Bigkoko's Posts
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. And this picture is for only Obama right?TopBanter:
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The US president Trump constitutional power to enforce democracy is powerless noise? I like how bold you guys are hating and insulting President Trump on behalf of Mr. Tinubu TopBanter: |
When criminals hijack Nigeria institutions, write laws to cover their forgeries, write election results for themselves to stay in power..... only powerful and ruthless president like Trump can deal with the criminals.... So far so good.... the criminal in Aso Rock understands this ![]() optionalY09: |
Na small thing remain before this one enter street. Everyone dey talk South, he dey talk west ![]() FSBoperator: |
But these crew support Obama's US blindly? If the insane act is catching the drug dealer in Aso Rock.... fine and good TopBanter:
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I'm sure you don't know the US has constitutional obligations to promote democracy and global best practices around the world. That is what we're appealing to Trump to remember and activate against Tinubu election rigging plans through Diaspora Letters to the White House ![]() FSBoperator: |
The Disposition and Transformation of Oil Assets Over the Decades To understand the story we are investigating today, one must go back far beyond the imprisonment of Simon Ekpa, beyond contemporary Biafran agitation, and even beyond the present-day ownership of refineries and energy companies. The real story begins with oil assets — who discovered them, who developed them, who controlled them, who benefited from them, and what happened to them as corporate structures and political circumstances changed over the decades. Oil assets do not simply disappear. They are transferred. They are reorganised. They are incorporated into new companies. They are sold, acquired, renamed, merged, separated and sometimes placed under entirely different corporate structures. And when those transformations occur over several decades, the original history can become almost invisible to the public. That is why our research has focused so heavily on corporate archives and historical records. From Shell and BP to a new corporate landscape: St1 Refinery AB The oil industry that operated during the Nigerian Civil War was not the same industry that exists today. Companies have changed. Ownership structures have changed. Assets have moved. Refineries have changed hands. Corporate subsidiaries have been created and dissolved. And businesses that once operated under one name can eventually become part of another corporate group. This matters enormously when investigating the history of oil and the Biafran conflict. The question is not simply: “Who owns this asset today?” The more important question is: “Where did this asset come from?” What company originally developed it? Under what concession or agreement? Who controlled the underlying rights? Who financed its development? What happened to those rights after the Nigerian Civil War? Were assets transferred to successor companies? Were they sold? Were they nationalized? Were they subsequently privatized? And how did international corporations remain connected to those assets after the political circumstances surrounding them changed? These questions require following the paper trail across decades. The Nigerian Civil War changed the meaning of oil During the Biafran conflict, petroleum was not merely an economic commodity. It was strategically important. The oil-producing areas of the former Eastern Region (Biafra Republic) became one of the most consequential economic and geopolitical dimensions of the conflict. For the Nigerian government, control of petroleum-producing territory meant control of an enormous source of revenue and strategic leverage. For Biafra, control of oil-producing territory represented both economic survival and international relevance. For multinational oil companies, the conflict created an extraordinarily complicated environment in which commercial interests intersected with diplomacy, military realities and competing political claims. That history cannot responsibly be reduced to a simple story of one company or one government. There were multiple actors, competing interests and changing circumstances. But the central question remains: What happened to the assets after the war? The decades after Biafra. After the war, Nigeria’s political and economic structure evolved. The oil industry expanded dramatically. International companies continued operating in Nigeria. Government institutions became increasingly central to the management of petroleum resources. And assets that had existed under colonial and pre-war corporate arrangements became embedded in a much larger national petroleum system. Over time, some assets remained under the control of the same corporate families. Others were reorganized. Some interests were transferred. Some operations were separated from upstream production. Some downstream assets developed their own corporate histories. And eventually, some assets found their way into new ownership structures far removed geographically and institutionally from the circumstances in which they originated. This is where corporate archaeology becomes important. A modern company register may tell you who owns an asset today. It may not tell you how that asset got there. Sometimes they get careless and depends on researchers never connecting the dots or that National Secrecy laws of certain countries will shed them due to release of such information may rope in others connected to the circumstances. For that, researchers have to go backwards. Following the asset, not merely the company Our approach has therefore been to follow the asset itself. We look at: the concession → the operating company → the subsidiary → the parent company → the transfer → the acquisition → the successor company → the present owner. At every stage, there can be documents. Board minutes. Letters. Government correspondence. Annual reports. Share registers. Corporate filings. Diplomatic correspondence. Internal memoranda. Financial records. And archival material. When these records are placed beside one another, an entirely different picture can emerge. A refinery that appears today to be a Finnish asset, for example, may have a much longer corporate genealogy. For instance, the management of Finnish energy group, St1 publicly claim they began operations in 1997, but can not explain how their Gothenburg based Refinery, St1 Refinery AB became entangled with historical liabilities connected to Biafra humanitarian crisis or has the organisation number/corporate reg number of 556060–2378 tied to AB Svenska Shell which original began operations in 1947. Now you must understand that companies can change dressing or ownership, but it can not change it’s corporate registration number! The present-day owner may be only the latest chapter. That does not automatically make the present owner responsible for everything that happened decades earlier. It only established a principle called, “If you enjoy the assets, you also endure the liabilities” especially if there’s unbroken continuity of the assets and companies. It's a global accepted norm. And it does mean that the history of ownership deserves to be understood. From multinational oil majors to new energy empires One of the most interesting features of the modern energy industry is the way assets have moved from traditional oil majors into new corporate structures. Companies such as Shell and BP have, over the decades, participated in enormous restructuring processes, hiding their footprints in areas known for transparency. The latest being Sweden. Assets have been sold. Operations have been consolidated. Businesses have been spun off or reorganized. Downstream operations have developed histories distinct from upstream production. And new energy companies have emerged from assets and businesses that originated under earlier corporate arrangements. This is particularly important when examining the history of Finnish refining and the emergence of St1. The present-day corporate identity of an energy business can be skeptical from the corporate identity that existed when some of its underlying assets were first developed. That is why simply looking at today’s company name is insufficient. The St1 question Our research eventually brought us to Finland and to the corporate history surrounding St1, the Finnish energy group founded by Mika Anttonen. The significance of this connection requires careful examination. The question is not whether St1 is somehow identical to Shell or BP. It is not. The question is whether particular assets, facilities, commercial relationships or corporate interests that existed under earlier ownership structures were subsequently transformed, transferred or incorporated into businesses associated with St1. And the doubts surrounding the Organization number"556060–2378" a registration number associated with AB Svenska Shell AB incorporated in Sweden on June 16, 1947, and which now is associated with St1 Refinery AB, purportedly also registered in Sweden on June 16, 1947. That distinction is crucial. Corporate succession is not the same thing as historical responsibility. In the case of St1 Refinery AB since the organization remains unchanged, it's inferred that we are talking of the legal entity.AB Svenska Shell AB incorporated in Sweden on June 16, 1947 = St1 Refinery AB, purportedly also registered in Sweden on June 16, 1947 But corporate archives can reveal a chain of ownership that the public may never have been shown. And that chain is precisely what we have been investigating. See it from the lens of a registration done in Sweden in June 16, 1947 for an entity called “AB Svenska Shell” with the registration number: 556050-2378 and the St1 core refining assets in Sweden called “St1 Refinery AB” with registration number: 556050-2378, this high value information is inspite of the fact that the management of St1 Group claim they are a Finnish energy company that began operations in 1997. Why the archives matter. This is why we went into archives. We did not want social-media narratives. We did not want political slogans. We did not want conspiracy theories. We wanted primary documents. We wanted to see what officials actually wrote. What companies actually recorded. What directors actually discussed. What diplomats actually communicated. What boards actually approved. And what governments actually knew. That is why our research extended across several countries. The story of Nigerian oil cannot necessarily be found in one archive. The history of multinational corporations crosses borders. A document concerning Nigeria may be sitting in London. A corporate record may be held in Switzerland. A diplomatic communication may be preserved in Stockholm. A company transaction may appear in Finnish records. A historical ownership trail may lead to the Netherlands, France, Denmark or the United States. The geography of the archive can therefore be as important as the geography of the oil field. The question we are asking. Ultimately, our investigation is not simply about Shell. It is not simply about BP. It is not simply about St1. And it is not simply about Nigeria. It is about the transformation of power. How did assets connected to one historical period become part of another? How did ownership change? Who negotiated the transfers? Who benefited? What did governments know? What did corporations know? What was recorded privately that never entered the public narrative? And, most importantly: Did the political and economic consequences of the Biafran period continue long after the war officially ended? Those are legitimate historical questions. They deserve evidence-based answers. Why this matters to the Simon Ekpa story At first glance, the history of oil assets and the imprisonment of Simon Ekpa may appear to have nothing to do with each other. But our research has led us to examine the intersection between energy, diplomacy, corporate interests, Nigerian politics and the treatment of Biafran-related dissent in Europe. We are not claiming that the existence of a corporate connection automatically proves political collusion. That would be intellectually irresponsible. What we are saying is that the historical relationships deserve investigation — particularly when contemporary political events intersect with countries and institutions that have longstanding economic and diplomatic relationships with Nigeria. The question is whether these are merely coincidental relationships or whether there are deeper connections that the available documents can establish. That is why we keep digging. Because ownership has a memory. Companies have histories. Assets have paper trails. And sometimes, when you follow an asset far enough backwards, you discover that the story being told today begins nowhere near where the real story began. We intend to follow that trail all the way back.
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After the akara saga, Iya Ankara don close mouth |
At least Nixon has known identity and names and addresses of the schools he attended….. And bulablu? |
You are only as powerful as much as you can grow your own food |
Looks like BAT don run Reno street ohhh! If ambassador job don full, PA job no dey? |
Keep the inquiries coming in….. |
We are not discussing POTUS ratings here but Mr. Tinubu plans to rig 2027 elections! Are mags going to vote in Nigeria? See why I recommended a quick visit to Odumeje church for you? No pills or injections, just pure brute Idabosky per hose! I have received msgs from Nigerians in Italy and Spain asking for a coordinated action….. We go cook food for Tinubu…. FSBoperator: |
Na people like you Odumeje dey help. Idanbosky per hose will do the needful. Just reach out to him ![]() WizardOfNG: |
It's a laughing matter to, but not to Mr Tinubu who will face Trump's wrath in the coming months aswani: |
Their path to win is only through rigging... That's why it's now more than urgent to make sure we force a transparent election on them ![]() Noblechykk: |
Will do.... waiting for confirmation before I drop it plessis: |
Taxes wey Gbaja & co go take flex owambe? ![]() Streetinvestor2: |
Trump hates drug dealers more...... Streetinvestor2: |
You are right, Tinubu is not our mate. He will jam his mate Trump who we shall inform in the coming days ![]() Mate go jam mate...... Nigerians go sit back and watch mates handle each other FSBoperator: |
This one is so eaten he confuses everything! Nnnaaaa try visit Odumeje church biko. When he's not speaking for Trump, he is speaking for individuals..... but I have confidence Odumeje can handle it ![]() WizardOfNG: |
If it concerns IGBO Obidients, instead of asking G-d you don't see, start by asking your parents and elders about 1967-70. Allow G-d concentrate on important stuff ![]() aswani: |
You may have a point here. The more reason the US should save American tax payer money by forcing Mr Tinubu to conduct elections the right way. Between, they can prepare their letter at night, walk to a post mail at night and send. They don't even need to put their addresses. They can even choose to send it annonymously as a concerned Nigeria FSBoperator: |
Because he has already written 2027 election results right? Let's see if Trump and US democratic institutions will force Mr Tinubu to conduct elections the proper way. Tinubu vs Trump and Tinubu vs Nigerians Streetinvestor2: |
Thanks..... this response of yours has been screenshot and will be attached as the personal views of Mr Tinubu, spread through his supporters Whatsapp group chats ![]() Raw materials to cook Tinubu na una go supply am thanks nna FSBoperator: |
Special advisor to Mr. Trump... ![]() Allow POTUS decides himself, when thousands of letters flood his table at the Oval office. Since you on Nairaland knew Tinubu has already written the 2027 election, it makes it all the more urgent for Trump and US democratic institutions to act now. ChukwuObe: |
And this is interfering in Ghana?Even if this was not John Kerry, a key democrat who Tinubu met to influence 2015 elections in Nigeria, we will still mass alert Trump. Better get used to it. By the way, why is Tinubu afraid of conducting elections in Free and Credible manner? emkz:
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Eyaaa I can feel the fear on the voice of a Chihuahua who thought it's the a Rotweiller........ ![]() POTUS Trumpchukwu Agaba ne ji amu eyi akwuna egwu will receive thousands of letters asking for increased US scrutiny of election plans in which Tinubu is a participant. WizardOfNG: |
![]() Streetinvestor2: |
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