₦airaland Forum

CharlesCNG:
TINUBU INFRASTRUCTURE FILES — PART 3 OF 10 LAGOS–CALABAR: STOP CALLING IT A “LAGOS ROAD” By CharlesCNG

One criticism of the Lagos–Calabar Coastal Highway has aged particularly badly: “It is just another Lagos road.”

Some even predicted that the project would never get beyond Epe. Well, there is now a simple problem with that argument: THE ROAD HAS ALREADY GONE BEYOND EPE.

The Lagos–Calabar Coastal Highway is designed as an approximately 750km economic corridor spanning nine states:Lagos. Ogun. Ondo.
Edo. Delta. Bayelsa. Rivers. Akwa Ibom. Cross River.

That is not a Lagos road. That is a national coastal highway.And construction is no longer confined to Lagos.

In August 2026, Works Minister David Umahi inspected Section 4B in Ondo and gave an unusually detailed update.

According to the ministry, work was progressing on approximately 28km in Ogun and 52km in Ondo. At the opposite end of the country, approximately 27km was under construction around Calabar, while the first Akwa Ibom section was approximately 47km.

The ministry reported the latter sections at more than 60 percent progress. Then comes an even bigger Akwa Ibom component.

In May 2026, the Federal Government signed an agreement covering a new Section 5 alignment of approximately 82.8km of dual carriageway in Akwa Ibom. So how exactly is this a “Lagos road”?

There is another reason Akwa Ibom and Cross River matter. TERRAIN.

These are not simply bulldozers driving across convenient dry land.

Sections 3A and 3B through Akwa Ibom and Cross River cover about 71.4km and involve substantial earthworks through difficult terrain. The alignment was even adjusted to avoid an approximately 19km swamp.

This is precisely why comparing the cost of a coastal superhighway kilometre with an ordinary inland road kilometre can become misleading.
You are dealing with bridges, drainage, earthworks, swamp conditions, shoreline considerations and enormous quantities of fill.

Meanwhile, Lagos itself has moved beyond artistic renderings.Thirty kilometres of Section 1 were opened to traffic in December 2025. Section 2 towards covering ogun state ,with a new port schedule for the waterside area, has continued advancing.

Ogun is active. Ondo is active. Akwa Ibom is active. Cross River is active.

And further sections are being prepared. The engineering is also significant.

The highway is being constructed using rigid concrete pavement rather than conventional flexible asphalt on major stretches — part of the Tinubu administration’s wider experiment with longer-life concrete highways.

Now, none of this means Nigerians should stop asking questions. Ask about cost.Ask about procurement. ask about compensation.

Ask about environmental impact. Ask about financing. Ask whether deadlines will be met.

Those are legitimate questions involving a project of this magnitude.

But “it will end in Epe” is no longer serious criticism.

You cannot stand in Lagos and declare that a road does not exist in Akwa Ibom while construction equipment is physically working there.

And this is the larger point. The Lagos–Calabar Coastal Highway should ultimately be judged not by Tinubu’s speeches or his critics’ predictions, but by kilometres actually delivered.

Lagos. Ogun.Ondo.Edo. Delta. Bayelsa. Rivers. Akwa Ibom. Cross River. That is the test.

And kilometre by kilometre, the evidence is beginning to answer the argument. Pls wait the video evidence of all will soon be released.

NEXT: Sokoto–Badagry — The Other Superhighway Nobody Talks About.

CharlesCNG

TINUBU INFRASTRUCTURE FILES — PART 4 OF 10 SOKOTO–BADAGRY: THE OTHER SUPERHIGHWAY NOBODY TALKS ABOUT
By CharlesCNG

Everybody knows Lagos–Calabar. But ask the average Nigerian about the Sokoto–Badagry Superhighway and you may get a blank stare.

Yet this may ultimately become one of the most consequential roads in Nigeria. Approximately 1,068 kilometres.

Six lanes. Three lanes in each direction. Concrete pavement. Street lighting.And a route stretching from Illela in Sokoto State, near Nigeria’s border with Niger Republic, through: Sokoto. Kebbi. Niger. Kwara. Oyo. Ogun. And finally Lagos.

Think about that geography for a moment. This is essentially a massive NORTH–SOUTH economic artery. And here is the fascinating part: The idea is more than FOUR DECADES OLD.

The Sokoto–Badagry corridor was conceived during the Shehu Shagari era but never became reality on anything approaching today's scale.
Tinubu revived it.

And unlike some grand Nigerian infrastructure announcements, construction is physically underway. The longest state section is in Kebbi — approximately 258km.

By May 2026, engineers reported that concrete pavement had already been laid across approximately 19km of the Kebbi section, alongside earthworks, stone base, filling and street-light installation.

Section 2A was reported at approximately 40 percent completion. Section 2B: approximately 16 percent.
In Sokoto, construction activity has also been reported around communities including Silame, Katame, Gade and Binji.

And the engineering itself matters. This is not being designed as another narrow interstate road patched every few years.
The highway is being constructed as a three-lane-per-direction dual carriageway using continuously reinforced concrete pavement.

The design also incorporates street lighting, modern digital signage and CCTV surveillance. But the biggest story is not concrete. It is ECONOMICS.

Consider what northern Nigeria produces. Rice. Tomatoes. Onions. Livestock. Grains. And enormous quantities of other agricultural products.

Now consider the cost of moving those products across Nigeria on slow, deteriorated roads. Transport time becomes food inflation. Vehicle damage becomes food inflation. Spoilage becomes food inflation. Logistics inefficiency eventually appears in the price Nigerians pay at the market.

A high-capacity corridor from the far North-West towards major southern markets and the Lagos/Badagry axis changes that equation.
Kebbi officials have specifically highlighted the potential for tomatoes, onions and other perishables to reach distant markets faster, reducing losses.

There is another dimension. AGRICULTURE.

Government officials say the broader corridor interacts with numerous dams and irrigation opportunities, potentially supporting year-round agricultural production along parts of the route. And another: REGIONAL TRADE.

The highway begins around Illela, one of Nigeria’s important gateways towards Niger Republic and the wider Sahel.At the opposite end sits the Lagos/Badagry commercial corridor and access towards Atlantic trade.

So when somebody tells you Tinubu is building infrastructure only in Lagos, don't argue for twenty paragraphs. Ask one question:

WHERE DOES THE 1,068KM SOKOTO–BADAGRY SUPERHIGHWAY START? Sokoto. Then bring the construction figures from Kebbi.

This is what I mean when I say Nigeria should stop discussing roads merely as political gifts to individual states.

A serious highway is an economic corridor. A tomato farmer in Kebbi benefits. A transporter benefits. A trader in Oyo benefits.
A logistics company benefits. A port-bound exporter benefits. And ultimately, the consumer benefits.

The real question is therefore not whether Sokoto–Badagry sounds impressive. It is whether Tinubu can FINISH it.

That is the standard Nigerians should hold him to.

Because if Nigeria actually completes a 1,068km high-capacity concrete highway linking the Sahel-facing North-West with the Atlantic-facing South-West, nobody will need a government spokesman to explain its significance.

The road itself will make the argument.

NEXT: Why Tinubu And Umahi Are Betting On Concrete.

CharlesCNG:
TINUBU INFRASTRUCTURE FILES — PART 2 OF 10 FOUR HIGHWAYS THAT COULD REDRAW NIGERIA’S ECONOMIC MAP. By CharlesCNG

Forget Lagos-Calabar for one minute. Many Nigerians do not realise that Tinubu is attempting to build FOUR massive legacy highway corridors across the country.

Put them together on a map and the strategy becomes clearer: create major economic arteries linking Nigeria’s geopolitical zones, agricultural belts, commercial centres, ports and borders.

1. LAGOS–CALABAR COASTAL HIGHWAY

Approximately 750km. The proposed corridor runs along Nigeria’s coastal belt towards Cross River. And no, it is not merely a “Lagos road.”

Construction has already moved beyond Lagos. In August 2026, Works Minister David Umahi inspected Section 4B in Ondo State and declared that construction had already “sailed past Epe.”

In Akwa Ibom, approximately 82.8km of new dual carriageway has been contracted as Section 5. The Works Ministry says more than 70% of that alignment passes through deep swampy terrain requiring substantial excavation, filling and reinforcement.

Cross River sections are also part of the active programme.The idea is ultimately to create an economic spine along Nigeria’s coastline.

2. SOKOTO–BADAGRY SUPERHIGHWAY

This is the project people who call Tinubu’s infrastructure “Lagos-centric” rarely mention. Approximately 1,068km.

It begins around Illela in Sokoto, near the Niger border, traverses Kebbi and the North-Central corridor and eventually heads towards Badagry in Lagos. By earlier official figures, 258km was under construction in Kebbi and another 120km in Sokoto — 378km across those northern sections alone. And the road is moving southwards.

Another approximately 180km Section IV has been contracted in Oyo State. Think about the economic logic: Northern agricultural production connected through a high-capacity highway towards southern commercial centres and Atlantic trade routes.

That is not a constituency road. It is an economic corridor.

3. CALABAR–EBONYI–ABUJA TRANS-SAHARA SUPERHIGHWAY

Now look at this geography: Cross River → Ebonyi → Benue → Kogi → Nasarawa → Abuja.

The first section from the Cross River axis towards the Benue border is approximately 123.64km, while additional sections through Benue, Kogi and Nasarawa have already been awarded. The Works Ministry describes the route as an important agricultural and food corridor.

When completed, it should provide another major connection between the South-South, South-East and North-Central. Again: national integration through infrastructure.

4. AKWANGA–JOS–BAUCHI–GOMBE–BIU–MAIDUGURI

Then comes the northern legacy corridor. In July 2026, construction was formally flagged off on the first approximately 125km from Akwanga in Nasarawa towards Jos.

Another approximately 125km Gombe–Biu section has also been contracted.
The highway is being designed around continuously reinforced concrete pavement and is intended to push through the North-Central into the North-East, ultimately reaching Maiduguri.

Now stand back and look at the four roads together. Lagos–Calabar connects the coastal South. Sokoto–Badagry links the far North-West towards the Atlantic. Calabar–Abuja connects the South-South and South-East towards North-Central. Akwanga–Maiduguri drives from North-Central deep into the North-East.

This is why reducing Tinubu’s infrastructure programme to “that coastal road in Lagos” completely misses the point. These projects are being designed as an interconnected NATIONAL HIGHWAY NETWORK.

Not every kilometre has been built. Not every section has even reached the same construction stage. But the ambition is unmistakable.

Nigeria is trying to build something closer to a genuine interstate highway system — roads that do not simply terminate within states, but connect regions and create economic corridors around them.

That is potentially transformational. Because roads don't merely carry vehicles.

They carry FOOD. They carry GOODS. They carry PEOPLE. They carry COMMERCE.

And ultimately, they carry economic opportunity.

NEXT: Lagos-Calabar — Stop Calling It A “Lagos Road.”

TINUBU INFRASTRUCTURE FILES — PART 3 OF 10 LAGOS–CALABAR: STOP CALLING IT A “LAGOS ROAD” By CharlesCNG

One criticism of the Lagos–Calabar Coastal Highway has aged particularly badly: “It is just another Lagos road.”

Some even predicted that the project would never get beyond Epe. Well, there is now a simple problem with that argument: THE ROAD HAS ALREADY GONE BEYOND EPE.

The Lagos–Calabar Coastal Highway is designed as an approximately 750km economic corridor spanning nine states:Lagos. Ogun. Ondo.
Edo. Delta. Bayelsa. Rivers. Akwa Ibom. Cross River.

That is not a Lagos road. That is a national coastal highway.And construction is no longer confined to Lagos.

In August 2026, Works Minister David Umahi inspected Section 4B in Ondo and gave an unusually detailed update.

According to the ministry, work was progressing on approximately 28km in Ogun and 52km in Ondo. At the opposite end of the country, approximately 27km was under construction around Calabar, while the first Akwa Ibom section was approximately 47km.

The ministry reported the latter sections at more than 60 percent progress. Then comes an even bigger Akwa Ibom component.

In May 2026, the Federal Government signed an agreement covering a new Section 5 alignment of approximately 82.8km of dual carriageway in Akwa Ibom. So how exactly is this a “Lagos road”?

There is another reason Akwa Ibom and Cross River matter. TERRAIN.

These are not simply bulldozers driving across convenient dry land.

Sections 3A and 3B through Akwa Ibom and Cross River cover about 71.4km and involve substantial earthworks through difficult terrain. The alignment was even adjusted to avoid an approximately 19km swamp.

This is precisely why comparing the cost of a coastal superhighway kilometre with an ordinary inland road kilometre can become misleading.
You are dealing with bridges, drainage, earthworks, swamp conditions, shoreline considerations and enormous quantities of fill.

Meanwhile, Lagos itself has moved beyond artistic renderings.Thirty kilometres of Section 1 were opened to traffic in December 2025. Section 2 towards covering ogun state ,with a new port schedule for the waterside area, has continued advancing.

Ogun is active. Ondo is active. Akwa Ibom is active. Cross River is active.

And further sections are being prepared. The engineering is also significant.

The highway is being constructed using rigid concrete pavement rather than conventional flexible asphalt on major stretches — part of the Tinubu administration’s wider experiment with longer-life concrete highways.

Now, none of this means Nigerians should stop asking questions. Ask about cost.Ask about procurement. ask about compensation.

Ask about environmental impact. Ask about financing. Ask whether deadlines will be met.

Those are legitimate questions involving a project of this magnitude.

But “it will end in Epe” is no longer serious criticism.

You cannot stand in Lagos and declare that a road does not exist in Akwa Ibom while construction equipment is physically working there.

And this is the larger point. The Lagos–Calabar Coastal Highway should ultimately be judged not by Tinubu’s speeches or his critics’ predictions, but by kilometres actually delivered.

Lagos. Ogun.Ondo.Edo. Delta. Bayelsa. Rivers. Akwa Ibom. Cross River. That is the test.

And kilometre by kilometre, the evidence is beginning to answer the argument. Pls wait the video evidence of all will soon be released.

NEXT: Sokoto–Badagry — The Other Superhighway Nobody Talks About.

CharlesCNG

CharlesCNG:
TINUBU’S ROAD REVOLUTION: THE NUMBERS THEY DON’T TELL YOU

I have a challenge for anyone who says Tinubu has done nothing about Nigeria’s roads:In this ten part series, i will list the roads, the kilometers, the locations and i dare anyone to fact-check me. i will also follow up with video receipts for FOOLS who want to doubt PROOFS

Because something unusually large is happening to Nigeria’s federal road network, but political noise has obscured the scale of it.

Tinubu did not inherit a blank road map. The administration inherited more than 2,000 ongoing road projects, many suffering from years of inadequate funding, abandonment or deterioration, with an enormous outstanding funding requirement.

That is important. The potholes Nigerians complain about today were not dug on May 29, 2023. Roads like Benin-Asaba, East-West Road, Abuja-Kaduna-Kano, Enugu-Onitsha and numerous others had accumulated problems over many years.

Tinubu’s government therefore faced two choices: Keep patching them. Or rethink the system.It chose a combination of completing inherited projects, reconstructing failed highways and simultaneously creating entirely new national economic corridors.

And the numbers are becoming difficult to ignore. A May 2023–May 2026 assessment reported approximately 1,800 [/b]kilometres of major roads completed, while another roughly [b]5,400 kilometres were under construction, reconstruction, rehabilitation or dualisation.
In this ten part series we shall name them and later provide video receipts with youtube links.

The same assessment identified 40 completed major road and bridge projects and 133 selected ongoing projects across Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones. And this is where the “Tinubu is only building roads in Lagos” argument begins to collapse.

The completed projects identified in that assessment were spread across every geopolitical zone: South-West, South-East, South-South, North-Central, North-East and North-West. But Tinubu has gone even further.

His administration is building four enormous new legacy highway corridors:

Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway — approximately 750km.

Sokoto-Badagry Superhighway — approximately 1,068km.

Calabar-Ebonyi-Abuja Trans-Sahara Highway.

Akwanga-Jos-Bauchi-Gombe-Biu-Maiduguri Superhighway — approximately 700km.

Look carefully at that map.

One runs along Nigeria’s southern coastline. Another stretches from the far North-West towards the Atlantic. Another links the South-South and South-East towards Abuja. The fourth connects the North-Central deep into the North-East.

That is not a collection of constituency roads. It is the beginning of a national highway grid.

Then comes perhaps the least discussed part of the story: CONCRETE.
After decades in which sections of Nigerian highways repeatedly deteriorated under heavy traffic, rainfall, flooding, poor drainage and high water tables, the Works Ministry under David Umahi has increasingly moved selected strategic highways towards continuously reinforced concrete pavement.

The argument is simple: stop repeatedly rebuilding vulnerable stretches with designs unsuited to their conditions and start constructing for longer service life. That philosophy is already appearing on projects from Abuja-Kaduna-Kano to Sokoto-Badagry, Akwanga-Jos, East-West Road, Benin-Auchi and Osun federal highways.

This does not mean every road is completed. It does not mean every contract is perfect. And it certainly does not mean government should escape scrutiny over costs, procurement, delays or quality.

It means something much simpler: If we are going to debate Tinubu’s infrastructure record, let us debate the actual record.

Road by road. Kilometre by kilometre. State by state.
I challenge anyone to identify another Nigerian administration that, within a comparable three-year period, simultaneously advanced road construction, reconstruction and entirely new national economic corridors on this geographical scale.

Don't bring insults. Bring your road ledger. I will bring mine. Then let Nigerians compare.

NEXT: The Four Highways That Could Redraw Nigeria’s Economic Map.

TINUBU INFRASTRUCTURE FILES — PART 2 OF 10 FOUR HIGHWAYS THAT COULD REDRAW NIGERIA’S ECONOMIC MAP. By CharlesCNG

Forget Lagos-Calabar for one minute. Many Nigerians do not realise that Tinubu is attempting to build FOUR massive legacy highway corridors across the country.

Put them together on a map and the strategy becomes clearer: create major economic arteries linking Nigeria’s geopolitical zones, agricultural belts, commercial centres, ports and borders.

1. LAGOS–CALABAR COASTAL HIGHWAY

Approximately 750km. The proposed corridor runs along Nigeria’s coastal belt towards Cross River. And no, it is not merely a “Lagos road.”

Construction has already moved beyond Lagos. In August 2026, Works Minister David Umahi inspected Section 4B in Ondo State and declared that construction had already “sailed past Epe.”

In Akwa Ibom, approximately 82.8km of new dual carriageway has been contracted as Section 5. The Works Ministry says more than 70% of that alignment passes through deep swampy terrain requiring substantial excavation, filling and reinforcement.

Cross River sections are also part of the active programme.The idea is ultimately to create an economic spine along Nigeria’s coastline.

2. SOKOTO–BADAGRY SUPERHIGHWAY

This is the project people who call Tinubu’s infrastructure “Lagos-centric” rarely mention. Approximately 1,068km.

It begins around Illela in Sokoto, near the Niger border, traverses Kebbi and the North-Central corridor and eventually heads towards Badagry in Lagos. By earlier official figures, 258km was under construction in Kebbi and another 120km in Sokoto — 378km across those northern sections alone. And the road is moving southwards.

Another approximately 180km Section IV has been contracted in Oyo State. Think about the economic logic: Northern agricultural production connected through a high-capacity highway towards southern commercial centres and Atlantic trade routes.

That is not a constituency road. It is an economic corridor.

3. CALABAR–EBONYI–ABUJA TRANS-SAHARA SUPERHIGHWAY

Now look at this geography: Cross River → Ebonyi → Benue → Kogi → Nasarawa → Abuja.

The first section from the Cross River axis towards the Benue border is approximately 123.64km, while additional sections through Benue, Kogi and Nasarawa have already been awarded. The Works Ministry describes the route as an important agricultural and food corridor.

When completed, it should provide another major connection between the South-South, South-East and North-Central. Again: national integration through infrastructure.

4. AKWANGA–JOS–BAUCHI–GOMBE–BIU–MAIDUGURI

Then comes the northern legacy corridor. In July 2026, construction was formally flagged off on the first approximately 125km from Akwanga in Nasarawa towards Jos.

Another approximately 125km Gombe–Biu section has also been contracted.
The highway is being designed around continuously reinforced concrete pavement and is intended to push through the North-Central into the North-East, ultimately reaching Maiduguri.

Now stand back and look at the four roads together. Lagos–Calabar connects the coastal South. Sokoto–Badagry links the far North-West towards the Atlantic. Calabar–Abuja connects the South-South and South-East towards North-Central. Akwanga–Maiduguri drives from North-Central deep into the North-East.

This is why reducing Tinubu’s infrastructure programme to “that coastal road in Lagos” completely misses the point. These projects are being designed as an interconnected NATIONAL HIGHWAY NETWORK.

Not every kilometre has been built. Not every section has even reached the same construction stage. But the ambition is unmistakable.

Nigeria is trying to build something closer to a genuine interstate highway system — roads that do not simply terminate within states, but connect regions and create economic corridors around them.

That is potentially transformational. Because roads don't merely carry vehicles.

They carry FOOD. They carry GOODS. They carry PEOPLE. They carry COMMERCE.

And ultimately, they carry economic opportunity.

NEXT: Lagos-Calabar — Stop Calling It A “Lagos Road.”

Dalohad:
Obi has always been Obidient to the masses..

APC bulabans can cry themselves to cardiac failure. It will be in the interest of the country, if we look for them someday and can't find them.

OBI’S GREAT 2027 POLITICAL PILGRIMAGE: FROM CHURCH PULPITS TO NORTHERN DINNER TABLES 😂 By CharlesCNG

When exactly did Peter Obi become uniquely “Obidient to the masses”? Please spare us another BS.

In 2023, Obi’s campaign imagery leaned conspicuously towards churches and Christian audiences. Now watch the 2027 political choreography.

Suddenly, there is Obi in the North: visiting Muslim communities, sharing food, serving food, eating with ordinary people and generating enough carefully packaged grassroots imagery to fill a campaign documentary.

Nothing wrong with courting northern voters. That is politics. So obidients should not sell political repositioning to us as evidence of some lifelong romance with “the masses.”

The funniest transformation is elsewhere. Remember 2023? The existing political establishment was repeatedly dismissed as the “structure of criminality.”

Fast-forward towards 2027 and Obi is increasingly working within an opposition coalition populated by veteran politicians drawn from precisely the old political establishment he once positioned himself against. 😂😂😂

Apparently, the “structure of criminality” has undergone miraculous rehabilitation.

Church yesterday. Northern muslims dinner mat with talakawas today. Old establishment politicians tomorrow.

At this rate, by election day Obi may discover that the only political structure he truly objects to… is the one that isn’t supporting Peter Obi.

What won’t a politician do for votes?

Streetinvestor2:
Trash only good for the dustbin
How is this rubbish the problem of 79% hungery and poor Nigerians.
All they want is the return on subsidy which will make things affordable. He will equally address the systematic pegging of naira above #1300

THE FARMER SAYS FOOD IS TOO CHEAP. THE CONSUMER SAYS IT IS TOO EXPENSIVE. HOW CAN BOTH BE RIGHT? By CharlesCNG

My cook, David, recently asked permission to travel home to Nasarawa State because his father was ill.

When he returned to Abuja, naturally, my first question was: "How is your father?" Thankfully, he was doing better.

Then I asked David two questions that particularly interested me: "Have the farmers returned to their farms?" "And how was the harvest?"

I asked because David comes from a farming family. His parents farm. So I wasn't looking for government statistics; I wanted to hear what was happening on the ground.

His answer initially delighted me. "Yes, sir. People are farming again. The security situation in nasarawa as regards farming is now almost a thing of the Past" "And the harvest?" "Very good."

FANTASTIC! More farmers. Good harvest. More food. Surely everybody should be happy?

David shook his head. "No, sir. There is a problem." That stopped me.
He explained that his mother had actually LOST MONEY on part of her harvest because produce prices had fallen so low locally that what she received could barely justify the cost and effort of producing it.

And this matters because farming families don't live on yam, maize or tomatoes alone. The profit from selling their harvest is what buys cooking oil, seasoning cubes, soap, medicine, school needs and other things they cannot grow.

Suddenly, the contradiction hit me. A FARMER IN NASARAWA CAN COMPLAIN THAT FOOD IS TOO CHEAP WHILE A FAMILY IN ABUJA COMPLAINS THAT THE SAME FOOD IS TOO EXPENSIVE.

How can both be right? Because somewhere between the FARM and the PLATE, something is broken.

The farmer may receive ₦1,000. By the time his produce is aggregated, transported, handled, stored, partly spoiled, subjected to market charges and finally retailed in Abuja, the consumer may pay ₦2,000 or ₦3,000.

The urban consumer says: " Food is too expensive!" The farmer says: "Food is too cheap!" And the remarkable thing is: BOTH MAY BE TELLING THE TRUTH.
This is why Nigeria's food-security debate cannot end with "produce more food."

Production is only HALF the journey.We must also ask: How cheaply can we move that food from Nasarawa, Benue, Plateau, Kano and Kaduna into Abuja, Lagos and other huge consumption centres?

Can farmers store produce instead of being forced to sell immediately after harvest when everybody is selling? Can aggregation centres connect farmers directly to large buyers?

Can cold storage prevent tomatoes and vegetables from becoming rotten losses? Can better roads and rail reduce transportation costs?

This is why I am increasingly interested in Lagos's Fresh Food Hub experiment and similar ideas.

Because Nigeria may not merely have a FOOD PRODUCTION problem.

We also have a FOOD DISTRIBUTION problem. And David's mother may be standing at one end of it, complaining: "MY FOOD IS TOO CHEAP."
While millions of Nigerians in urban cities stand at the other end shouting:"FOOD IS TOO EXPENSIVE!"

Somewhere between those two Nigerians lies a problem we desperately need to solve.

LZAA:
Person go think say na lie until dem experience am
That's why these Agbado minions defending bad governance dey scare me cuz na dem dey suffer am pass

Call people “Agbado minions” if it avoids discussing policy, but “food is expensive under Tinubu” is a DIAGNOSIS, not a prescription.

The FG is already tackling food security through fertiliser, irrigation, mechanisation, agricultural finance, farm security, strategic reserves, storage, processing and transport infrastructure.
But the battle must increasingly be STATE BY STATE because Nigeria does not have one uniform food problem .
And some are already doing this-Sokoto is distributing 157,800 bags of fertiliser and running subsidised-food interventions;
Nasarawa is supporting farmers with fertiliser, inputs and mechanisation;
Benue is subsidising fertiliser while expanding storage, processing and market linkages;
Lagos is attacking its peculiar logistics problem through Fresh Food Hubs.

So yes, food remains too expensive. Criticise Tinubu and judge his results. But Obi, Atiku and others seeking his job must answer the bigger question: WHAT WILL YOU DO BETTER?
Farm security? Fertiliser? Irrigation? Storage? Transport? Post-harvest losses? Farm-to-city price gaps? At what cost and with what measurable results?

“Tinubu has failed” is a campaign slogan, NOT a food-security policy. PUT YOUR ALTERNATIVE BESIDE HIS. LET NIGERIANS COMPARE.

This is basically my problem with the opposition. They are not discussing POLICY.

If all you do is tell Nigerians what Tinubu has done wrong without explaining precisely what YOU will do differently and why your alternative will produce better results, then you are merely campaigning against Tinubu — you are not presenting an alternative government.

Brendaniel:
Have you considered transportation cost, extortion allowed and supported by the government by agberos, bribes to security agencies on the road during transportation, excessive levy and taxes by the government for those selling in the city?

NATIONAL FOOD INFLATION IS HIDING 37 DIFFERENT STORIES By CharlesCNG

Nigeria's July food inflation was 20.31%. That number is serious. In fact, food inflation has risen every month this year, from 8.89% in January to 20.31% in July. But underneath that ONE national number are 37 very different stories.

Adamawa: 51.36%. Katsina: 30.84%. Zamfara: 30.65%. Delta: 28.08%. Lagos: 26.83%.

Now look at the other end: Osun: 12.92%. Ebonyi: 12.79%. Kebbi: 12.50%. Nasarawa: 6.88%. Borno: -0.31%.

Seventeen states were ABOVE the national food-inflation rate. Twenty were BELOW it.

Same President. Same naira. Same Central Bank. Same Federal Government. Yet food inflation ranges from -0.31% to 51.36%.

That should tell us something enormously important before 2027:NIGERIA DOES NOT HAVE ONE FOOD CRISIS.

It has dozens of interconnected LOCAL food problems. Lagos depends heavily on food transported from elsewhere, so logistics, storage and distribution become critical. Benue may produce plenty of food yet struggle with storage, processing, insecurity and getting farmers profitable prices.

Kaduna and Kano face their own production and supply-chain challenges. And Nasarawa's problem can even become the opposite: farmers enjoying good harvests but complaining that produce has become TOO CHEAP locally.

Seasonality differs. Security differs. Harvests differ. Roads differ.Storage differs. Local government policies differ.

Even July alone demonstrates this beautifully. Food prices jumped 17.02% in Adamawa and 13.48% in Lagos.

But they actually FELL 3.68% in Jigawa, 3.67% in Kebbi and 1.85% in Bauchi.

So our political debate needs to mature. Yes, Tinubu must answer for national policy.

The Federal Government controls crucial parts of the food-security architecture: national security, interstate highways and rail, dams and irrigation, agricultural finance, fertiliser policy, trade policy and strategic interventions.

BUT GOVERNORS CANNOT BE SPECTATORS. A governor cannot sit in his state capital, watch food inflation explode in his own markets, then point towards Abuja as though the Presidential Villa sells tomatoes.

States control or influence agriculture programmes, extension services, local markets, feeder roads, storage, land administration and many other parts of the food chain. Therefore, before 2027, whenever somebody asks:

“WHAT IS TINUBU DOING ABOUT FOOD?” Excellent question. But I am adding another: GOVERNOR, WHAT ARE YOU DOING?

Because Abuja can build the national backbone. But ultimately, food is produced, transported, stored, traded and EATEN somewhere.

Food inflation may be national. THE FIGHT AGAINST IT MUST ALSO BE LOCAL.

CharlesCNG
FOOD PRICE & FOOD SECURITY WATCH

Prices • Policy • Proof

Sonofgod1990:
Then you should go back to village

WHY IS FOOD INFLATION 51% IN ADAMAWA BUT JUST 7% IN NASARAWA? By CharlesCNG

Here is one statistic that should completely change Nigeria's political debate about food prices.

In July 2026, national food inflation was 20.31%. But Adamawa recorded 51.36%. Nasarawa? Just 6.88%.

Borno was actually -0.31%, while Katsina recorded 30.84% and Zamfara 30.65%. Think about that.

SAME PRESIDENT. SAME NAIRA. SAME FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. RADICALLY DIFFERENT FOOD INFLATION.

So how can every discussion about food prices begin and end with: “TINUBU!”

President Tinubu certainly carries enormous responsibility. Abuja controls major national levers: security, interstate roads and rail, fertiliser policy, agricultural finance, dams and irrigation, trade policy and strategic food programmes.

But the figures suggest something equally important: FOOD INFLATION IS NATIONAL, BUT THE FOOD CRISIS IS ALSO LOCAL.

Adamawa's problem is not necessarily Nasarawa's problem.Security differs.Harvests differ. Local production differs. Transport routes differ.

Storage differs. Market structures differ. And GOVERNMENT RESPONSE differs.

Consider Nasarawa. In 2026, 20,160 bags of fertiliser were supplied free to farmers through the Federal Government's Farm Input Support Programme. Another programme is supporting 1,918 rice and cassava farmers, while NG-CARES has provided inputs to another 2,500 small farmers. Federal interventions have also supplied processing and post-harvest equipment.

Does that prove these programmes caused Nasarawa's low 6.88%? NO. Correlation is not causation.

But it gives us something politicians should be investigating instead of merely exchanging insults.
WHAT IS NASARAWA DOING RIGHT? WHAT WENT WRONG IN ADAMAWA? And what can one state learn from another?

Indeed, Adamawa already has a state Food Security Committee focused on productivity, expanding cultivated land and dry-season irrigation. With food inflation now at 51.36%, those policies deserve particularly intense scrutiny.

This should change the 2027 food debate.

Opposition politicians are entitled to hold Tinubu responsible for national economic policy. But governors cannot become spectators pointing towards Abuja while food prices explode in THEIR markets.
If food inflation can be 51% in one state and 7% in another under the SAME President, then clearly the Presidential Villa is not the only variable.

So from now on, when somebody asks: “WHAT IS TINUBU DOING ABOUT FOOD?”

My second question will be: “FAIR ENOUGH. NOW WHAT IS YOUR GOVERNOR DOING?”

Because Nigeria doesn't have one food economy. We have 36 states, the FCT, hundreds of markets and very different local food systems.

Perhaps the smartest national food policy is therefore not one giant Abuja solution.

It is a FEDERAL–STATE partnership: ABUJA fixes the national backbone. GOVERNORS diagnose and attack their local bottlenecks.

And Nigerians judge BOTH by what eventually happens to the price in the market.

I keep hearing the same demand: “Why won’t Tinubu debate Peter Obi?” “Let Tinubu debate Atiku!”

“Sowore is ready. Where is Tinubu?” “Bring Tinubu to debate Adebayo!”

My people, this is beginning to resemble boxing promoters giving everybody with gloves a heavyweight title shot. 😂

President Tinubu is the INCUMBENT. He is the defending champion. His record is already in the ring.

Subsidy removal. FX reform. Tax reforms. Student loans. Minimum wage. Roads. Rail. Power. Agriculture. Debt. You don't need a debate to discover what Tinubu intends to do. HE IS ALREADY DOING IT.

It is Obi, Atiku, Sowore and Adebayo asking Nigerians to sack the incumbent and hand THEM the championship belt. So gentlemen, ENTER THE RING.

But first, fight your eliminators. 😂 Let Atiku debate Obi: SUBSIDY — restore it or remove it? Let Obi debate Sowore: REFINERIES — private-sector driven or government-run?

Let Sowore debate Adebayo: What exactly is your economic programme, what will it cost, and where will the money come from?

Let all four explain debt, FX, power, taxation, security and jobs. Twelve rounds.

No “Tinubu has failed” shortcuts. Tell Nigerians what YOU will do instead.

Because boxing has rankings for a reason. The number-eight contender doesn't arrive at the arena, bypass numbers seven, six, five, four, three, two and one, then start banging on the champion's dressing-room door: “COME AND FIGHT ME!” 😂

Win your eliminator. Produce the superior programme. Convince Nigerians. Become the undisputed opposition challenger. THEN demand the champion.

Until then, Tinubu cannot possibly debate everybody simultaneously merely because everybody wants his job. The opposition's first debate is with ITSELF.

And considering that Atiku wants to restore fuel subsidy while Obi says its removal was inevitable, that preliminary bout alone should be worth the gate fee. 😂

Goo0dHardDick:
Obi is available to be tackled.

Why isn't Tinubu coming out to events like this?

Think of 2027 as a heavyweight championship.

Tinubu is the defending champion. Obi, Atiku, Sowore and the others are CONTENDERS asking Nigerians for a title shot.

In boxing, every contender doesn't simply stroll into the ring and demand the champion. THE CONTENDERS FIGHT THEIR WAY THROUGH THE RANKINGS FIRST.
So let Obi debate Atiku. Let Atiku debate Sowore. Let them put their competing economic programmes in the ring: subsidy, FX, debt, power, jobs, security.

Let Nigerians see whose alternative survives twelve rounds. Then when a genuine number-one contender emerges, he can demand the champion.

You don't become heavyweight challenger merely by shouting from ringside:“BRING ME TINUBU!” 😂

First win your eliminator.

Kukutente23:
This is a good article in support of bringing back subsidy
I wager that there's a silent nutritional crisis going on in Nigeria's urban centers
Most urban dwellers are having to make do with whatever they can find to eat since most fresh foods are now unaffordable. Consider a family of six; four kids and their parents. Foods like yams, vegetables, fruits might be off their radar. In a bid to survive the great tinubulation, they might even do away with meat, fish, eggs and other proteins. Instead, they'll take to eating low end bony fish in small quantities, cowskin, crayfish and more of cassava flakes and nuts just to survive. Some might take to buying roadside foods like kulikuli and akara and share among themselves just to get by
Terrible.... just terrible

The subsidy conclusion does not follow. If a family cannot afford eggs, meat or vegetables, why is the solution subsidising petrol for everyone—including wealthy households with several cars and generators?

Nigeria had hunger and expensive food even under subsidy. Targeted cash transfers, cheaper mass transit, school feeding and nutrition support put relief closer to the struggling family without subsidising the rich.

But the nutritional concern is important. If urban families are abandoning protein, fruits and vegetables for cheaper starches, investigate and attack the causes: increase production, irrigation and security; reduce transport costs and post-harvest losses; improve storage and food logistics.
If eggs are expensive, make eggs cheaper. If tomatoes rot between farm and city, fix the supply chain.
A food and nutrition crisis needs a food and nutrition solution—not a blanket petrol subsidy.

THE FARMER SAYS FOOD IS TOO CHEAP. THE CONSUMER SAYS IT IS TOO EXPENSIVE. HOW CAN BOTH BE RIGHT?

My cook, David, recently asked permission to travel home to Nasarawa State because his father was ill.

When he returned to Abuja, naturally, my first question was: "How is your father?" Thankfully, he was doing better.

Then I asked David two questions that particularly interested me: "Have the farmers returned to their farms?" "And how was the harvest?"

I asked because David comes from a farming family. His parents farm. So I wasn't looking for government statistics; I wanted to hear what was happening on the ground.

His answer initially delighted me.

"Yes, sir. People are farming again. The security situation in nasarawa as regards farming is now almost a thing of the Past" "And the harvest?" "Very good."

FANTASTIC! More farmers. Good harvest. More food. Surely everybody should be happy?

David shook his head. "No, sir. There is a problem." That stopped me.
He explained that his mother had actually LOST MONEY on part of her harvest because produce prices had fallen so low locally that what she received could barely justify the cost and effort of producing it.

And this matters because farming families don't live on yam, maize or tomatoes alone. The profit from selling their harvest is what buys cooking oil, seasoning cubes, soap, medicine, school needs and other things they cannot grow.

Suddenly, the contradiction hit me. A FARMER IN NASARAWA CAN COMPLAIN THAT FOOD IS TOO CHEAP WHILE A FAMILY IN ABUJA COMPLAINS THAT THE SAME FOOD IS TOO EXPENSIVE.

How can both be right? Because somewhere between the FARM and the PLATE, something is broken.

The farmer may receive ₦1,000. By the time his produce is aggregated, transported, handled, stored, partly spoiled, subjected to market charges and finally retailed in Abuja, the consumer may pay ₦2,000 or ₦3,000.

The urban consumer says: " Food is too expensive!" The farmer says: "Food is too cheap!" And the remarkable thing is: BOTH MAY BE TELLING THE TRUTH.
This is why Nigeria's food-security debate cannot end with "produce more food."

Production is only HALF the journey.We must also ask: How cheaply can we move that food from Nasarawa, Benue, Plateau, Kano and Kaduna into Abuja, Lagos and other huge consumption centres?

Can farmers store produce instead of being forced to sell immediately after harvest when everybody is selling? Can aggregation centres connect farmers directly to large buyers?

Can cold storage prevent tomatoes and vegetables from becoming rotten losses? Can better roads and rail reduce transportation costs?

This is why I am increasingly interested in Lagos's Fresh Food Hub experiment and similar ideas.

Because Nigeria may not merely have a FOOD PRODUCTION problem.

We also have a FOOD DISTRIBUTION problem. And David's mother may be standing at one end of it, complaining: "MY FOOD IS TOO CHEAP."
While millions of Nigerians in urban cities stand at the other end shouting:"FOOD IS TOO EXPENSIVE!"

Somewhere between those two Nigerians lies a problem we desperately need to solve.

Here is an overlooked part of Nigeria's food crisis: WHERE YOU LIVE can determine how much you pay to eat.

NBS's July 2026 data show urban inflation at 16.12%, compared with only 13.77% in rural areas. Month-on-month, urban prices rose 1.90%; rural prices just 0.78%.

Now leave the statistics office and enter the market.

On August 21, a large yam at Gboko Main Market in food-producing Benue cost about ₦1,200.
At Lugbe Market, Abuja? ₦2,500. Same unit. More than DOUBLE. Medium yam was ₦900 in Gboko and ₦2,000 in Abuja. Rice shows it too. A 50kg bag of Nigerian rice was ₦45,000 in Gboko versus ₦57,000 in Lugbe.

And then comes the tomato. A small basket was recorded at ₦16,000 in Kano's Dawanau/Yan Baka market but ₦30,000 in Lugbe, Abuja. In Lagos, recent tracked prices have been substantially higher still.

Did the yam become bigger while travelling from Benue? Did the tomato acquire a university degree between Kano and Abuja? Of course not. THE JOURNEY ACQUIRED A PRICE.

Transport. Fuel. Bad roads. Vehicle maintenance. Storage. Spoilage. Handling. Market charges. Middlemen. Security risks.
That is the hidden tax between FARM and PLATE. This is why heavily urbanised consumption centres such as Lagos and Abuja cannot solve food affordability simply by telling people to farm more.

They depend enormously on food produced somewhere else. A city can therefore have plenty of food in its markets and STILL have an affordability problem because getting that food there is expensive.

And this is precisely why food logistics deserves to become a much bigger part of Nigeria's food-inflation conversation.

Building roads is food policy. Cold storage is food policy. Rail freight is food policy. Efficient wholesale markets are food policy. Reducing post-harvest losses is food policy.

And Lagos's Fresh Food Hub experiment therefore deserves particularly close examination.
Because Nigeria has a remarkable contradiction: THE FARMER CAN COMPLAIN THAT FOOD IS TOO CHEAP WHILE THE CITY DWELLER COMPLAINS THAT THE SAME FOOD IS TOO EXPENSIVE.

Both may be telling the truth.Somewhere between them, the supply chain ate the difference.

judatech:
This is nice...
But when you are hungry and someone shows a beautiful expanse of road from Lagos to Heaven, made out of concrete and Gold how would you react?
This is the major question majority of Nigerians are asking your man, Tinubu.
He should be creative in his policies to better the quality of life of the average Nigerian.
Roads are beautiful... They can score political points... Like you are doing but he did not steal the election to come and create roads

A hungry man cannot eat concrete. True. But he cannot eat a truck either — yet try getting tomatoes from Kano to Abuja without the truck AND the road beneath it. FOOD DOES NOT TELEPORT FROM FARM TO PLATE.
The truth is that most of the food prices in urban areas like abuja & Lagos are SUPPLY-CHAIN RELATED and are not monetary inflation.
Look at actual market prices report across Nigeria conducted by APC for august.

On August 21, a small basket of round tomatoes was about ₦16,000 at Dawanau/Yan Baka Market in Kano. The same recorded basket size was ₦30,000 at Lugbe Market in Abuja — almost DOUBLE.

For oval tomatoes, it was ₦13,000 in Kano versus ₦30,000 in Lugbe, Abuja. Now look at yam.

At Gboko Main Market in Benue, a large tuber was about ₦1,200 on August 21. At Lugbe in Abuja, the comparable large tuber was ₦2,500 — more than twice the Gboko price. Medium yam was ₦900 in Gboko versus ₦2,000 in Abuja.

At Aliade Market in Gwer LGA, Benue, new yam was being sold around ₦1,200 per tuber on August 19.

Jos tells a similar story. Current August price comparisons estimate tomatoes around ₦718/kg in Jos versus ₦1,912/kg in Abuja, while a dozen eggs were about ₦1,493 in Jos against ₦2,880 in Abuja. The dataset is limited, so I would use those as indicative rather than absolute market prices.
Roads connect farms to markets. Security keeps farmers on their farms.

These are not alternatives to fighting hunger. THEY ARE PART OF HOW YOU FIGHT HUNGER.

So yes, challenge Tinubu on food prices. Challenge him on incomes. Challenge him on how quickly Nigerians are feeling the reforms.

But do not tell a hungry Nigerian that infrastructure has nothing to do with the price of his food.

The tomato in his soup did not grow in his kitchen.
So What happens between Kano, Jos, Benue and Abuja? Supply chain related to infrastructure.

Ofunaofu:
Infrastructure, infrastructure, infrastructure! Meanwhile, people are spending three days on the road, navigating bush paths just to get from Benin to Lagos. At this point, it’s no longer a journey; it’s an expedition.

Thunder 🔥⚡🔥⚡ all of una there

The complaint is actually about the Benin–Agbor/Benin–Asaba corridor, particularly the failed Benin bypass. And yes, the situation is unacceptable — motorists have been stranded for hours and, in some cases, days.

Now the latest development is that Tinubu has ordered an urgent intervention, Umahi was in benin today- see the quick response, and the ministry says a concessionaire removed more than 30km of old asphalt without completing the planned reconstruction. So yes, hammer government over the present failure. But don't pretend this road suddenly collapsed yesterday or that nobody is acting on it.

And this is precisely why I keep saying: VIDEO RECEIPTS ARE COMING.

We will show the roads that were bad and have been fixed, the roads currently under construction, and roads like Benin–Agbor that remain unacceptable and must be completed.

Infrastructure should be judged like a school report: you don't hide the F because there are As elsewhere — but neither do you tear up the entire report because one subject is failing.

DeepSight:
No
The point will remain why the increased borrowing? Because surely, the saved monies from subsidy removal should absorb most of these (even if I leave aside the fact that much here is self inflicted) and borrowing at already existing levels as well should more than suffice. Why the increased borrowing in spite of greater liquidity?

You and I know the truth. And anyone who knows Nigeria always knew it from the get go when they were singing this song of using subsidy savings for development.

We always knew it would be stolen.

That is still an assumption dressed up as a conclusion.

Yes, subsidy removal created fiscal space. But it did not freeze every other government cost in place.

The naira weakened, making external debt service far more expensive in naira terms. Wages rose. Electricity support continued. Infrastructure spending increased. So the real question is not “why borrow if you saved?” but “did the new obligations exceed the savings, and was the extra borrowing justified?”

And “we always knew it would be stolen” is not evidence. That is like seeing a man withdraw cash from the bank and declaring robbery before checking what he bought.

If you have proof the subsidy savings were stolen, bring it.

If not, then let us debate the numbers, not suspicions.

GerogeI:
I might vote Atiku for this fuel subsidy reversal plan. Peter Obi should stop running his mouth without knowing what's actually wrong in the oil industry.

Don't worry. At this rate, Peter Obi too will soon discover his own version of “subsidy restoration.” Just wait. His own may be:“I will remove subsidy — but differently.”

By 2027, opposition economic policy may resemble five drowning men fighting over one life jacket: nobody is asking whether it floats anymore; each man just wants to be the one wearing it. 😂

GloriousGbola:
You are an adult
You have worked in multiple businesses

Every year your company draws up a budget. But things will happen. Accidents, emergencies, unscheduled maintenance, urgent expenses.

The same happens in the home

Washing machine fails
Pump fails
Generator fails
Car AC fails
Laptop screen is suddenly broken
Someone falls ill.

One time extra money came in and went immediately as someone bashed my car in traffic.

Right now I have a major unavoidable cost center (operational) that if exited will almost immediately be replaced by a new cost center (capital)

And we all have problematic things we are managing that we will immediately replace if we have liquidity.

I responded to that post before seeing this your post. i must confess you captured it masterfully. Well done.

DeepSight:
Where did the extra bills pop out from and why?

That is actually the RIGHT question. The extra bills did not magically appear. Some were consequences of Tinubu’s reforms; others were new spending obligations.

About ₦9.37tn was the additional naira cost of servicing external debt after naira depreciation; ₦9.39tn was additional wage expenditure following inflation, the new minimum wage and adjustments; ₦6.47tn went to additional infrastructure spending; and about ₦3.14tn to electricity support.

You can absolutely question whether those policies were wise or whether Nigeria got value for the spending.

But that still doesn't rescue Kenneth’s arithmetic. If I save ₦100,000 on rent but acquire ₦200,000 in school, medical and mortgage bills, you can question the ₦200,000 — but you cannot claim the ₦100,000 saving never happened simply because I still needed money.

So the intelligent question is no longer: “YOU SAVED SUBSIDY MONEY, SO WHY DID YOU BORROW?”

It is:“WHAT ABSORBED THE SAVINGS, WHY, AND DID NIGERIA GET VALUE FOR IT?”

That is a debate I am very happy to have.

ATIKU ABUBAKAR’S TWITTER SUPPORTER WRITES OPEN LETTER TO PETER OBI: PLEASE STEP DOWN AND HELP ATIKU

Now we are getting somewhere. For months, the great opposition buzzword has been: UNITY.
G100 says the opposition must unite behind ONE candidate because fragmentation could hand Tinubu another victory. Its August 31 summit is explicitly intended to explore a common presidential candidate.

But eventually, “one candidate” requires answering the question everybody has been carefully walking around like a puddle in white trousers: WHO STEPS DOWN? And suddenly, an open appeal attributed to prominent Atiku supporter Jamilu Sufi provides an interesting answer:PETER OBI. 😂

The letter acknowledges Obi’s 6.1 million votes in 2023, acknowledges his political base — and then essentially says: “Wonderful movement you have there, Peter. Now kindly pack it up and bring it to Atiku.” 😂

So apparently the mathematics of “opposition unity” is: ATIKU + OBI = TINUBU DEFEATED.
But curiously, the equation is NEVER: OBI + ATIKU = OBI.

Somehow: OBI + ATIKU = ATIKU. Every time!

This is beginning to look less like coalition mathematics and more like a restaurant where everybody is invited to contribute ingredients — but Atiku must always eat the food. 😂 And this is where G100 deserves scrutiny.

G100 officially says no individual has an inherent right to lead and that personal ambition must be subordinated to national interest. Beautiful principle. But among its prominent signatories are Dr Ladan Salihu — Atiku’s 2023 presidential campaign media adviser — and Salihu Lukman, alongside other opposition figures and known Atiku supporters.

So everybody must surrender personal ambition. Excellent. WHO GOES FIRST? Because coalition negotiations cannot resemble two men lying politely to each other:

ATIKU CAMP: “We only want what is best for Nigeria.”

OBI CAMP: “Wonderful. So Atiku will step down?”

ATIKU CAMP: “Ah... when we said Nigeria, we meant Atiku.” 😂

And former Atiku adviser Umar Ardo in an arise interview last weekend, has supplied perhaps the most revealing diagnosis of all:Atiku is unlikely to step down. Obi might. But Obi may not be able to carry his supporters with him.

There lies the entire comedy. They are discussing Obi’s 6.1 million voters as though they are six million bags of rice sitting in a warehouse waiting for somebody to change the delivery address. OBI SUPPORTERS ARE VOTERS, NOT LUGGAGE.

Peter Obi can endorse Atiku tomorrow morning. That does not mean millions of Nigerians automatically climb into his political wheelbarrow and allow themselves to be pushed to Atiku.

And underneath all this sits the opposition’s bigger problem: YOU CANNOT DEFEAT SOMEBODY WITH NOBODY.

“Tinubu must go” is not a presidential candidate. “The opposition” is not on the ballot. “Coalition” has no INEC logo. Eventually somebody must have a name.

And the moment that name emerges, all this beautiful poetry about sacrifice suddenly meets the brutal prose of personal ambition. So before G100’s August 31 summit produces its magical SINGLE CANDIDATE, perhaps somebody should answer one small question: WHY IS THE SACRIFICE ALWAYS SOMEBODY ELSE’S AMBITION?

Because “opposition unity” cannot mean:EVERYBODY PUT NIGERIA FIRST! ...and then, in very small print underneath:

BY “NIGERIA,” WE MEAN ATIKU. 😂

hrykanu231:
Thank you for putting up the figure and for still keeping the conversation civil. He has borrowed 42T.
And we also have monies from Subsidy? For the roads, people have slept on the Benin-Ore road for more than a day, because the road is in bad shape.
I think to a large extent, I am a very objective person, so I will mention that, Tinibu has tried as it concerns the welfare of civil servants(with salary increase and loans). But roads, healthcare and Education? We never see the money there...

You are right about one thing: the debate becomes more useful once we stop throwing inflated numbers around and ask what Nigerians can actually see and feel.

But I would separate two issues.
First on subsidy savings, we should be careful. There is no giant bank account marked “SUBSIDY SAVINGS” from which every road is paid. The removal reduced a huge fiscal burden and increased resources flowing through the federation, while government revenue, borrowing and other receipts jointly finance expenditure. It is like a family stopping a massive monthly expense: you can say their finances improved, but you cannot honestly point at every new chair and say, “this exact chair came from the money saved on petrol.”

On Benin–Ore, the suffering of motorists is real. But there are several sections and most are in various stages of completion (I have the video and will soon upload for you to see) The fact is that the bad sections needs to be fixed quickly , that other sections of that are being reconstructed does not cancel the pain on Benin–Ore.

But saying “we never see the money in roads, healthcare and education” goes too far.

On roads, the Tinubu government inherited 2,064 ongoing federal projects with a debt overhang of more than ₦13 trillion, and it has been trying to rescue both collapsed corridors and long-abandoned projects.

Education is even easier to demonstrate. By May 2026, NELFUND had reportedly disbursed over ₦282 billion and provided access to higher education for more than 1.5 million students. TETFund-funded science, library and other tertiary infrastructure projects have also been commissioned across several institutions.

Healthcare is similar. The correct argument may be that Nigerians are not yet feeling enough improvement, especially in public hospitals. Fair. But that is different from saying nothing is being spent or built.


So my position is not “everything is wonderful.” It is this:

Benin–Ore being bad is evidence that Benin–Ore needs urgent fixing.It is NOT evidence that no roads are being built elsewhere.

A struggling hospital is evidence that healthcare delivery still needs major improvement. It is NOT evidence that no health investment exists.

And the same applies to education.

We have established the more defensible figure: Tinubu-era net Federal Government borrowing is roughly ₦42 trillion through March 2026.

That is enormous. So the question is legitimate: WHAT DID NIGERIA GET FOR IT?

First, borrowing does not work like attaching “Lagos-Calabar Highway” to one loan and “Student Loan” to another. Debt finances the overall fiscal deficit alongside government revenues.

So the proper question is: what has government been investing in while accumulating this debt?

ROADS
More than 2,700km of major highways were reportedly under active construction or rehabilitation by May 2026.
These include Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, Sokoto-Badagry Superhighway, Abuja-Kaduna-Zaria-Kano and East-West Road, alongside Enugu-Onitsha, Enugu-Port Harcourt and other corridors.

Several flagship highways are being built in concrete for much longer service life. That is capital formation.

POWER

Under the Presidential Power Initiative, 10 mobile substations and transformers have been commissioned, adding about 984MW of transmission capacity.
Another five major substations are under development, while additional transmission infrastructure has been commissioned in Lagos, including the economically important Apapa corridor.

Those are assets.

EDUCATION

By May 2026, government reported that more than 1.5 million students had accessed NELFUND, with over ₦282 billion disbursed. A student kept in university is an investment in human capital.

HEALTH

About ₦235 billion has reportedly been released through the Basic Healthcare Provision Fund during Tinubu’s first three years, with thousands of Primary Healthcare Centres receiving support.

HOUSING

More than 10,000 housing units are being delivered under federal housing programmes across multiple states and the FCT.

RAIL

Rail modernisation continues, including work on the Kano-Kaduna standard-gauge corridor and other inherited projects.

CNG

CNG 1.0 underperformed expectations; CNG 2.0 must demonstrate that government has learnt from its implementation problems.

AND THAT IS THE REAL ARGUMENT.

If a man borrows ₦100 million and spends it on champagne, he has created debt without an asset. If he builds an income-producing factory, he still owes ₦100 million—but there is something on the other side of the ledger.

Nigeria must therefore ask TWO questions: HOW MUCH DID TINUBU BORROW?

And: WHAT ASSETS, PRODUCTIVE CAPACITY AND HUMAN CAPITAL DID NIGERIA ACQUIRE WHILE BORROWING?

This does not absolve government. Every road must be completed. Every contract must deliver value. Every loan must ultimately improve Nigeria’s ability to produce, trade, educate, power businesses or reduce future costs.

But I reject the lazy argument:

“TINUBU BORROWED ₦42 TRILLION. WHERE IS THE MONEY?”

Look around.

Roads. Power infrastructure. Student loans. Primary healthcare. Housing. Rail. Transport infrastructure.

Argue that it isn't enough. Question costs, procurement, priorities and delivery. Those are legitimate debates.

But “Nigeria borrowed and got nothing” isn't. The better question is:

DID NIGERIA GET ENOUGH VALUE FOR THE DEBT?

Borrowing is merely a tool. A hammer can build a house or smash a window.

THE JUDGMENT ON TINUBU’S BORROWING WILL ULTIMATELY DEPEND ON WHAT NIGERIA HAS STANDING AFTER THE DEBT IS COUNTED.

Streetinvestor2:
You think I use AI to generate rubbish and post it online. I have not been to your SW axis of the costal high way fraud. That is anything taken me to that region is always automatically cancelled
The cross river and akwa ibom axis I have seen.Thr is nothing costal about it.It is road in the bushes that has gone nowhere. It has not even connected the two state yet.
And who take umehi lies serious that it is designed to last yrs.Why are the ones in his state already failing. He is just using his clams to loot..It looks ur AI did not see what to generate on the east west road.
You think all those rubbish u write about kilometres of road is for someone like me that travel alot.Have u ever travelled outside your region to other regions by this roads u mentioned. If obi didn't call out this benin Asaba road.That is how u would have added it to the rubbish km u keep mentioning
Oti built the aba to pH road.Why should I even be wasting my time with someone who doesn't use this roads..Continue wasting ur time with AI generated trash

The “Otti built the Aba–Port Harcourt road” line is a perfect example of why road discussions must use exact project names.

Alex Otti deserves full credit for [i]r econstructing Port Harcourt Road inside Aba — a 6.5km urban road that had been dilapidated for more than 15 years. I[ /i] it was handled by Julius Berger and completed under the Abia State Government. Umahi publicly praised the quality of the work.
But that is NOT the same thing as saying Otti built the Aba–Port Harcourt Expressway.


And please stop confusing Otti’s 6.5km Port Harcourt Road inside Aba with the federal Enugu–Port Harcourt Expressway. They are completely different roads.
The federal corridor includes the 56km Umuahia–Aba section handled by Arab Contractors, which the Works Ministry reported at 85% completion in October 2025, while the inherited 43km Aba–Port Harcourt section was being handled by CCECC. Umahi was so dissatisfied with CCECC’s work that he issued a 14-day termination notice and ordered the Port Harcourt-bound carriageway removed from CCECC and re-awarded. By December, the Federal Controller of Works reported the Aba-axis reconstruction at 79.15% completion.

So, don't worry: when we present the full before-and-after video of these federal roads, kilometre by kilometre, we will see what argument remains.
Otti deserves credit for his 6.5km Aba city road; Tinubu's Federal Government deserves credit for the federal expressway sections it is funding and reconstructing. Different roads, different governments, different facts.

That distinction alone dismantles your claim.

Now to your other points.

You say the Cross River and Akwa Ibom sections are “roads in bushes going nowhere.” My brother, every new highway goes through somewhere before it connects everywhere.

Calling an unfinished highway “a road in the bush” is like standing beside the foundation of a house and shouting: “See! No roof! This house is a fraud!”
Of course there is no roof yet. IT IS UNDER CONSTRUCTION. The honest question is whether work exists, whether sections have been contracted, whether kilometres are being laid and whether they eventually connect.

On the East–West Road, there is plenty to discuss. The Tinubu administration has continued reconstruction of the Eleme Junction–Onne Port corridor and introduced reinforced rigid pavement on vulnerable sections because of repeated failures associated with the wet Niger Delta terrain. That is exactly the kind of inherited corridor I have been talking about.

And your “I travel a lot” argument proves nothing. Travelling on bad roads tells you the road is bad.

It does not tell you who awarded it, when deterioration began, what section is presently contracted, what percentage is completed or which government is funding the reconstruction. That is like saying: “I visit hospitals frequently, therefore I understand the national health budget.”

Finally, Benin–Asaba.

Nobody needs Peter Obi to “discover” that road. It is an inherited national corridor currently under reconstruction. The existence of terrible sections today does not magically prove the present government created years of accumulated deterioration.

Guy GET THE ROADS RIGHT. Because once you confuse a 6.5km Aba city road built by Otti with the federal Aba–Port Harcourt Expressway, all the “I travel a lot” swagger starts looking like somebody who has driven everywhere but apparently never read the road signs. 😄

Image123:
So, government is not borrowing to pay salaries and there's no proof to show otherwise. Thanks.

Dont worry we are going to provide video receipts very soon. Here is the truth
Look around.Roads are being built with concrete...more than 2,700km of major highways were under active construction or rehabilitation by May 2026. That is not consumption. That is capital formation.You will see videos just wait.

Transmission capacity is being added.Under the Presidential Power Initiative, the pilot phase delivered and commissioned 10 mobile substations/transformers, adding about 984MW of transmission capacity.

Students are receiving loans. Primary healthcare is being funded. Housing is being constructed. Rail projects are advancing.

Alternative transport-fuel infrastructure is being developed.
But wait for the video series titled ONLY FOOLS DOUBT PROOFS.

hrykanu231:
Part of the reason why we are not going forward at the right pace as a nation, is our obvious lack of honesty. I asked a question, and you even went as far as mentioning debts from states.
Just tell us how much has PBAT borrowed since he came into office. Let's start from there...

Please follow this link where i answered your question more precisely.

https://www.nairaland.com/8735080/how-much-tinubu-really-borrowed.

HOW MUCH HAS TINUBU REALLY BORROWED? I PUT MY ₦42 TRILLION FIGURE TO THE FACT-CHECK TEST

I keep seeing claims that President Tinubu has borrowed ₦80 trillion, ₦100 trillion or even more since May 2023.I challenge anyone making that claim to SHOW ME THE LEDGER.
Not the increase in Nigeria’s headline public debt. Not state-government debt. Not the higher naira value of old dollar debts caused by exchange-rate changes. Not old Ways and Means subsequently recognised as debt.
Show me official DMO/Finance Ministry records establishing ₦80 trillion or more in actual net Federal Government borrowing under Tinubu.

My calculation, using the available official data and stripping out those distortions, puts the defensible figure at approximately ₦42 trillion through March 2026.

And I have shown my methodology. So don't bring insults. Don't bring screenshots. BRING YOUR CALCULATION.

But there is a fundamental problem with these figures. They usually take Nigeria’s total public debt today, subtract the debt Tinubu inherited, and simply call the difference “Tinubu’s borrowing.” That is the false premise from which the entire calculation begins.

That is like looking at your electricity meter and calling every movement YOUR latest electricity purchase. It doesn't work that way.

Nigeria’s public debt includes Federal Government debt AND debts owed by states/FCT. DMO’s December 2025 figure of ₦159.28tn, for example, includes about ₦12.52tn belonging to states/FCT. There is an even bigger distortion: EXCHANGE RATE.Imagine you borrowed $100 when $1 = ₦500. Your debt = ₦50,000. You borrow NOTHING MORE. Then the naira falls to ₦1,500/$.
That same $100 debt now appears as ₦150,000. Did you borrow another ₦100,000? NO!

The measuring stick changed; the debt did not. Nigeria’s foreign debt experienced exactly this kind of revaluation.

Then add old Ways and Means debts from the Buhari era that were later formally recognised, plus refinancing, and you understand why simply subtracting two debt-stock figures produces nonsense.

So what is the better number? Using the Finance Ministry’s adjusted methodology, which separates these distortions, net FGN borrowing under Tinubu was approximately:June–December 2023: ₦5.65tn,2024: ₦15.20tn ,2025: ₦18.89tn .
TOTAL: ₦39.73 TRILLION.
Adding the provisional Q1 2026 movement puts the figure at roughly ₦42 TRILLION through March 2026. March remains the DMO’s latest published total-public-debt period.
Is ₦42tn small? ABSOLUTELY NOT. Tinubu has borrowed heavily, and Nigerians should demand to know what every borrowed naira is producing.

But ₦42tn is not ₦80tn or ₦100tn. You don't make Tinubu accountable by exaggerating his borrowing. That is like accusing a man of stealing ten goats when the evidence shows four.
Four stolen goats would already require an explanation; inventing another six only weakens your case.

And comparisons with Buhari must also account for exchange rates and the huge Ways and Means liabilities accumulated during that administration.

So we have established the more defensible figure: roughly ₦42 trillion in net Federal Government borrowing through March 2026. That is a lot of money. But HOW MUCH was borrowed is only half the story. The next question is unavoidable: WHAT DID NIGERIA GET FOR IT?

We cannot honestly attach every borrowed naira to one specific project because borrowing enters the wider government budget. But we CAN examine what Nigeria built, completed and funded while accumulating that debt.

And that is exactly what I will do next.

NEXT ARTICLE: TINUBU BORROWED ₦42 TRILLION: WHAT EXACTLY DID NIGERIA GET FOR IT?

Roads. Rail. Power. Education. Healthcare. Housing. CNG. I will name the projects, show the figures and ask the question that really matters:

DID NIGERIA GET VALUE FOR THE MONEY? pls stay tuned.

HOW MUCH HAS TINUBU REALLY BORROWED? I PUT MY ₦42 TRILLION FIGURE TO THE FACT-CHECK TEST

I keep seeing claims that President Tinubu has borrowed ₦80 trillion, ₦100 trillion or even more since May 2023.I challenge anyone making that claim to SHOW ME THE LEDGER.
Not the increase in Nigeria’s headline public debt. Not state-government debt. Not the higher naira value of old dollar debts caused by exchange-rate changes. Not old Ways and Means subsequently recognised as debt.
Show me official DMO/Finance Ministry records establishing ₦80 trillion or more in actual net Federal Government borrowing under Tinubu.

My calculation, using the available official data and stripping out those distortions, puts the defensible figure at approximately ₦42 trillion through March 2026.

And I have shown my methodology. So don't bring insults. Don't bring screenshots. BRING YOUR CALCULATION.

But there is a fundamental problem with these figures. They usually take Nigeria’s total public debt today, subtract the debt Tinubu inherited, and simply call the difference “Tinubu’s borrowing.” That is the false premise from which the entire calculation begins.

That is like looking at your electricity meter and calling every movement YOUR latest electricity purchase. It doesn't work that way.

Nigeria’s public debt includes Federal Government debt AND debts owed by states/FCT. DMO’s December 2025 figure of ₦159.28tn, for example, includes about ₦12.52tn belonging to states/FCT. There is an even bigger distortion: EXCHANGE RATE.Imagine you borrowed $100 when $1 = ₦500. Your debt = ₦50,000. You borrow NOTHING MORE. Then the naira falls to ₦1,500/$.
That same $100 debt now appears as ₦150,000. Did you borrow another ₦100,000? NO!

The measuring stick changed; the debt did not. Nigeria’s foreign debt experienced exactly this kind of revaluation.

Then add old Ways and Means debts from the Buhari era that were later formally recognised, plus refinancing, and you understand why simply subtracting two debt-stock figures produces nonsense.

So what is the better number? Using the Finance Ministry’s adjusted methodology, which separates these distortions, net FGN borrowing under Tinubu was approximately:June–December 2023: ₦5.65tn,2024: ₦15.20tn ,2025: ₦18.89tn .
TOTAL: ₦39.73 TRILLION.
Adding the provisional Q1 2026 movement puts the figure at roughly ₦42 TRILLION through March 2026. March remains the DMO’s latest published total-public-debt period.
Is ₦42tn small? ABSOLUTELY NOT. Tinubu has borrowed heavily, and Nigerians should demand to know what every borrowed naira is producing.

But ₦42tn is not ₦80tn or ₦100tn. You don't make Tinubu accountable by exaggerating his borrowing. That is like accusing a man of stealing ten goats when the evidence shows four.
Four stolen goats would already require an explanation; inventing another six only weakens your case.

And comparisons with Buhari must also account for exchange rates and the huge Ways and Means liabilities accumulated during that administration.

So we have established the more defensible figure: roughly ₦42 trillion in net Federal Government borrowing through March 2026. That is a lot of money. But HOW MUCH was borrowed is only half the story. The next question is unavoidable: WHAT DID NIGERIA GET FOR IT?

We cannot honestly attach every borrowed naira to one specific project because borrowing enters the wider government budget. But we CAN examine what Nigeria built, completed and funded while accumulating that debt.

And that is exactly what I will do next.

NEXT ARTICLE: TINUBU BORROWED ₦42 TRILLION: WHAT EXACTLY DID NIGERIA GET FOR IT?

Roads. Rail. Power. Education. Healthcare. Housing. CNG. I will name the projects, show the figures and ask the question that really matters:

DID NIGERIA GET VALUE FOR THE MONEY? pls stay tuned.

TINUBU’S ROAD REVOLUTION: THE NUMBERS THEY DON’T TELL YOU

I have a challenge for anyone who says Tinubu has done nothing about Nigeria’s roads:In this ten part series, i will list the roads, the kilometers, the locations and i dare anyone to fact-check me. i will also follow up with video receipts for FOOLS who want to doubt PROOFS

Because something unusually large is happening to Nigeria’s federal road network, but political noise has obscured the scale of it.

Tinubu did not inherit a blank road map. The administration inherited more than 2,000 ongoing road projects, many suffering from years of inadequate funding, abandonment or deterioration, with an enormous outstanding funding requirement.

That is important. The potholes Nigerians complain about today were not dug on May 29, 2023. Roads like Benin-Asaba, East-West Road, Abuja-Kaduna-Kano, Enugu-Onitsha and numerous others had accumulated problems over many years.

Tinubu’s government therefore faced two choices: Keep patching them. Or rethink the system.It chose a combination of completing inherited projects, reconstructing failed highways and simultaneously creating entirely new national economic corridors.

And the numbers are becoming difficult to ignore. A May 2023–May 2026 assessment reported approximately 1,800 [/b]kilometres of major roads completed, while another roughly [b]5,400 kilometres were under construction, reconstruction, rehabilitation or dualisation.
In this ten part series we shall name them and later provide video receipts with youtube links.

The same assessment identified 40 completed major road and bridge projects and 133 selected ongoing projects across Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones. And this is where the “Tinubu is only building roads in Lagos” argument begins to collapse.

The completed projects identified in that assessment were spread across every geopolitical zone: South-West, South-East, South-South, North-Central, North-East and North-West. But Tinubu has gone even further.

His administration is building four enormous new legacy highway corridors:

Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway — approximately 750km.

Sokoto-Badagry Superhighway — approximately 1,068km.

Calabar-Ebonyi-Abuja Trans-Sahara Highway.

Akwanga-Jos-Bauchi-Gombe-Biu-Maiduguri Superhighway — approximately 700km.

Look carefully at that map.

One runs along Nigeria’s southern coastline. Another stretches from the far North-West towards the Atlantic. Another links the South-South and South-East towards Abuja. The fourth connects the North-Central deep into the North-East.

That is not a collection of constituency roads. It is the beginning of a national highway grid.

Then comes perhaps the least discussed part of the story: CONCRETE.
After decades in which sections of Nigerian highways repeatedly deteriorated under heavy traffic, rainfall, flooding, poor drainage and high water tables, the Works Ministry under David Umahi has increasingly moved selected strategic highways towards continuously reinforced concrete pavement.

The argument is simple: stop repeatedly rebuilding vulnerable stretches with designs unsuited to their conditions and start constructing for longer service life. That philosophy is already appearing on projects from Abuja-Kaduna-Kano to Sokoto-Badagry, Akwanga-Jos, East-West Road, Benin-Auchi and Osun federal highways.

This does not mean every road is completed. It does not mean every contract is perfect. And it certainly does not mean government should escape scrutiny over costs, procurement, delays or quality.

It means something much simpler: If we are going to debate Tinubu’s infrastructure record, let us debate the actual record.

Road by road. Kilometre by kilometre. State by state.
I challenge anyone to identify another Nigerian administration that, within a comparable three-year period, simultaneously advanced road construction, reconstruction and entirely new national economic corridors on this geographical scale.

Don't bring insults. Bring your road ledger. I will bring mine. Then let Nigerians compare.

NEXT: The Four Highways That Could Redraw Nigeria’s Economic Map.

otipoju:
As much as I dont like Tinubu. This road is a very very important road.

It is an interstate road that opens up a lot of business opportunities.

The USA has several of this type of imterstate highways that span from one end of the country to the other.

We need at least 10 more of such interstate highways to unlock many business and job opportunities in Nigeria.

It makes traveling easier to navigate and moving of goods so easy. Na that one straight road. If you reach your state, you branch off the hoghway.

Exactly. This is the point many people miss.

You don't have to like Tinubu to recognise sound infrastructure policy.

Major interstate economic corridors reduce travel time and logistics costs, connect ports, farms, industries and markets, and open previously isolated communities to investment.

And the bigger picture is important: Lagos–Calabar is only one of four major legacy corridors being developed across different parts of Nigeria.

Nigeria desperately needs this kind of national highway network. Build them, connect them, maintain them — and economic activity will naturally grow around them.

Streetinvestor2:
Another rubbish. Which coastal is the road in cross river and akwa ibom. They are building few km of rubbish in bushes in those state. You are talking rubbish of SW road that will likely end In ondo. Why are they not contracting in the real swamp in Bayelsa yet.
People are spending days I benin to Asaba and u are talking rubbish of one fraud called costal shit

Another confident rant built on wrong facts.

First, the Lagos–Calabar Coastal Highway is not some “South-West road that will likely end in Ondo.” The Federal Government has already flagged off Sections 3A and 3B in Cross River and Akwa Ibom. Those sections cover roughly 71.4km, and construction has been inspected on the ground. Akwa Ibom alone also has a new Section 5 alignment of about 82.8km, much of it through genuinely difficult swamp terrain.
So the claim that “nothing is happening in Cross River and Akwa Ibom” is simply false.
There are video receipts all over youtube for fools who want to doubt proofs.

Now to Benin–Asaba. That road did not suddenly become terrible under Tinubu. It is the product of years of accumulated neglect, failed maintenance and underinvestment. What this administration has done is move from patch-patch politics to reconstruction using concrete.

The Benin–Asaba corridor is about 125km, or roughly 250km of carriageway when both directions are counted. The reconstruction was formally flagged off in March 2025 under a PPP arrangement designed to take the entire corridor, not just one bad spot. This is the larger point people miss when they shout “few kilometres.”
And there has already been measurable work on connected sections. One full carriageway from Ewu to Agbor has been completed and handed over, while BUA’s 30km Ekpoma section was specifically commended for quality. And even on the Benin–Asaba carriageways, the aggregate failed portions were about 3.02% on the Asaba-bound side and 1.51% on the Benin-bound side, with remedial works being prepared. So “the whole road is rubbish” is rubbish propaganda talk.

There is also something important you ignored: the engineering philosophy has changed. Umahi has been pushing continuous reinforced concrete pavement on difficult, flood-prone and high-water-table roads precisely because the old asphalt model repeatedly failed in many of these corridors. The idea is to build roads designed for decades, not reconstruct the same failed stretches every rainy season.

I challenge you: fact-check me.

Find me a Nigerian administration that, within this timeframe, has simultaneously undertaken road construction, reconstruction and rehabilitation on the scale of the Tinubu administration across the country.

And very soon, we should put together one comprehensive video compilation showing ALL of them.
NOT JUST —Lagos–Calabar Coastal Highway — 750 km (Lagos → Ogun → Ondo → Delta → Bayelsa → Rivers → Akwa Ibom → Cross River.)
NOT JUST[b] Sokoto–Badagry Superhighway — 1,068 km[/b] (Sokoto → Kebbi → Niger → Kwara → Oyo → Ogun → Lagos. This is the old national corridor conceived decades ago and revived by the Tinubu administration.)
NOT JUST Calabar–Ebonyi–Abuja / Trans-Sahara Superhighway — roughly 465–477 km (Cross River → Ebonyi → Benue → Kogi → Nasarawa → FCT.)
Akwanga–Jos–Bauchi–Gombe corridor — now being extended/treated as the Akwanga–Jos–Bauchi–Gombe–Biu–Maiduguri corridor.
but also the inherited roads being completed, abandoned corridors being revived, new highways being built, bridges, bypasses and the massive shift towards more durable concrete pavement.

Wait. You will see the video receipts. at that point you guys can argue with proofs!

Predictor3:
The problem with this is that all the figures the expert bandied around will not make sense to the average Nigerian. Facts of his worsening financial situation are what matter to him. If Tinubu doesn't rig that election he will lose to Atiku before 12 noon on election day. Do you see anyone talking about Obi again? You people and the Onanuga characters are no longer attacking obi but Atiku.

That says a lot about how much APC is afraid of Atiku's proclamation

How exactly can APC be “afraid” when all Atiku has done is expose the weakness, senselesslessness and planlessness of his own alternative? 😂

This is precisely what APC have wanted from the opposition: STOP merely telling Nigerians that Tinubu is wrong. Tell us what you will do differently.

Now Atiku finally says: restore subsidy....Excellent. HOW?

I asked 15 elementary questions about subsidy alone. What will petrol cost? How much will government pay? Where will the money come from? What happens to FAAC? FX? Smuggling? Dangote? Private marketers? Borrowing?

Instead of answers, his supporters are shouting “APC is afraid of Atiku!” 😂Afraid of WHAT? An economic plan nobody, even atiku defenders can explain?

And this “Atiku will defeat Tinubu before noon” argument is even funnier.Presidential elections are won with VOTES ACROSS STATES, not confidence on social media. Show us the electoral arithmetic and, more importantly, show Nigerians the superior programme.

Nigerians may be hurting, but don't insult them by assuming hardship automatically means they will vote for whoever shouts “Tinubu must go.”

The opposition still has to answer the most important question: TINUBU'S POLICIES ARE WRONG? Fine. SHOW NIGERIANS THE BETTER ALTERNATIVE.

That is not fear of Atiku. That is precisely the scrutiny Atiku himself is asking for.

hrykanu231:
How much has been borrowed by PBAT since he came into power?

If you truly want to know, here is the honest truth you can fact-check.

There is no credible way to take Nigeria’s current debt stock, subtract the figure Tinubu inherited, and call the difference “what Tinubu borrowed.”

Why? Because the debt stock has also been increased by[i] exchange-rate revaluation[/i] and by the securitisation of old Ways and Means obligations printing of money by the Buhari Admin.

The Finance Ministry recently told the Senate that exchange-rate revaluation alone added over ₦40 trillion to the naira value of the debt stock, while about ₦33 trillion of Ways and Means was also formally recognised as debt. Those are not the same thing as fresh cash borrowed by Tinubu.


The latest official DMO figure puts Nigeria’s total public debt at ₦159.35 trillion as of March 31, 2026. But that ₦159.35 trillion includes Federal Government debt, state/FCT debt, inherited obligations, exchange-rate effects and other adjustments. It is NOT “₦159 trillion borrowed by Tinubu.”

So if somebody tells you Tinubu has “borrowed ₦80 trillion” simply because debt stock moved from roughly ₦75 trillion to about ₦159 trillion, that arithmetic is false.

Streetinvestor2:
You go wail tiye

😂😂 Fela would have understood this perfectly:

Question 1 — dem no wan answer.
Question 2 — dem no wan answer.
Question 3–15 — dem still no wan answer.

Instead: “You go wail tiye.” 🤣

Atiku says he will restore subsidy. We ask HOW? We ask 15 simple questions

His supporters suddenly turn into Fela’s choir:

“Answer am? Dem no wan answer!” 😂