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CoronaVirusPro:The amount of kompromart Epstein had on American politicians, business men and celebs is staggering Epstein is well and alive and living in Israel Epstein didn't kill himself but rather he was smuggled out of the US by mossad just as Mossad smuggled 6 dancing Israelis who were the ones who planted the explosives on the twin towers |
From release the Pedo files to protect the pedophiles, the compromised Zion Don administration has declared it will not release a list of Epstein clients claiming it will see to a surge in antisemitism. What an odd thing to put out At this rate Drumpf will probably have to decimalise pedophiles to protect both himself and chew friends from future criminal prosecution . |
Ekpa was introduced and anointed on live broadcast by Nnamd Kanu after he(Kanu) sacked the entire IPOB directors For IPOB to openly deny Ekpa shows how deceitful the group is. |
A4alpha:Its ironic that individuals like you who supported and cheered the lunatic Kanu and see him as a saint will have the temerity to accuse others of hate and bigotry |
The Resistance According to an Army manual, "a resistance movement is the organized element of a disaffected population, which resists a government or occupying power with means varying from passive to violently active. Resistance movements begin to form when dissatisfaction occurs among strongly motivated individuals who cannot further their cause by peaceful and legal means". (20) Not much has been written about the popular resistance. In their memoirs, Ademoyega (9) and Ejoor (13) make passing reference to it. Much of what we know comes from the written account of Ogbemudia (14) corroborated by oral testimony. For some reason, Alexander Madiebo ( saw things differently from his position as Commander of the Biafran Army in Enugu, even claiming in his narrative that "Benin was taken early that morning without a single loss of life, amidst frantic jubilation by the entire local population." (Italics mine) One can only wonder about which population he was referring, and the veracity of intelligence reports reaching the East (19).Many resistance groups may have operated in the Midwest, but one in particular was organized and very effective. This group was the one formed by Chief Michael A. Ojomo in Benin on August 18th. According to Ogbemudia, "….In a short time, recruitment and training started, and volunteers came in hundreds. Soon afterwards, an effective system of hit and runs was in operation…..By 26th of August, we had assembled a reliable force of about 600 men and 180 women……" (14) Supportive citizens, who were too old for action, donated their single and double-barrel cartridge guns. Recruits performed armed and armless combat, isolating and capturing Biafran sentries. Night raiders spat salt into the eyes of soldiers, while attractive girls distracted them with sex, obtained intelligence, and even stole their weapons. In a manner reminiscent of the Vietcong in Vietnam, corpses of freedom fighters were recovered at great peril for burial, frustrating the Biafran units who had just engaged them in firefights. In the Siluko area, 50 Biafran soldiers (about half of a company) were drowned by a group of "Ijaw, Urhobo and Itsekiri swimmers" who lost 16 men in the fight (14). At the behest of the resistance, female cooks put all kinds of things in the meals of the Biafran soldiers. Supported by threatening letters written to harass the Biafran command, rumors spread about the risk of poisoning by locals. It is speculated that even the Administrator, Major Okonkwo, stayed away from food cooked by his official cooks, particularly if they were non-Ibo. But all did not go well indefinitely. Undercover agents were infiltrated into the group and counter-insurgency raids on villages became more frequent and ruthless. Nine of the girls were killed, some in suspicious circumstances. Faced with threats of severe reprisals, extreme caution among the local population became the watchword. However, by this time, they were encouraged by news of the progress of the federal army. After reorienting the movement to undertake psychological and deception missions in support of the theater commander, Major Ogbemudia himself eventually disengaged from guerrilla warfare activities to return to Army HQ in Lagos. From there, he joined the hastily organized Second Infantry Division of the Nigerian Army making its way to Benin City (14). According to Ejoor (13), similar activities took place in the Delta. Small groups of Biafran soldiers looking for local Hausa communities in the riverine areas, were drowned by local Urhobo swimmers in the treacherous currents of the Ethiope River. [Oral folk tales claim that even native doctors joined the resistance, using spells and 'juju' to cause unusual ailments among Biafran troops such as massive testicles, clearly an impediment to mobility!](17) |
THE OCCUPATION (14) With the announcement of Major Okonkwo's appointment as Military Administrator, Midwest, came the imposition of a dusk to dawn curfew and other measures consistent with martial law. Only individuals with passes could move freely at night. The administrative machinery of the civil service was manipulated to empower those who supported the invasion (or were trusted) rather than the traditional seniority based hierarchy. Mr. Agbajor (an Itsekiri police officer who had escaped from a northern hit squad at Makurdi in September 1966) became Chief of Police. Mr. Esedebe (Midwest Ibo) functioned as Head of Service. Some military officers then persuaded a number of traditional rulers in the Ibo-speaking areas of the state to sign petitions calling for a merger with their "kith and kin" in the east. Local Governments across the board were mandated to donate materials for transportation to Enugu to assist in the War effort. Salt was rationed because of its presumably more important use as a raw material for explosives. Because of the cutoff of northern sources of cattle, meat became scarce. Shortages of other essential commodities also developed. As might be expected, not everyone was equally affected by the shortages, creating yet another sore point (among many) for ethnic resentment. Outright molestation, harassment and killing of non-Ibo civilians occurred on a daily basis. At night "suspected saboteurs" were fished out of their homes and arrested. The Hausa community in the Lagos street area of Benin and other parts of the state were targeted for particularly savage treatment, in part a reprisal for the pogroms of 1966, but also out of security concerns that they would naturally harbor sympathies for the regime in Lagos. But non-Hausas were just as badly treated. And as the hostility of the local population became more intense, so did the degree of indiscrete brutality for "internal security". Non-Ibo alumni of St. Patrick's College, Asaba and Government College, Ughelli, found to their chagrin that old school ties meant nothing in the new dispensation (17). Radio broadcasts "educated" the public about the role of 'gallant' Biafran troops who had only come to liberate them from the "bondage of the feudal Hausa-Fulani oligarchy". An economic cooperation agreement was announced between the 'independent' states of Biafra and the Midwest. The truth, though, was that Ojukwu retained authority to approve all expenditures made by the Okonkwo regime and it was not until September 13th that normal postal, telephone and telegraphic services between Biafra and the Midwest were resumed (15). Counter-propaganda was indeed launched by federal radio, which appealed to the citizens of the state for loyalty and cooperation. In this atmosphere, civil resistance and disobedience germinated, predominantly among non-Ibos. But a few Midwest Ibo-speaking soldiers and civilians did become leery about the invasion and felt the 'interference' from "across the Niger" was getting out of hand. On the other side of this opinion divide was the powerful, so-called "Enugu clique", eager to share in the destiny of the corporate Ibo nation (14). Such ambiguous sensitivities and antipathies within and between "western" and "eastern" Ibos have always existed. Long after the civil war, for example, it even affected negotiations about the creation of a proposed Anioma state (18). |
As far back as April 6th, 1967 almost two months before the proclamation of secession, special branch police reports had alerted the federal government of certain activities that were to take on significance later (10). Two officers from the eastern region, (Lt. Col. Ude and Major Obioha) were in contact with some of their counterparts in the Midwest to make arrangements for the possible occupation of the Midwest by troops from the Eastern Area Command. The pretext would be that the Midwest was not strong enough to defend itself and that Midwest Ibos needed protection. This occupation was to be coordinated with a simultaneous seizure of the Western region, which (according to the report) was why some individuals (presumably Ojukwu, Awolowo and Adebayo) were advocating that "northern" troops leave that region. Ude and Obioha apparently met with Lt. Cols. Igboba, Nwawo, Okwechime and Nwajei, along with Major David Odiwo and a civilian hotelier, Joseph Nwababa. Igboba and Nwajei reportedly reconnoitered the Ilusi and Ubiaja areas of the region to determine their suitability as a springboard for operations. This option would have meant bypassing Benin while advancing through Owo to Ibadan. Using the African Continental Bank (ACB), money was allegedly laundered through Nwababa to Military and Police operatives. [This detailed intelligence report provides another glimpse into the degree of dishonesty in Banjo's relationship with Ojukwu. When Ademoyega was released from Warri prison, Banjo told him that it was he (Banjo) that suggested the Midwest and Lagos moves to Ojukwu, who accepted because of his 'confidence' in him. Obviously, Banjo was unaware that plans for the invasion had been fostered even before Biafra was proclaimed.] On July 11, a week after "police action" had commenced, Ejoor declared that the state would promptly and resolutely resist any incursion of its territory; unfortunately, signs that an invasion was indeed coming were essentially ignored. The Asaba end of the Niger Bridge was wide open. The federal blockade was not enforced by troops of the 4th area command, none of whom were under the operational control of Ejoor. Trade with the Onitsha market continued unabated. The Asaba Textile Mills, which was dependent on the Afam power station for electricity supply, had its power cut off on July 18th. The crude oil pipeline from Warri to the Port Harcourt refinery was also sabotaged (14). These acts heightened apprehension in the Midwest and raised eyebrows in Lagos. In his book (10), Major General Joe Garba (rtd) describes an irritant in the relationship between certain Midwest officers in Lagos (for example, Captain George Innih) and their northern counterparts during this period. It had to do with demands from the former that the 4th Area Command be given "adequate weapons" to defend the state, rather than rely on "northern" troops. However, in the setting of suspicions about the pro-East tilt of the majority of officers in the Midwest at that time, the federal government was, understandably, not in a hurry to flood the Midwest with weapons which might in all probability simply be handed over to Ojukwu. A subsequent demonstration of Heavy Weapons at the Benin airport and public statements of assurance from the Commander of the 4th area command (Col. Nwawo) only served to lull the civilian population into a false sense of security. Behind the scenes, other events demonstrated the widening gulf between Ibo and non-Ibo officers. For example, on August 5, a company of soldiers led by Lt. (later Captain & "Major" Igbinosa arrived in Benin from Lagos with orders to escort a consignment of boats (procured by Ejoor from the Delta) to the Bonny sector in the East, where Lt. Col. Adekunle was operating. Igbinosa was promptly turned back by Lt. Col. Nwawo and other Midwest Ibo officers at the Area Command HQ (13). Curiously, in his "Journal of Events" (15), Ojukwu interpreted this event as follows: "Nigerian troops start amassing troops and stockpiling large quantities of arms in the Midwest in preparation for an attack on Biafra." The following day, on August 6, an embarrassed Ejoor (whose neutrality was now in doubt) confronted these same Midwest Ibo army colleagues with newspaper reports about the formation of a "southern solidarity front" to include the East, Midwest and West to the exclusion of the North (14). Not surprisingly, they denied. Interestingly, Ojukwu issued a public warning that day, to Ejoor reminding him of his pledges to keep the region neutral. However, two days later, on the night of August 8, Biafran army uniforms were secretly issued to selected Midwestern Ibos while weapons were withdrawn 'for routine check' from non-Ibo soldiers in the 4th Area Command HQ. The Police wireless station at Asaba closed down (as usual) for the night. The stage was set (14).Between 3 a.m. when they crossed the Niger Bridge and 7:00 a.m. when the Biafran 12th battalion and 101st divisional HQ group arrived in Benin City, feverish activities took place among key officers of the 4th area command. Those in the know, manipulated and stonewalled their colleagues while rumors spread like wildfire (14). As it were, a group of Midwest Ibo officers had actually been slated to welcome Lt. Col. Banjo at Ikpoba Hill that morning (13). Major-General Yakubu Gowon was very concerned about the dynamics of the Midwest before the invasion (12). Recognizing that (by prior agreement) there were no "northern" troops in the Midwest, he (Gowon) took the precaution of quietly creating a new brigade at Okene (in modern day Kogi State). According to Garba (10), a company was also positioned at Ore and may have been the group that put up some resistance at Siluko. All of these soldiers later came under the command of 28 year old Lt. Col . Murtala Ramat Mohammed. Although he was the coup-leader, he ceded leadership to Gowon after the July 29, 1966 counter-coup and was practically a man in search of a mission for some time after that. In a curious twist of fate, the Biafran invasion gave the Kano-born, Hausa-speaking Mohammed an opportunity to return to his ancestral home in Auchi in the Midwest region as a Liberator (17). Initially, these Okene based troops were being massed in preparation for a possible dash to Agbor through Auchi, in the Midwestern region, to cut off any attempt by the Biafran Army to match on Benin City and on to Lagos (12). According to Ejoor, the nucleus of this unit was the 3rd battalion originally based in Ibadan, which had been transferred to Okene. In Ejoor's opinion (13), the subsequent eastward movement of most of this battalion to provide reinforcement for the Nsukka sector, opened up the flank for Ojukwu's invasion of the Midwest. Events validate Ejoor's perspective, because the 3rd battalion was not in place to stop Ivenso from entering Okene on August 13th. Clearly monitoring the unstable situation in the Midwest, and looking for a pretext based on real or imagined troop movements, Ojukwu struck on August 9th, fast and with near-total surprise. Near total, because the clouds of imminent invasion were noticed by at least a few others. One Sergeant Major, for example, desperately sought guidance from a few non-Ibo officers to pre-emptily arrest all Midwest Ibo officers. He was quite prepared to do this, he said, as long he had an order to do so. No one was willing to bite the bullet, perhaps for fear it might boomerang. Those were anxious days (17). By pre-arrangement, the Midwestern Area Command put up no resistance, essentially folding into the Biafran rearguard. Among others, the Officers who were most deeply involved in all of this were Lt. Cols. Mike Okwechime, Igboba, Nwajei, Ochei and Col. Conrad Nwawo. [Nigerian Army Headquarters took the view that these "Nigerian" officers were involved in a coup d'etat against the Midwestern region of Nigeria; this attitude that affected the way those who survived were treated after the war ended in Jan 1970. (12)] The Military Governor, Col. David Ejoor, eventually escaped to Lagos, after an unusual August 11/12 midnight meeting with Lt. Col. Banjo at the Catholic Seminary in Benin City. During this encounter, he apparently declined an offer to serve as Governor and assist in efforts to remove both Gowon and Ojukwu from office and form a new reconciliatory national government in the "Dominion of Southern Nigeria". Lt. Col. Nwajei, 'Major' Alale and an unnamed Biafran 'officer' (possibly Achuzia) apparently witnessed this interesting meeting. Banjo not only apologized to Ejoor for the attack on Government House, but also stated that Ojukwu had told him that Ejoor was fully aware of the plan to seize the Midwest! (13) On August 13, having decided that the situation was too complicated, Ejoor slipped out of the capital, dressed in a disguise, hitching a ride in a car until he got to the Sakpoba River. From there he reportedly trekked to an Urhobo settlement where he mounted a bicycle, which he says he rode for 80 miles to his mother's village at Ebor-Orogun. He remained in hiding until September 23, when (with Benin and Warri safely back in federal hands), he emerged to rendezvous with Lt. Col. Benjamin Adekunle at Warri, enroute to Lagos by air. After stints as Director of Training and Planning at Supreme Headquarters and Commandant, Nigerian Defence Academy, years later, as a Major General, he eventually became the last person to hold the title of 'Chief of Staff, Army'. He was retired in July 1975, at which time the title was changed to 'Chief of Army Staff' (13). Banjo not only declared a free and independent Midwest region, but also expressed lack of support for the concept of an independent Biafra, infuriating Ojukwu in the process (9, 14, 19). On August 11, Lt. Col. Nwawo appealed to all soldiers in the 4th area command to "return to duty". Conceivably, their role was to help garrison the Midwest while the main group of Biafrans proceeded to Lagos. At this point, Major Sam Ogbemudia, (who was subsequently declared wanted and had a bounty placed on his head), explains in his memoirs that he went underground to assist in organizing a resistance movement (14). For those interested in parallels, this was akin to the French or Polish Resistance against Nazi occupation in the forties. Ogbemudia was trained in special warfare techniques at Fort Bragg in the United States, and had also been Chief Instructor (support weapons wing) at the Nigerian Military Training College in Kaduna. Under Major Nzeogwu and Colonel Shodeinde, he taught classes in guerrilla warfare to military trainees |
At the time of the Biafran Invasion, there had been no "northern" troops in the Midwest. The Nigerian Army 4th Area Command had two battalions organized in nine (9) companies. Two companies were based in Benin, two in Agbor, two in Asaba, and one each in Warri, Auchi and Ekiadolor. It was manned by Midwesterners, under the command of Lt. Col. Conrad Nwawo [the same officer to whom Major Patrick C.K. Nzeogwu (also Midwest Ibo) had surrendered in Jan 1966]. Because several non-Ibo officers remained in Lagos and Kaduna, all but three officers on the ground (Lt. Col. David Ejoor, Majors Ogbemudia and Eremobor) of the rank of Major and above were Midwestern Ibos. Probably 75% or more of the 42 officers were Ibo-speaking. Indeed, in addition to possessing a sizable chunk of the rank and file, among the strategic positions in the Command, Ibo-speaking officers held the following: Commander, 4th Area Command (Lt. Col. Nwawo) General Staff Officer 1 (Operations) (Lt. Col. Nwanjei) Staff Officer (Civil-Military Liaison), Governors Office Commander, Benin Garrison, including two companies (Lt. Col. Ruddy Trimnell) Battalion Commander (Lt. Col. Igboba) Battalion Commander (Lt. Col. Ochei) Commanding Officer, Depot. (Lt. Col. Keshi) Officer in charge, Engineers/ Communications (Lt. Col. Okwechime) Company Commander, Auchi area Company Commanders, Asaba area (including Major Alabi-Isama) Company Commanders, Agbor area Company Commander Warri area Company Commander, Ekiadolor Unit Non-Ibos held the following positions: Quarter Master-General, 4th area command (Major Ogbemudia) Intelligence Officer (Major Eremobor) Col. David Ejoor (Military Governor, Midwest), was thus caught between numerous Midwestern Ibo officers (whom he could neither trust nor control) and the federal government (whom they did not trust). Not exactly a stranger to intrigue, Ejoor (as Commander 1st battalion, Enugu), narrowly escaped death (from Majors Anuforo and Ifeajuna) at the Ikoyi Hotel in Lagos, Jan 15,1966. He also slipped out of an attempted kidnap (by Ojukwu) during the burial of Major General Aguiyi-Ironsi at Umuahia on Jan 20, 1967. As noted above, he tried to play a balancing act as a neutral, by declaring that the Midwestern region 'would not become a battlefield'. It was a no win situation. |
Sheuns:And you think there are no associated cost in production, reinvestments and financing ? Go sleep abeg |
![]() shortgun:Which oil,? |
Validated:Try and think before you post anything here. Nigeria operates joint ventures with oil companies that do the actual drilling . The JV has a 60:40 sharing formula between FG and oil firms. |
Mrfeel:The invasion was facilitated by Delta ibos in the army who had initially declared loyalty to Nigeria and Gowon only to turn around and take orders from Ojukwu How come that majority of Delta Ibos defected to the Biafran side! Don't forget the riots and pogroms that greeted the liberation of Midwest by Murtala that was carried out by non ibos on delta ibos. Why did non ibos chase out delta ibos from their land! The truth was that Delta ibos collaborated with IBO invaders and participated in terrorising and harassing non ibos in the Midwest |
The best thing to ever happen to Delta state is this Anioma state creation. Same Delta Ibos that supported ibos when they invaded and occupied Midwestern region and joined their IBO brothers harassing and terrorising the non IBO tribes? Ned should recall how his anioma people were chased out of Benin, Warri and Sapele after Murtala chased his IBO brothers out of Midwest Ned should be honest and say the truth which is that Anioma ibos began shedding their IBO identity because of the madness of ibos and Biafran rogue soldiers on hapless civilians of non IBO extraction |
Ojiofor:Stolen from who? For your mind your Giringory won abi? Giringory that did not go to court to declare him winner but was rambling on irregularities and demanding the court set aside the elections just as nzeribe did 30ys back. Same nzeribe whom your obi was his prodigy back then and was the one serving kangaroo court rulings to the then defunct NEC. Shift |
Klington:Giringory cho Cho pass solodu own so you know |
Web3Hunter:Good quetion I am concerned because this Giringory's son is living the best of a spoilt brat's life in London's West End at the full expense of his father who claims to be frugal . Giringory's son is living the life of a Bohemian struggling actor while living as a trust fund baby in London's swanky West End. By all definitions he fits the description of a Lazy Youth as proclaimed by Late Muhammadu Buhari. Its not just his degenerate lifestyle that is my concern. On the contrary I hope he continues the death path and dies of AIDS. My grouse is with his father who facilitated this lifestyle and the mob who are switching goal post |
Mbanda:where is proof she is lesbian? And even if she is how does this in any way validates Giringory's son being gay? whataboutism no go kill una Seyi Tinubu we know. Lets compare him to your Giringory's gay son |
Ojiofor:Ibos are very pained about this past election because the majority of Nigerians chose a Yoruba man first before their traibal candidate. You guys came to see the election as a rejection of your people but an acceptance of the Yoruba and that is why ever since the elections you have all been raving mad and attacking anything Yorubas until those ones woke up and gave you back your own dose of medicine |
Ojiofor:I thought you guys said SE vote for Abiola:? |
They said its all fake and that the guy in the pic below was not Giringory's son but a look alike. They later went to post pics of the same person alongside a lady to say that the lady in question is his girlfriend and that he isnt gay. Turns out the lady in question is openly lesbian and has it all posted on her social media profiles. LMFAO! Then they began threatening the poor trans guy and warned him on his social media feeds to cease and desist henceforth from posting any more pictures of himself and Giringory's son. Today, we woke up to see a flurry a posts claiming to be from Giringory's son denying being gay. If you go through what they claim was from Giringory's son , no where did Giringory's son denying being gay or having any relationship whatsoever with the trans gay guy. All in all, you have just witnessed classic Obidient goal post shifting. Now look again at the pic below and tell me which straight man will take a photo with a flamboyant gay man in such a position? They even went on a candle light date to celebrate the Trans guy's birthday and we know it didnt end at the resturant that night. So who are these people fooling with all their rash lies and goal shifting?
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Ojiofor:men The OP does not belong to a fringe extremist minority but is part of the main stream Ibo mentality. And you know it. The OP has like minds in the form of Ibo clergies, politicians , businessmen and elites. Its not today . After all Arthur Nzeribe took out one full page on several National dailies to spew similar bigoted trash like what the OP wrote way back in 1993 when he unapologetically wrote an OPED titled " NO TO YORUBA PRESIDENCY". Arthur did not stop there but went good on his words to secure a kangaroo court judgement to ensure the election results and winner -MKO Abiola, a Yoruba man was never announced. Nah una way and nothing you say or do can change that before the world and least not before an average Yoruba man whom you all hate and envy beyond comprehension |
Antoeni:Your own don pass crase |
The Non-Indigenous Resident aka ibo settlers in Asaba. Lol |
franchasng:Forbes is anti Ibo nah |
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saw things differently from his position as Commander of the Biafran Army in Enugu, even claiming in his narrative that "Benin was taken early that morning without a single loss of life, amidst frantic jubilation by the entire local population." (Italics mine) One can only wonder about which population he was referring, and the veracity of intelligence reports reaching the East (19).
Igbinosa arrived in Benin from Lagos with orders to escort a consignment of boats (procured by Ejoor from the Delta) to the Bonny sector in the East, where Lt. Col. Adekunle was operating. Igbinosa was promptly turned back by Lt. Col. Nwawo and other Midwest Ibo officers at the Area Command HQ (13). Curiously, in his "Journal of Events" (15), Ojukwu interpreted this event as follows: "Nigerian troops start amassing troops and stockpiling large quantities of arms in the Midwest in preparation for an attack on Biafra." The following day, on August 6, an embarrassed Ejoor (whose neutrality was now in doubt) confronted these same Midwest Ibo army colleagues with newspaper reports about the formation of a "southern solidarity front" to include the East, Midwest and West to the exclusion of the North (14). Not surprisingly, they denied. Interestingly, Ojukwu issued a public warning that day, to Ejoor reminding him of his pledges to keep the region neutral. However, two days later, on the night of August 8, Biafran army uniforms were secretly issued to selected Midwestern Ibos while weapons were withdrawn 'for routine check' from non-Ibo soldiers in the 4th Area Command HQ. The Police wireless station at Asaba closed down (as usual) for the night. The stage was set (14).