luminary Sir Egbert Udo Udoma) who wrestled and seized a gun from a colonial policeman and broke it into two. The museum also houses the roll call of women who lost their lives in the war. Close to the waterfront in Ikot Abasi is a mock grave of women who died in the protest. It’s about one (1) hour drive from the city centre of Uyo, the capital of Akwa Ibom State.
patchsk: Are you ok? The victim writes Benue valley and you're yammering about Obudu!
Why are some like this?
2006 DORNIER 228 CRASH
In September 2006, military officers comprising 10 army generals, a lieutenant-colonel, and two wing commanders were killed when a Dornier 228-212 aircraft, which they were aboard, crashed in Benue state.
The officers were making their way to the Obudu Cattle Ranch in Cross River state for a retreat.
The 10 generals and the lieutenant-colonel were part of a presidential committee set up by former President Olusegun Obasanjo to “reposition the army”.
Obasanjo, who was in Singapore attending annual meetings of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank at the time, cut short his trip and returned to Nigeria. The former president subsequently declared a three-day national mourning.
However, unlike the Beechcraft incident in Kaduna, three colonels survived the Benue crash.
A.N. Bamali, J.O. Adesunloye, J.O. Agboola, P.M. Haruna, J.T.U. Ahmedu, S.O. Otubu, B. Duniya and S.M. Lemu — all major-generals — died in the crash.
Also, Y.J. Braimah and M.B. Bawa — both brigadier-generals — as well as E.O. Adekunle and O. Balogun, wing commanders, perished in the mishap.
N.A. Mohammed, a lieutenant-colonel, also died in the crash.
O.C. Ajunwa, N.I. Angbazo and A.L. Dusu were the colonels who survived the crash.
anonimi: Could you please refresh our memory with details of this 2002 PDP convention concerning the Atiku 2007 project.
The Long Knives Are Out For Atiku by Reuben Abati culled from GUARDIAN, September 2, 2005
The open confrontation between President Olusegun Obasanjo and Vice President Abubakar Atiku is the climax of a long drawn out game of suspicion and mutual distrust since the 2002 Presidential primaries of the Peoples Democratic Party when a new group that had emerged and surrounded President Obasanjo began to sell the idea that Vice President Atiku was not good enough for a second term. The President himself had carried on with the campaign as if Atiku was no longer part of the ticket for the future. In response, Atiku's own supporters, obviously with the blessing of their boss, organized a massive, but underground media and intra-party attack against the President. This was the source of the recommendation of the Mandela option for President Obasanjo, the substance of which is that Obasanjo should be a single-term President and that he should hand over to his Deputy as Mandela did in the case of President Thabo Mbeki.
This campaign failed as Obasanjo was not interested in any Mandela option so called, and those within the PDP who wanted Atiku out of the way became so bold that they openly pushed the Atiku boys aside. Atiku needed to fight for his own future; if he was ditched as Vice President, his career would have been truncated. So, he fought back. He started making independent statements which often contradicted the President, at the time, he even openly criticized the government, forcing Obasanjo's spokespersons to issue a statement reassuring the public that the Presidency was "one". But in one instance the Vice President openly announced that he, Atiku made Obasanjo President by handing over to him, the PDM machinery which had been put in place by the late Musa Yar'Adua and which he, Atiku had led into the PDP.
The sub-text of this claim was that the President was after all not a politician until he was dragged into it after his return from prison, and to prove his newness in the game, he could not even win one state in 1999, or any majority votes in the South West which ought to be his political base. This political weakness and vulnerability were not just pushed in the President's face, the Atiku strategists made it clear that most of the Governors were on the Vice President's side, and that if it came to a show down, the President would lose the party's nomination, and Atiku would carry the flag for the PDP in 2003. Indeed, in the days leading to the 2002 PDP Convention, the Governors queued up behind Atiku. Obasanjo faced imminent disgrace. Whereas he was unpopular with the public, Atiku at the time was known as a generous man, with a listening ear, he even enjoyed better media coverage. The President literally had to go down on his knees to win the PDP nomination for 2002. There were reports about the President eating the humble pie and begging Governors and the Vice President to allow him lead the party in the then forthcoming elections. Atiku and the Governors hid their knives, Atiku was retained as running mate, and Obasanjo won the party's nomination.
This background is important to enable us appreciate the point that what is being played out between the President and the Vice President, now with a reversal of roles and political strength, draws attention to a basic law of power. It is dangerous in power-politics to give your enemy the advantage. It is even more dangerous to attempt to humiliate a man of power, in any circumstance whatsoever. In the game of power, whoever is with the advantage can be as deadly as the rattlesnake. When persons remark that the President does not have a forgiving spirit, it should be noted that in the game of power, there is no such thing as forgiveness. It is an ancient rule, tied to the ego of those involved in the game. The moment Vice President Atiku gave up the advantage in 2002, he should have known that he was literally a "dead man". Power is the strongest aphrodisiac invented by man; to rob a man of power, to threaten a man of power, for a subordinate to present his boss as a weakling is like a kiss of death. The issue at stake is not simply treachery/forgiveness; until one lives and the other dies symbolically if not literally, the game does not end.
I do not believe for example that there would be any reconciliation between both men. It is too late for that to happen. We must note that President Obasanjo started fighting Vice President Atiku and his supporters from the moment he regained his virility in 2002. He did not have a political base, of course this was the truth, so the first thing he did was to make sure that the PDP took nearly all the available elective positions in the South West in the 2003 elections, and the moment he achieved that, he had destroyed one of the basis for Atiku's political strength in 2002. The President was not in control of the party, so he started making moves to wrestle the PDP from the PDM, today, he has managed to install two Chairmen of the party and most of the principal officers, and in a recent show of muscle, he fired Audu Ogbeh whom he had installed as Chairman, and replaced him with Ahmadu Ali. Obasanjo's men are now so much in charge of the party that they can if they so wish, manipulate the party register, postpone the party convention and even change the party constitution!
Between 1999 and 2003, Atiku had been a prominent figure in the Obasanjo Presidency, so prominent that the Presidency was often referred to as the Obasanjo/Atiku Presidency. Before long, the Presidency dropped the Atiku tag. The President reduced his foreign travels, and whereas he gave many responsibilities to his Deputy during the first term, he has since 2003 reduced his work schedule, and treated him openly as a subordinate. On more than four occasions in the last two years, the President unilaterally fired members of the Vice President's media team: Garba Shehu, Adeolu Akande, Onukaba Adinoyi-Ojo, and Chris Mammah; anyone who also appeared to be close or was reported to have been seen in the company of the Vice President was quietly declared a persona non grata. The effect was that the Presidency became divided between forces loyal to either the President or the Vice President. Whereas in the first term, both men had made efforts to reassure the public that they were on good terms, no such attempt was made any longer.
And when the Vice President began to behave as if he would love to succeed his boss in 2007, President Obasanjo not only put a stop to his campaigns, he also let the word out that although he does not know who his successor would be, he already knows those who will never succeed him! Those in the know in Abuja immediately stretched the message: Obasanjo has no plans to hand over to Atiku! Added to this was a widespread whispering campaign about the Vice President's integrity. Even the government-owned television station, the NTA which used to feature Atiku regularly, stopped promoting him. During the first term, Atiku had nominated many of his loyalists for political appointment, President Obasanjo has since removed many of them, in government and the party hierarchy, from office. Indeed, about two months ago (The Guardian, Friday, June 17), when the South African Vice President Jacob Zuma was booted out of office, I had remarked sarcastically that President Obasanjo may be tempted to also give Vice President Atiku, the Zuma treatment. Today, some pro-Obasanjo PDP leaders have advised that Atiku should resign or face impeachment.
If Atiku thought that he was fighting for his political life in 2002, he was perhaps mistaken, now is the real battle. He has smoked out the enemy and he is now surrounded with long knives. He will either have to fight his way out of the ambush, or die on his feet. His opponent President Obasanjo is a war General who is used to drawing blood without batting an eyelid, and after eliminating in the last six years so many prominent figures: Okadigbo, Audu Ogbeh, the Alliance for Democracy, Tafa Balogun... Atiku would be for him just another target. But I suspect that there would be wounds and casualties on both sides of the battle.
Visit Wikileaks and type the following in the search bar FEUD BETWEEN OBASANJO AND ATIKU NEARS KNOCKOUT ROUND
The conflict between Obasanjo and Atiku emerged publicly in 2003 when the President announced his plan to contest the elections without including the Vice President as running mate. The dexterous political moves of Atiku grudgingly forced Obasanjo to adopt him as deputy. After the duo emerged victorious the rivalry between the two men intensified, becoming a full-blown conflict. In April 2006 Vice President Atiku criticized the plan to extend President Obasanjo's tenure, thus clearly marking the battle lines. Atiku won a solid victory by teaming up with other opposition groups and defeating the controversial constitutional amendments. Since that episode the relationship has deteriorated to a point seemingly beyond reconciliation, and has become a central calculation in the Nigerian political equation.
The dispute has polarized Nigerian politics and has been a central focus of attention of both the President and Vice-President. The President appears intent in blocking Atiku's ambition to be Nigeria's next president. President Obasanjo has suspended him from the party, unilaterally declared his seat vacant (although the President relented and eventually agreed to let the courts decide), stripped Atiku of the privileges of office including staff and transportation, and on February 12 declared that the Federal Government considered him ineligible for office. Atiku no longer attends the weekly meetings of the Federal Executive Council (FEC).
anonimi: Could you please refresh our memory with details of this 2002 PDP convention concerning the Atiku 2007 project.
According to sources available to us that time, Obasanjo said he will do a single term but after that, he decided to go for second term. I was physically present at Rivers state Governor’s Lodge when the heat became too much and Obasanjo in the presence of all of us knelt down in front of Atiku begging him to allow him do a second term. I think that was how Atiku missed the opportunity by agreeing to Obasanjo’s plea. His thought was that at least, if Obasanjo completes his second term, he will hand over to him but you all know the story of Third Term Agenda and that was how they fell apart. Atiku had the best opportunity to become president in 2003 and lost it. He had the support of PDP governors then.
Around November 2002, 15 of the 21 Governors from the PDP including me, had an ad hoc meeting at my lodge in Abuja to decide who should be nominated by the Governors Committee for election by PDP as the presidential nominee for the 2003 Election.
The Governors Committee decided almost unanimously to get a new candidate instead of President Obasanjo as the Committee was of the view that because of his military background, he was intolerant of dissent and had displayed very dictatorial and vindictive tendencies against those he perceived to be independent-minded and disloyal to him.
Immediately after the Governors meeting, I led the delegation of Governors to meet the then PDP Chairman, Chief Audu Ogbeh, at his residence around 2 am.
As the leader of the delegation, I spoke and communicated the views of the Governors to the Chairman, which was that the Governors had decided not to support President Obasanjo as PDPs nominee for the 2003 General Election.
The party chairman tried to persuade us to review our decision but when he saw our resolve, he told us that he would inform the President. I was later informed by Chief Audu Ogbeh that after we left his house he put an urgent call to the President and informed him of our decision.
What then followed were intense consultations before the PDP annual convention which took place in January 2003. Two days before the party convention, the Governors had a breakfast meeting with President Obasanjo.
I recall that at that meeting, the then Vice President Alhaji Abubakar Atiku told the President in the presence of the Governors that he was known to be very dictatorial, vindictive and unforgiving. The President appealed to the Governors to support him and assured both the Governors and the party leadership that if he was allowed to continue for the second term, he would adopt a more democratic approach.
On the basis of the President's assurance, given at that breakfast meeting, I led the move for the Governors to support his presidential nomination for the second term. However, notwithstanding my support for President Obasanjo's nomination for a second term, the President after the nomination, acted very shabbily towards me.
When I met him soon after the convention, he told me that he had learned that I had put forward the view that he was unsellable, unmarketable and unelectable. He then vowed that he was going to make sure that I was unsellable, unmarketable and unelectable.
Atiku Camp - Visit Wikileaks and type the following in the search bar NIGERIA: DID VP ATIKU OUTFOX BABANGIDA AND OBASANJO DURING THE PDP CONVENTION?
According to Adesanya, Atiku met the governors the first day of the convention; they urged him to leave Obasanjo and seek the nomination himself. Atiku demurred; he also deflected the suggestion that he join Ekwueme. Finally, Atiku arranged a meeting between Obasanjo and the now irate governors. The governors railed that Obasanjo was hypocritically pursuing them for corruption, while turning a blind eye to corrupt politicians within his own Administration. Atiku supported the governor's position, telling Obasanjo that significant corruption was not the exclusive ambit of the governors and that serious transgressions occurred in the executive branch: he said it would be unjust to focus exclusively on gubernatorial excesses. Assuming the role of mediator, Atiku then asked both sides to affirm their mutual support and cease the antagonism being fueled by elements that wanted to destroy the PDP. The governors agreed to bury the hatchet, if Obasanjo would shelve the dossiers. Having demonstrated his influence with the governors, Atiku continued to play coy with Obasanjo.
In the end, Atiku extracted an extraordinary concession from the President. Obasanjo agreed to relinquish the entire domestic agenda to Atiku, including the appointment of key economic policy-makers. Since Obasanjo focused on the world arena during his first term and aspired for recognition as an international statesman, Atiku said that is where he would like Obasanjo's attentions to remain. Obasanjo would serve the role of a "super Foreign Minister" and ceremonial Head of State. As Adesanya understood the agreement, Atiku would be allowed to direct domestic economic policy while Obasanjo busied himself with debt relief, NEPAD, conflict resolution and other measures to shore up Nigeria's image abroad.
OBJ camp - visit Wikileaks and type the following in the search bar NIGERIA: DIFFERENT INSIDER VIEWS ON THE PDP CONVENTION
The President was dazed, Abayomi recalled. Jarred by the unexpected possibility of defeat, the usually know-it-all Obasanjo eagerly solicited counsel on how to escape the closing vise. Early that day, the dominant theme was to seek a court injunction postponing the convention. Proponents suggested the delay to afford Obasanjo time to marshal support and undermine Ekwueme's momentum. However, this idea was ultimately discarded, partially because of apprehension over the public's reaction. More importantly, the push for an injunction became less urgent when the President's advisors began to sense their man was regaining ground by the hour.
The President owed much of his recovery to his own tenacity and, at times, shamelessness. He pulled out virtually all the stops to clinch the nomination, according to Abayomi. For most of that day, the President's diet consisted of liberal portions of humble pie. The President pleaded and cajoled; on at least two occasions his eyes welled with emotion as he pursued fence-sitting delegates and governors. However, Obasanjo saved his best to keep Vice President Atiku from defecting.
With rumor swirling that Atiku would opt to run with Ekwueme, Obasanjo wasted no time visiting the Vice President's residence. Obasanjo begged, declaring he would not leave Atiku's home unless the Vice President accompanied him to win back the delegates and governors. The performance had the desired effect. Atiku joined Obasanjo in publicly lobbying the conventioneers. While it might not have been Obasanjo's finest hour it was the defining moment of the convention. What had been a suspenseful contest would now turn into a rout.