₦airaland Forum

This I think is the main area where the poll might be flawed:

The data were weighted using 2006 census figures to ensure a match between the survey sample and the Nigerian population.

Since I don't think any of us trust the 2006 census figures. But actually, a more accurate weighting would actually help GEJ rather than hurt him. Long story short, if they are using the 2006 census figures, then the national figure for GEJ seems suspect.

With that said, a single poll isn't enough to convince me. . . there might be certain biases they didn't capture in their model. I'd like to see additional polls. And they still have not published the full state-by-state results. . .

Bintus2much:
still finding it hard to believe that ACN influence in Lagos is not a Barrier for Jonathan to get more votes there,

I think voters are starting to vote for personalties, not parties.

Not a bad thing btw. . . that is more sophisticated voting than in many countries (including the US.)

Anyway, if the people want Goodluck, I guess they'll get him 

I hope we won't regret this decision 

EDIT: With that said, perhaps Ipsos made some error when building their voter model. I still haven't seen state-by-state breakdowns yet.

That is part of the reason I wonder when people say corruption is the root of all Nigeria's problems.

Most of these Latin culture countries (Italy, Spain, Portugal, Brazil, South America, Mexico) are pretty corrupt. Yet they are all far richer than Nigeria.

But yeah, Berlusconi makes some of our Nigerian politicians look like small fry.

@Seanet02: Spambot doesn't think too highly of me 

Mar 22, 2011

By Tony Edike
ENUGU – ELEVEN days to the general elections, the State Security Service, SSS in Enugu State has stormed an illegal arms manufacturing factory at Agbada villagein Nenwe Community of Aninri Local Government Area recovering over 100 dangerous weapons of different categories.
The Director of State Security Service, SSS in the state, Mr. Taminu Adalkhali, who made this known while addressing the press in Enugu Tuesday , said the large cache of arms was discovered following an intelligence report received by his office, adding that the raid carried out at the illegal factory led to the recovery of the arms and other equipment used in manufacturing such weapons.
He said that four of the illegal arms manufacturers were arrested during the raid which, according to him, was part of the agency’s preparation to counter and contain threats that could disrupt the forthcoming elections in the state.
“It is in this direction that the command successfully carried out an operation with military backup in which four illegal arms manufacturers were arrested.
The service will continue to carry out such operations until all illegal arms in circulation are mopped up in the state,” the SSS Director said.
The recovered arms which were displayed before newsmen included, 56 single barrels, 20 single barrel long range guns, three single battle short range guns, one foreign-made Marrison Riffle, one locally made Marrison (Chettima), one foreign double barrel long range gun, two locally made long range double
barrel, three locally made double barrel short range pistols and one double barrel short Dane-gun.
Also recovered were one single barrel short range pistol, five long range engine, 19 engines with butt, 12 cannons, four double barrels, one revolver barrel, one box of tools and scraps, one carbide tank, one gas cylinder, empty cartridges, two vice machines, one Echo (tool), two drilling machines, one handsaw, one sand disc filling machine and one box of scraps.
Adalkhali said the most dangerous of the weapons were the short locally made guns which are commonly used by armed robbers to carry out their operations, adding that the guns manufactured in the factory have the capacity to kill instantly.
“If you look at some of the weapons the armed robbers use for their operations they are locally fabricated and they have the capacity to kill,” he said.
On the issue of bombings during political campaigns, the SSS Director described it as a new phenomenon in the history of the country, saying that in the past Nigerians hardly hear of bombs during political rallies.
He said that in Enugu State the SSS had taken measures to prevent such occurrences during political campaigns, explaining that “we will prepare operatives with their gadgets to sweep all venues of political rallies and gatherings to ensure that no such item is planted anywhere.”
He further said, “We have also taken other measures to ensure that undesirableelements are not given access into such venues. So with that kind of arrangement, it becomes very difficult for anybody to contemplate planting bombs anywhere within the state . Our men are everywhere.”
The SSS Director, however, called on members of the public to continue to cooperate with the service by furnishing them with useful information that could help expose undesirable elements who are out to foment trouble during the elections, adding that such information would be treated with utmost
confidentiality.

http://www.vanguardngr.com/2011/03/sss-storms-illegal-arms-factory-recovers-over-100-dangerous-weapons/

johnie:
Let's see what becomes of Berlusconi in Italy.

I am not expecting much though.

From what I read/hear, Italy is extremely corrupt, lol. I expect him to get off scot free.

egift:
If Beaf and his legion of aliases become Moderator on Political Section, apart from silencing every opposition, here is what you will get

I swear, that picture makes me laugh every time I see it

This regional bifurcation in Buhari’s political appeal is still a hurdle in the way of his ambition that he has to overcome. Pro- and anti-Buhari attitudes and myths seem to have ossified in the North and the South respectively. But as the PDP’s dysfunctional approach to governance at the national level has reached depressingly new lows, many people in the South with reservations about Buhari’s ability to transcend region and religion and about some of his past policies as military Head of State, are giving the candidate another, more sympathetic look. These are not unqualified or enthusiastic endorsements; they are merely the expression of disillusionment with the PDP’s twelve-year regime of waste, and of the concomitant hunger for alternatives, even imperfect ones.

These new, unlikely longings for Buhari reflect the depth and pan-Nigerian character of the epidemic of political helplessness than it does a belief in Buhari’s ability to reverse the dysfunction. Rather than wearing thin, Buhari’s surprising political novelty has acquired more luster as Nigerians have increasingly contrasted an admittedly romanticized and glossy picture of Buhari’s short regime to the PDP’s putrid statecraft. Buhari’s new, unlikely supporters, like prominent Guardian columnist, Sonala Olumhense, are projecting their political despair and hopes unto Buhari in a last ditch belief that the Buhari of 1985, in all his imperfect political flavor, may return and sanitize the polity and play the role of a revolutionary transitional figure. How this gamble will pan out is up in the air.

But is the Buhari of 1985, the insatiably patriotic, passionate, and courageous military revolutionary who can be forgiven for his overzealous overreach and other indiscretions, still possible?  Let’s look at the objective indicators.




If Buhari’s recent actions, utterances, and gestures are a guide, then it is fairly safe to conclude that the Buhari of 1985 is dead to Nigeria. Nigeria, by the way, seems to have returned the favor. First, when Buhari speaks now, he sounds withdrawn, disinterested, and aloof. I recently participated in a telephone interview with the General. It was organized by Nigeriavillagesquare.com. I was struck by how passion-less he sounded throughout the chat. And it wasn’t because we didn’t probe. We asked tough questions but also soft-ball ones that should have given him a platform to impress us with his diagnosis of Nigeria’s ills and his vision for curing them. Instead of punchy, substantive responses to our questions, we got platitudinous, banal, over-scripted political generalities.

Buhari’s political speech has become stale and bland, lacking the fierce urgency, to paraphrase Barack Obama, of Nigeria’s rescue mission. Buhari’s other recent interviews betray the same frustratingly noncommittal attitude and a seeming reluctance to make bold, promissory pronouncements about his intentions. He now speaks like a typical Nigerian politician; the same unimaginative vocabulary; the same vacuous rhetoric; the same lack of specifics; the same general, predictable promises about rooting out corruption, making government work, and improving security. The “how” of all this has been missing from the political gestures and pronouncements of today’s Buhari.

If this is an effort on his part to project a less fearful persona so as to appear less threatening to Nigeria’s elite kingmakers, then it illustrates the contention that we now have a morphed Buhari who would seek the approval of or compromise with the architects of Nigeria’s current predicament. If it is an attempt to tone down the firry rhetoric of his political youth, it is not striking the right cord and comes across as a capitulation to the pragmatics of the Nigerian political establishment. If it is evidence of a waning enthusiasm for public service or a loss of reformist fervor, it is even more depressing.

The most recent showcase of this new, diminished Buhari is the presidential debate organized by the NN24 TV channel. Buhari seemed faded and jaded, uninterested, and inarticulate. His plans for reversing the current rot, if one can call them plans, seemed scattered, impractical, and indiscernible. Mostly, he spoke in empty, familiar platitudes of the Abuja type. Even questions that seemed designed to draw out the old Buhari—questions on corruption and misgovernance—elicited disappointing, old, boringly banal, and non-substantive responses. His answers left more questions than they answered.

This simple, unscripted, contrarian statement of Buhari’s transformed his image from a simple former Northern head of state to a hero of the Sharia Islamic revolution—to a champion of the masses. Buhari’s unintended advocacy of Sharia implementation—or more precisely his perceived opposition to its suspension— recast his image overnight and showed a different side of the general to his Northern co-religionists. Because the yearning for Sharia was largely about the desire for economic justice, accountability, equity, and redistributive fairness, and because this yearning was driven by the grassroots concerns of regular Northern Nigerian Muslims, Buhari instantly became a hero to the masses in the popular political imagination, a man of integrity, truth, courage, and piety. A political myth and a political cult of personality were simultaneously born.

Buhari earned the reverential name of mai gaskiya—man of integrity. This is the genealogy of Buhari’s political reinvention. Since then, he has become the most credible political figure in Muslim Northern Nigeria. Opportunistic politicians and true believers alike have flocked to his side, canonizing his every word and move, and helping to further renovate his political image and to reinforce the public myth of his exceptional integrity.

When in 2003, he was widely reported to have said that Muslims should only vote for Muslims the ensuing debate and controversy only added to his Islamic credibility and solidified his political image in the North as a champion of Islam and Islamic notions of justice, equity, good governance, and public morality. His efforts to disown the statement and to dispel unsavory impressions created in Southern Nigeria and the Middle Belt by that controversy and by his earlier disavowal of the Sharia suspension statement did little to blur the shine of his political persona in Muslim Northern Nigeria. In fact, the Southern Nigerian press’s focus on this disputed aspect of his personal politics only boosted his credibility in Northern Nigeria, as his hardcore supporters embraced his perceived, if disputed, Islamic activism in favor of the interest of the masses.

The controversy, while ultimately beneficial to Buhari in his Northern Muslim constituency, plunged him into a political quandary. His disputed Islamic activism for social and economic justice was admired in Muslim Northern Nigeria and helped expand his political base throughout the Northwest, the Northeast and parts of the Northcentral regions. But this foundation of his Northern popularity was precisely why Southerners and Middle Belt Christians regarded him with suspicion. This suspicion spawned myths and made-up tales about a secret Buhari agenda to Islamize Nigeria or to implement Sharia nationally. His political asset in the Islamic North became a burden in other parts of the country, where he was increasingly perceived as possessing a narrow, sectional, and religious perspective on Nigeria’s challenges. Managing this contradiction (nurturing his political persona in the North while not reinforcing his perceived image in the South as a champion of Sharia and Islamo-Northern interest) has been the supreme challenge of Buhari’s political aspiration in the last two presidential election circles.

Lately though, a few critical voices have raised legitimate questions about the nature and mechanics of those reforms and about less than patriotic biases that may have underpinned some of Buhari’s presidential actions. Previously unscrutinized details have attracted robust critique. The Buhari government’s draconian enforcement of its regime of discipline and public morality and his assault on press and political freedoms have become staples of a new narrative seeking to demystify the candidate.

These questions have been posed by credible voices and by those who were victimized by some of the freedom-curtailing decrees of Buhari’s government. The credibility of victimhood has lend power and emotive persuasiveness to these narratives. They have become louder as Buhari’s public persona and the myths of his integrity and competence has grown.

The Buhari regime’s granting of a waiver to the Emir of Gwandu and father of his ADC to clear 53 imported suitcases at a time when all national borders were closed has been advanced credibly to nibble at Buhari’s image of integrity and impartiality. Even the differential treatment that his regime meted to Shehu Shagari and Alex Ekwueme in the wake of their overthrow has made cameo but powerful appearances in new, critical commentaries on Buhari’s image. These are weighty, if circumstantial, allegations against Buhari, and they clearly contradict the most familiar aspects of the candidate’s political personality. So far, these questions have dominated elite chatter and have yet to transition into the Nigerian political street. Their impact on Buhari’s electoral prospects therefore remains uncertain.

Another aspect of Buhari’s populist appeal that is largely misunderstood is his peculiar cult-like popularity among the common folk of Northern Nigeria. The genealogy of this popularity dates back to statements attributed to Buhari in the wake of the Sharia debate in the early years of Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration. When a spokesperson for the Obasanjo administration announced that the council of state, of which Buhari is a member, had decided to suspend Sharia implementation in Zamfara state and in other early implementer-states, Buhari publicly and courageously disputed the statement, saying that no such decision had been taken by the council.

At a time when the yearning for Sharia as a populist solution to the problems of corruption, vice, and political abuse was a genuine item on the menu of beleaguered and disenchanted Northern Nigerian Muslim masses, Buhari’s perceived courageous defense of Sharia implementation proved to be an instant, if unintended, hit at the Northern Nigerian Muslim grassroots.  Buhari reaped immense and immediate political capital from this proclamation. The failure of fellow Northern Council of State members, Shehu Shagari, Ibrahim Babangida, and Abdulasalam Abubakar to publicly contradict the position of the Obasanjo government on Sharia’s purported suspension carved a special place for Buhari in the hearts of many Sharia-loving Northern Nigerian Muslims: he emerged from the episode as a courageous defender of Sharia and its promise of social and economic justice.

By Moses Ochonu
Muhammadu Buhari appeals to our sense of nostalgia. His candidacy thrives on Nigerian’s disillusionment with the PDP incumbency and its twelve year mismanagement of Nigeria.

Amidst this PDP-engineered gloom, Nigerians have increasingly succumbed to the seduction of Buhari’s image as a can-do, courageous man of integrity and action. This image has grown in reverse proportion to the PDP’s bungling of our affairs in the last twelve years.

Buhari’s modest support in Southern Nigerian is particularly rooted in an emotional investment in this mystique of Buhari as the ultimate anti-establishment candidate who can courageously cleanse the system of its layered rot. This mystique is founded alternately in factual, revisionist, and embellished retelling of Buhari’s populist exploits during his stint as military head of state. His action against corruption, drug trafficking, and indiscipline inspire nostalgia in today’s Nigeria, where public morality and ethics have broken down, seemingly irreparably.

Whether this mystique is true or constructed is up for debate. But the populist yearning for the Buhari of 1985 is at once nurtured by hope and desperation. Hope that trusts naively and a desperation that leads to a belief in an anybody-is-better-than-the-PDP mindset. In this climate of national helplessness, Buhari’s truncated presidential experiments in social reengineering twenty-five years ago have acquired something of a mythical, seductive character. Against the background of active governmental cultivation and promotion of vice and corruption, Buhari’s war against indiscipline and corruption, a problematic and controversial war to be sure, have emerged as a glowingly seductive contrast.

Buhari himself has done little to trumpet his past social reforms. The reforms instead have simply reappeared and are now ingrained in the public’s imagination as the search for alternatives to the present meltdown has become urgent and less discriminating. The social narratives of the reforms have taken on a life of their own; they are romanticized and lionized, and their contradictions have largely been ignored or erased.

The Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), on Tuesday, faulted claims by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) that it registered a total of 73 million voters during the last voter registration, averring that the figure was not correct.

The ACN made this known in a statement signed by its National Publicity Secretary, Alhaji Lai Muhammed, who said the 800,000 number of multiple registration announced by INEC a week ago, was also unrealistic .

The ACN said the figures released by INEC had raised serious doubts on proper use of the AFIS software which it deployed for registration, just as it challenged INEC to explain how it arrived at the figure of 73 million voters and 800,000 multiple registrations.

The party said, ‘’we have taken our time to study the figures and here are our findings: Empirical analysis of the Nigerian population census given the 2006 figures and using a three per cent growth rate annually from 2006 to date will put the Nigerian population at about 149,229,090 by July 2009, according to Wikipedia.

“If the population of under 18 years who are not eligible to register are taken into account at about 60 per cent, and we discount those who voluntarily decide not to register to vote at about 5 to 10 per cent at a conservative estimate, then there is no way that up to 73 million people could have registered to vote.

‘’The portent of this bloated voters’ figure, therefore, will be that INEC is yet to come clean on its real figures following the AFIS scanning or may still be touting the pre-AFIS scanning figures as the actual voters’ registration figure. Either way, the bloated figure can only lead to a distorted result for the polls and reward those who engaged in sharp practices during the registration.

‘’Nigerians will recall that the ACN screamed non-stop during the registration about the activities of some crooked politicians who were inducing people financially to engage in multiple registration and bringing to their private residences the DDC machines used for the exercise. Based on our observations during the registration, the number of duplications should have been far higher.

‘’We also warned that the so-called AFIS software used to detect and remove multiple registration has been compromised by greedy engineers who sold their conscience to politicians in certain states where they were supposed to have run the software, thus failing to do so and leaving the multiple and irregular registrations in such states intact,’’.

ACN said the minimum criterion for the transparency of the process will be for INEC to give a state-by-state analysis of the pre- and post-AFIS scanning report, showing the initial figures registered for each state, the figures after AFIS scanning and the number of registrations discarded for multiple and irregular registrations.

it added, ‘’ if INEC could give figures for initial (provisional) registration without difficulties, it can also hold the operational officers who delivered such figures to provide the nation with a state-by-state account of the figures arrived at after cleaning up the register from multiple and irregular registrations. Not to do so will make the Jega register as unreliable as the Iwu register, and will also mean that the huge expenditure on the registration exercise is a colossal waste.”

Further highlighting its concern over the AFIS scanning process, it said if INEC had done the proper thing in cleaning up the register of multiple and irregular registrations, it could not have been able to come out with the figure for the final register at the time it did.

‘’Experts in the specific area of finger-print forensic assert that to properly detect the irregularities which INEC sought to remove fromthe voters’ register, the collected registers from each ward had to be consolidated, then all the wards in each local government will then be consolidated, then all the local governments voter registration data within a state had to be integrated.

“To do this, the experts said, it will require a pool of IT experts working in concert for a few days. Having consolidated all the data into one huge file, this data will then be scanned through a bank of computers, or mainframe, which INEC was supposed to have set up in each of its state offices.

‘’Experts are unanimous in asserting that highly-populated states such as Lagos, Kano, Rivers, Oyo, Sokoto and others could not have done the AFIS scanning in such a short period and come out with the expected three-category list, and then subject them to claims and objections, before sending to the INEC national office for consolidation and scanning for inter-state multiple registrations to get a final figure of 73 million.

‘’It is therefore imperative for INEC to come clean on how it arrived at its figures and to publish a state-by-state analysis of the pre-and post-AFIS scanning report in order to win the confidence of Nigerians. This is important because a credible voters’ register is a sine qua non for a free, fair and credible election,’’ ACN said.

Hopefully their requests are denied.

Thursday, 03 February 2011 00:04 Zakariyya Adaramola & Sunday Williams
The VON Automobiles Nigeria Limited, a subsidiary of Stallion Group, has written to the Federal Government asking to be granted zero duty and levies to import 100,000 units of Completely Built Unit (CBU) vehicles, Daily Trust learnt yesterday.
VON’s letter to President Goodluck Jonathan dated December 9, 2010 and signed by VON chairman, S.S. Vaswani, also prayed the president to grant it a tax holiday for five years from corporate profit/income tax and zero import duty and levies and VAT on plant, machineries, raw materials, semi finished components and building materials.

However, spokesman of the company, Mr Sam Thosh denied the letter, saying it did not emanate from the company.

But a copy of the letter obtained from a presidency source read in part: “We wish to bring to His Excellency’s attention the path taken and the positive results achieved by developing countries with objectives and economic conditions similar to Nigeria’s. In all cases, the under listed nations have achieved a leap into industrialisation on the back of production incentives, and protection of their domestic industrial sectors from cheap goods dumped on developing economies, most of them with lesser natural and human resources than Nigeria, were able to attain a commendable status in automobile production in less than a decade or two………

“To this extent, we pray Your Excellency, to permit this organization the following allowances to serve as incentive to sustain the level of investment required to make the plant a success: (a) Tax holiday for five years from corporate profit/income tax (b) zero import duty and levies and vat on plant, machineries, raw materials, semi finished components and building materials (c) zero duty & levies on CBU or FBU/CKD’s for 100,000 units to support the cash flow of the manufacturing operation as follows: Honda----25,000 units, Leyland/Foton----5,000, Hyundai----55,000 units, Volkswagen----15,000 units (d) increased tariff on CBU’s to protect the project and its mission (e) duty draw back on exports to other countries including Ecowas countries (f) directive to all government agencies to source vehicles from local assembly plants.”

Daily Trust investigations revealed that 100,000 is the total capacity that all the six locally vehicle assembly plants across the country could produce. But currently they are struggling to produce 30,000.

According to the source, the presidency is confused on the matter as all other five local assembly plants and other stakeholders in the Nigerian automobile industry are kicking against the Vaswanis’ demands.

According to him, they fear that if the company’s request scaled through, all other five local assembly plants would face a harder time as they may not be able to compete favourably with imported CBU vehicles brought in by VON.

“They said that the company would enjoy monopoly and this may further cripple the economy”, he said.

Speaking to Daily Trust yesterday on the issue, the Director General of National Automotive Council (NAC) Engr.Aminu Jalal said that VON was not serious for asking such incentives to sustain the level of their investments.

According to Engr Jalal, if VON is serious about manufacturing cars in the country it should have pushed for the increase of the duty and levies on CBU which can encourage the local manufacturers.

He said there was nowhere in the world that government gives zero duty on CBU.

“Innocent Motors that went into manufacturing did not ask of any incentive from the government but rather only demanded for patronage, that is a serious company,” he said.

He said that the council is working at increasing the duty on CBU from 10 percent, 20 percent to 30 percent in order to give undue advantage for local manufacturers.

Engr. Jalal said it was “unfortunate that the company after buying Volkswagen for years has not even moved to site to start any development but has turned the place to a warehouse for imported rice.”

But speaking with our correspondent, Mr Sam Thosh said, “ It is a lie, we are not aware of any letter written and signed by Mr. Vaswani.”

Apart from VON, which was bought by Stallion, five other local vehicle assembly plants in the country include: Leyland in Ibadan, Pan in Kaduna, Anamco in Enugu, Steyr in Bauchi and National Trucks Manufacturing Company in kano; all established by the federal government between 1970 and 1975.


http://dailytrust.dailytrust.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=11383:stallion-group-to-import-100000-duty-free-cars-&catid=3:business&Itemid=3

Bianca's face is a bit too angular for my taste. I dunno. Clara looks pretty decent though. Arms a little thick, but not bad overall.

Ekiti Deputy Gov (Olufunmilayo Olayinka) is pretty good. If I can have a woman who looks like her at age 50+, I'll be pretty happy.

Adams Oshiomhole's deceased wife is also a good look.

I think this thread would be a lot more interesting if it were instead, "Which Nigerian politician has the finest mistress(es)?" 

Personally not a fan. Isn't a dealbreaker, but I prefer other styles of hair.

Looks are important I think for making the initial connection, as Atreides pointed out.

Very hard for me to imagine dating/marrying a woman I do not find physically unattractive. With that said, I'm ok with average-looking girls, so long as they have great personalities, career prospects, etc.

Basically. .  . a 6/10 girl who is a medical doctor and has a great personality > 10/10 girl who works at the strip club and has an ugly personality.

I never said it was a color.

Na wa o, please leave my Yoruba women alone.

If you want to go to war against them, I'll go to war against you. . .

[quote author=Mrs, Chima link=topic=158818.msg7604848#msg7604848 date=1296023143]Good for you.  

Black on Black love is beautiful!  [/quote]I don't disagree, my boo is a black Latina. Just saying that so is black on white, black on yellow, etc  

Fair enough 

Me, my only preference is hot.

[quote author=Mrs, Chima link=topic=158818.msg7604801#msg7604801 date=1296021979]You are exactly right. I am excluding them from my dating pool because I am married. DUH. [/quote]

Well, if you were not married, would you still exclude them?

aminalib:
ok its not like they dont have families that could possibly help?

Alright, so if your dad is some rich dude, then have as many kids as you want, no big deal. You'll be able to raise them properly (which requires lots of MONEY.)

But if your dad is not rich, then where will the money come from?

Kids are not cheap. At least if you want to raise them right. Larger home, after school programs, foods, sports, piano lessons, cars, college later down the line, maybe law or medical school. . .

This isn't the 1800s where kids are cheap and you can put them to work at age 6 working on your cassava farm near your village 

Nowadays, kids are expensive as fvck. . .

Are you all not attracted to white and asian men, period?

Me, I'm attracted to ALL types of women. I don't care about ethnicity, race, etc at all, just hotness.

If you aren't attracted to white/hispanic/asian dudes at all, then fine, e no be by force.

But somehow I doubt that this is the case. You are probably making a concious decision to exclude them from your dating pool.

Not that there is anything wrong with that, it is your own choice! But I'm just saying. . . I think most people are better off not restricting their options.

Easiest solution is to abort. If you keep the child, very likely all three of yours lives would be much worse off. She having difficulty finishing school, you having difficulty providing for her and the child, and the child not being raised in the best environment  (much better for a kid to be born to stable, middle-class parents than struggling ones)

However, if for religious reasons you are against abortion, then I guess you have no choice.

^-- I've always thought black women should broaden their horizons a bit. Lots of white guys who like black women but are afraid to approach them. Asians and Hispanics too.

Less closed-mindedness would do everyone a lot of good, imo.

[quote author=Chyz* link=topic=592813.msg7604735#msg7604735 date=1296020368]Yo, why were you reborn again?[/quote]The blood of Jesus washed away my sins!

Naw, the spambot banned me

aminalib:
i would def tell, i was seeing a nigerian guy who traveled for 2 months, so his brother comes to me and tells me that it is now his responsibility to take me as a wife and we should do the do,

@OP, I'd probably have to tell, let my girl know that her sister is crazy 

Nigeria is not a united country, no matter how much we try to pretend it is

People shouldn't be afraid of losing their lives in the north. . . it is a bit disgusting.

MRbrownJAY:
as i watch this installment of Vic-o, i cant help but feel sorry for some people out there that think that just because they  can, they bring garbage out claiming to represent Africa. let him represent Italy or wherever he shot that trash vid:


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NQxogJESdAY

Lol! Man, that stuff makes me cringe. I hate when Nigerians and Africans do that

I don't care personally. All I care is that the girl is hot. If hot, then white, yellow, brown, light, dark doesn't matter.