Our security forces are weak in their capacity to responding to terrorists. Many terrorists attacked but only one was killed out of plenty. That's very poor
floss: Walahi if only these Apc laptop boys can denounce being accomplices in the destruction Done by Apc tulumbu government.... Nigerians will forgive them...
Why are you defending group of 100 persons that continue stealing the future of your generation and incoming generations just for 30k naira per month for 4years.... While these group go home with at least 150B naira each depending on the position they occupy, while you go home with 1.4m naira max if you don't touch the monthly 30k naira for 4 years....
Is that not foolishness because you also experience the bad governance, bad economy, insecurity that the same group you support brought, you suffer it with other citizens because 1.4m naira cannot buy you a good life, security and good financial capacity in the Nigeria you helped to destroy.
So how does that benefit you .... I really want to understand the mind of a black man... And their thinking. Assuming as a laptop boy for tulumbu Apc government, that you go home with 2B naira after 4years... I will say ok, it worths the wickedness... I really want to understand the mind of a tulumbu Apc laptop boy... Yarimo, burob, seunmsg, helinues....help me out
You SW have exposed yourselves to All Nigerians. Your people have shown they are the worse when it comes to corruption, löoting and stealing what does not belong to them
The aim of the faaake certttifficcate hollldderr when he was crying emil000kaan was to use parapoism to siphon the National cake for his kins and kiths
voortrekker966: You wish Tinubu will turn to a dictator and rule the way he wishes. Your gain? Nothing! You'll be as hungry as before if not even worse but you don't care so far it's not Igbo in power. You'll be alright.
When buhari was ruling you fit challenge him? Abegi
Bobloco: Mr Gbajabiamila is not new to bribery scandals. In 2021, Mr Gbajabiamila was among lawmakers accused of taking $2 million in cash bribes each to pass the petroleum law.
President Bola Tinubu’s administration has come under scrutiny over allegations made by Adeniyi Adeyemi, the director-general of the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC), implicating the chief of staff to the president, Femi Gbajabiamila, in an appointment-for-cash scandal.
Peoples Gazette had on Monday reported that Mr Adeyemi alleged during a press conference last week that Mr Gbajabiamila received N400 million through a proxy and demanded an additional N200 million to secure his appointment, while also requesting 48 per cent of the PFIPC’s N27.4 billion take-off grant, a request he said he rejected.
As details emerged, the situation has created panic inside the presidential villa, prompting presidential spokesperson Bayo Onanuga to release a statement on Wednesday to ease tensions in the public.
The presidency said it was aware of the allegations and described the PFIPC as a fictitious agency, claiming that Mr Gbajabiamila had first petitioned the Police and the State Security Service in October last year over the forging of his signature, seal, and portfolio number to issue fake employment letters from his office.
“We are aware of the public interest in the matter of a man called Adeyemi Adeniyi Matthew, who has been parading himself as the director-general of a fictitious Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council cum Presidential Economic Advisory Council.
“The office of the chief of staff to the president first blew the whistle on the existence of the illegal agency, following complaints from officials of the Nigerian Investment Promotion Council that another government agency appeared to be functioning at cross-purposes with it,” the statement said.
The Tinubu government also alleged that Mr Adeyemi used the PFIPC, which the government maintained was non-existent, to request a note verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the United States to facilitate visas for some of their staff, while also hosting ambassadors.
Amid the current administration’s attempt to deny the existence of PFIPC, The Gazette’s checks showed that the national budget includes a provision for the agency, while the government’s claim that the company doesn’t exist is contradicted by the fact that it had a line item for almost N2 billion.
It is not the first time that Mr Gbajabiamila has been fingered in a bribery scandal. In 2021, while serving as Speaker of the House of Representatives, Mr Gbajabiamila was one of the lawmakers accused of taking $2 million in cash bribes each to pass the petroleum law, despite protests from host communities.
Meanwhile, the government claimed that the police filed an eight-count charge at the Federal High Court, Abuja Division, against Mr Adeyemi and two of his accomplices since November 2025, following investigations, and that they were released on bail. He is said to be due for another court appearance on July 27.
The accusations levelled against Mr Adeyemi included the fraudulent opening of a Central Bank of Nigeria account using fake documents to mislead the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation, as well as criminal forgery.
Workers in many states are yet to get their May 2026 salary in June! What's going on abeg? Why are state workers not being paid? Or is it that the states are back to bankruptcy? In view of the current financial hardship this is not a time to delay or withhold workers salary abeg.
Abeg if your salary is delayed in your state please talk o. Let's hear you in the comment section. Our voice counts.
Social media activist, Martins Otse, popularly known as VeryDarkMan, has faulted the General Overseer of The Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), Pastor Enoch Adeboye, over remarks defending President Bola Tinubu’s handling of insecurity.
Adeboye, speaking at the US-Nigeria Faith Heroes Award Gala in Washington on June 23, said Tinubu had “done his bit” by giving directives to the military and should not be blamed for worsening security challenges.
The cleric added that when a commander-in-chief issues instructions, “he has done his bit. You don’t expect him to go and put on khaki and (fight).”
The activist shared clips of news reports in national dailies from May 5, 2010 and October 11, 2010 showing Adeboye criticising then-President Goodluck Jonathan’s handling of insecurity.
The headline of the lead story of a national daily (not Daily Sun) from May 5, 2010, shared by the critic read, “Adeboye petitions Jonathan over rising kidnappings”.
“Pastor Enoch Adeboye just wants to turn a blind eye because Tinubu is the President. Weren’t you the one in this video protesting years ago with a placard? This is just tribal bigotry,” he said in a video shared on Instagram on Wednesday.
Samogbo1: Recently I've been wondering why Sowore is not so popular amongst Nigerian voters during elections. It's very glaring that the name Sowore doesn't pull weight compared to the likes of Jagaban, P.O, and Atiku.
...from what I watched and read about him starting from his early days as a young student (NANS president) till date, this man has been genuinely fighting for true democracy in Nigeria.
Sincerely, what could be the problem? Is there any dent or something secretive I should know about this man that's yet to be unraveled? I wil be expecting genuine and positive contributions to this topic.
A reform can sound beautiful in Abuja and still fail inside a crowded camp in Iyana Ipaja, Kubwa, Awgu, or Katsina. That is the first problem with the new NYSC reform approved by the Federal Executive Council. On paper, it sounds ambitious: six weeks of orientation, civilian operational leadership, specialised career streams, skills-based primary assignments, professional certification, a new uniform, and a graduation ceremony to replace the Passing Out Parade. But policy is not judged by the grammar of its announcement. Policy is judged by what happens when it meets water shortage, bad hostels, weak budgets, insecurity, and Nigerian reality.
Let us start with the six-week orientation camp. Extending camp from three weeks to six weeks may look like a serious investment in young people, but it becomes dangerous if the facilities remain the same. Many NYSC camps are already overstretched. In May 2026, as reported by Punch Newpaper, corps members at the Lagos orientation camp complained of persistent water shortage, inadequate storage facilities, irregular electricity, and overcrowding. Some reportedly woke as early as 1 a.m. to queue for water. If three weeks already tests the health and patience of young graduates, six weeks without massive investment in hostels, toilets, water, clinics, ventilation, food, and security is not reform. It is punishment with a policy title.
No young person learns civic values properly while struggling to bathe, sleep, eat, and stay healthy. A hungry corper listening to financial literacy under poor conditions is not being empowered; he or she is merely enduring another Nigerian survival course. If government wants six weeks, then the budget must speak before the slogan speaks. More days in camp means more feeding, more medical care, more staff, more sanitation, more electricity, more security, and more monitoring. Without that, the reform will simply double the duration of discomfort and reduce the quality of welfare.
The second issue is the shift to civilian operational leadership. This is not automatically bad. NYSC was never supposed to be a military barracks. A civilian-led structure can make the scheme more developmental, more flexible, and more aligned with skills and employment. But Nigeria must be honest about one thing: weak civilian systems are easier to bend. The military presence in camp, for all its harshness, gives NYSC a certain immediate discipline. Everyone wakes up early. Everyone lines up. Everyone wears the same white shorts. The child of a politician and the child of a mechanic can both be corrected in the same parade ground.
If that authority is reduced without a strong replacement, camp may become another Nigerian space where connection defeats discipline. Wealthy corps members may lobby their way out of duties. Influential parents may pressure officials. Some may sleep outside camp while ordinary graduates remain under stricter rules. That is why civilian leadership must come with clear enforcement rules, independent monitoring, transparent sanctions, and public reporting. A civilian-led NYSC should not mean a weaker NYSC. It should mean a more accountable one.
There is also a human management question that government should not pretend away. Thousands of young adults living together for six weeks need firm safeguarding, not moral speeches. Even under the existing military-style camp structure, discipline issues still occur. Extending camp to six weeks increases the responsibility of the state to protect corps members from harassment, exploitation, abuse of authority, bribery, and unsafe private arrangements. This is not about policing people’s private lives. It is about making sure power is not abused inside camp. Civilian officials must therefore be trained, monitored, and held accountable. If not, the reform may create new spaces for compromise and misconduct.
The third problem is the illusion of the six-week crash course. Nigeria must stop pretending that a broken education-to-work pipeline can be repaired with short camp training. A graduate who spent four or five years in an underfunded tertiary system cannot become a strong tech professional, agribusiness operator, infrastructure specialist, or entrepreneur because of a few weeks of lectures. Real skills require time, tools, mentorship, practice, assessment, and industry exposure. Germany’s respected dual vocational system, for example, is built around training in both companies and vocational schools, with apprentices employed by companies and trained over two to three and a half years depending on the occupation. That is a system, not a seminar.
If the new NYSC skills streams are serious, they must go beyond PowerPoint slides and certificates. The training must be practical, assessed by real industry standards, and linked to actual employers or enterprise support. Otherwise, Nigeria will produce another certificate economy: more paper, less competence. We must also ask uncomfortable questions. Who designs the curriculum? Who selects the trainers? Who pays the certification bodies? What happens to corps members who fail the assessment? Will they be forced to repeat training? Will certificates become another backdoor business for vendors and politically connected firms?
The certification angle deserves special attention. “Globally recognised professional certification” sounds attractive, but in Nigeria it can quickly become a contract bazaar. If not properly regulated, private training firms may begin to chase NYSC contracts, camp officials may control access, and corps members may be pressured into paying hidden fees. The government must publish the certification partners, selection criteria, cost per corps member, procurement process, assessment method, and complaint channels. A reform that claims to fight unemployment must not become another marketplace for insiders.
The fourth issue is the claim that NYSC can help build a $1 trillion economy. There is nothing wrong with ambition. A country without ambition is already tired. But advanced economies are not built by forcing graduates into state-designed career streams for one year. They are built by fixing basic education, strengthening universities and polytechnics, providing stable electricity, reducing business costs, supporting manufacturing, expanding infrastructure, and allowing the private sector to create real jobs. NYSC can support national development, but it cannot replace economic fundamentals.
The global examples also require care. Singapore has mandatory National Service, but it is rooted mainly in defence and security; full-time National Service is treated as a national security institution. South Korea’s compulsory service is also tied to national defence obligations. Germany’s vocational strength comes from long-term company-school training, not a six-week camp experiment. Nigeria appears to be mixing national mobilisation, civic training, military discipline, civilian administration, professional certification, entrepreneurship, and job placement into one overloaded scheme. That may sound innovative, but it is also risky. When one policy tries to do everything, it often ends up doing little well.
The fifth problem is the PPA reality. Skills-based primary assignment sounds good, but where are the receiving institutions? Many corps members already struggle to secure meaningful places of primary assignment. Some schools, companies, and government offices reject corps members because they lack space, funding, supervision capacity, or willingness to pay local allowance. If an organisation cannot absorb a regular corps member, calling the person “Digital Corps” or “Medical Corps” will not magically create a desk, a supervisor, internet access, equipment, or salary support. The reform must therefore include a serious employer partnership framework. Without that, the new streams will become new labels on old frustration.
The sixth issue is the Passing Out Parade. Scrapping or redesigning POP may look minor, but symbols matter. The POP is one of the few rituals that gives corps members a shared sense of completion. It is not perfect, but it is memorable. Replacing it with a formal graduation ceremony may be useful if the ceremony genuinely reflects skills acquired, projects completed, and communities served. But if it becomes another long government speech day, corps members will simply lose one emotional part of service and gain another boring protocol event.
The biggest weakness in this reform is the apparent distance between policymakers and present-day corps members. Many people designing NYSC reform still carry memories of a different Nigeria: when the scheme was more prestigious, the economy was less punishing, and allowance had real value. Today’s corps member is serving in a country of high living costs, insecurity, weak infrastructure, digital frustration, and deep uncertainty. A policy designed for an imaginary Nigeria will collapse in the real one.
This does not mean the reform should be rejected completely. Some parts are sensible. A technology-driven call-up process can reduce manipulation. Risk-sensitive deployment is necessary in a country facing serious security challenges. Skills-based PPA can make service more meaningful. Civilian leadership can modernise the scheme if properly governed. Camp grading can improve standards if it is transparent and tied to funding. The problem is not the ambition. The problem is the missing foundation.
Before implementation, government should answer five questions clearly: 1. what is the actual additional budget for six-week orientation? 2. Which camps currently meet the minimum standard for six weeks of residence? 3. Who will train, certify, and monitor the specialised streams? 4. What safeguards will prevent corruption, favouritism, and exploitation inside camp? 5. Which employers and institutions have formally agreed to accept corps members under the new PPA model?
Nigeria does not need another reform that looks powerful at announcement and weak at implementation. NYSC is too important to be treated as a laboratory for half-built ideas. If government wants to turn the scheme into a serious national development platform, it must first fix the camp, protect the corps member, fund the programme, involve the private sector, and publish the implementation plan.
A six-week camp without water is not innovation. A certificate without skill is not empowerment. A civilian-led system without accountability is not modernisation. And a $1 trillion economy will not be built by slogans.
It will be built by honest policy, disciplined execution, and respect for the young Nigerians who are always asked to sacrifice first.
To me, for all its worth removing military from NYSC is a big mistake setting up the system for a loud collapse. It will capitulate faster than we will ever imagine. Infact that's what will destroy the whole programme. Military component of the scheme ensure the rigid discipline we see in most corps members today. With that gone the system is bound to collapse entirely.
Asari Dokubo Storms IYC Meeting With Gov. Douye Diri, Escorted by Heavily Armed Security
King Asari Dokubo made a dramatic entrance at the Ijaw Youth Council (IYC) stakeholders' meeting alongside Bayelsa State Governor Sen. Douye Diri, but it was his heavily armed security escort that quickly became the center of attention. Videos from the event have sparked widespread reactions online, with many Nigerians questioning the scale of security surrounding the former Niger Delta militant leader. As the footage continues to circulate, the unusual display has fueled intense debate across social media over the level of protection afforded to a private citizen.
CharlesCNG: The recent attacks on Pastor Enoch Adeboye over his comments on insecurity and President Tinubu reveal something troubling about the Obidient movement: many of them do not merely disagree; they desecrate.
Pastor Adeboye’s point was not that Nigeria is secure. In fact, he admitted that insecurity has worsened and that terrorism and kidnapping have spread from the North into parts of the South. He also urged that security chiefs be given strict marching orders and that sponsors of terrorism should be dealt with. His only offence was saying that once a Commander-in-Chief gives instructions to security agencies, he should not be expected to personally wear khaki and go to the battlefield.
Reasonable people can debate that position. They can say the President must do more. They can argue that command responsibility must be measured by results, not merely by instructions. That is fair.
But what did some Obidients do? As usual, they entered abuse mode. Suddenly, Adeboye became the enemy. A man they once quoted when it suited them became useless because he did not echo their preferred political anger.
Worse still, some now accuse him of ethnic bias, suggesting that he is defending Tinubu simply because Tinubu is Yoruba. This is one of the oldest tricks in Nigerian politics: when you cannot answer a man’s argument, explain his ancestry.
Curiously, this accusation is never applied evenly. If a Yoruba criticises Tinubu, he is praised as courageous and objective. If another Yoruba supports Tinubu, he is dismissed as tribalistic. If a Yoruba elder supports Peter Obi, he is celebrated as detribalised and enlightened. But if a Yoruba pastor says something that does not condemn Tinubu in the language Obidients prefer, he is suddenly an ethnic apologist.
That is intellectual dishonesty.
People support or defend political positions for many reasons: conviction, ideology, policy preference, institutional understanding, personal experience, or yes, sometimes ethnicity. But it is lazy and dishonest to assume tribal motive only when the opinion favours the candidate you oppose.
The real question is not whether Tinubu is Yoruba. The real question is whether Adeboye’s argument is right or wrong. If you disagree, answer the argument. Do not hide behind ethnicity because the facts are inconvenient.
This is the deeper problem. To many Obidients, every institution must bow to their politics: church leaders, traditional rulers, courts, media houses, INEC, security agencies, intellectuals, activists — everybody must either worship at the altar of Obi or be insulted.
That is not democratic engagement. That is political intolerance wearing activism as perfume.
No society grows when every disagreement becomes a licence for abuse. You can disagree with Adeboye without insulting his age, his faith, his office, his ethnicity, or millions who respect him. But restraint is difficult for people who treat politics like a crusade.
The tragedy is that this behaviour keeps pushing decent people away from their cause. They claim to want a new Nigeria, but they attack every voice that refuses to sing from their hymn book.
If Pastor Adeboye must be corrected, correct him with argument.
But if your first response is abuse and ethnic labelling, then the problem is no longer Adeboye’s statement.
The problem is your intolerance.
For when a man cannot answer your argument, he often settles for explaining your tribe. And when facts become inconvenient, ethnicity becomes the emergency exit.
They have incured woe on all obidients already. Peter obi will never be president of Nigeria
Crime › Re: Gunmen Attack NIPSS Again, One Killed by Kdon2: 6:49pm On Jul 02
