Kobojunkie:

DO YOURSELF A BIG FAVOUR THIS COMING YEAR . . . LEARN HOW TO READ ENGLISH . . . . cause it might save your life someday.

With the way you write. . . why dont you heed to your own advice!

Ileke-IdI:

Plz what is the konkobility of this thread?

Anywaz, I give it to my husband. Can't mention his name on NL. That man can rock not only my bed, but also my world.

Alj Harem Uche Ciroma?

Kobojunkie:

You are seriously joking with this, aren't you?

First,

First, You felt you needed to point out that there are parts of the States where luxuries simply do not exist, and I corrected you by helping you understand that one's man's LUXURY is not necessarily another man's LUXURY. Because you cannot live in a place like Montgomery Alabama, or out in the mountains of west Virginia, or in dover, DE, or even in cold cold Alaska, DOES NOT, I REPEAT, DOES NOT mean those who currently live there are SUFFERING AND WITHOUT  the luxuries they want and need.

Then you attempted to claim you used to be of the same disposition as I am with regards to moving to Nigeria, only you fail to note that I am not you and so that you are able to flip on your decisions in this area DOES NOT mean we all do or will do same as you. We did not share similar childhoods, and likely do not even share similar experiences even as adults so the chances of us seeing things the same is close to nill.

Lastly you made the arrogant mistake of assuming I am in the same both as you seem to be . .  believing nothing compares to Nigeria and all that blah. Again, I am not you and I don't think as you do. Then you had the audacity to claim that staying here means my life will be as average as yours, and that my friend, reveals even more of your thinking process.

So, no you made no simple remark, you insulted yourself there and I ask that you go back, shed that silly mindset and then, maybe then, you will see people as they are, and not as you need them to be for you.

Your 24 hrs camping on NL is an indication of how pathetic your life is in Obodoyinbo

If you had your way, you'd rather be in Nigeria than be in Yankee

Admit it and shame the devil once and for all.

Home is Home: Yankee is not your home.

mikeansy:

I can not disagree more. In fact intra party debate is more necessary in Nigeria than in any other democracies like UK or US. For the following reasons.

1. Unlike in US or UK where you can easily class a political party on one end of the polical spectrum or in the middle. The PDP can not be classed anywhere, it is not a coalition of people with common values hence necessary to listen to the individual world views of each candidate and the values they stand for.

We will like to know whether they believe in high taxes in other to fund universal schemes like free education (i.e. belonging to the left); or whether they believe in tax cuts so are to boost business (which is a traditional conservative agenda ).

We will like to see Atiku take on Jonathan's economic policies and criticise his spending spree while Jonathan defends his spending records. These are the sort of differences only a debate can expose. It will be nice to see Jonathan defending his dustbin import policy while claiming to want to industrialise Nigeria. It will be nice to see Jonathan defend the waste on independence day in the name of celebration and yet we have a bill in NASS to borrow money from oversea.

2. PDP Primaries is still very critical to the future of this country and hence it is necessary to institutionalise democracy in that party.

I think you may be asking for too much

I just wanna make sure that those people Atiku and Jonathan are human beings, not some crazy fellas. Everything else, i can live with!

daroz:

this Atiku is a real desperate fool, how would u want to involve your party member in a public debate? Are u both, being from the same party suppose to have the same manifesto and agenda? I have not seen anywhere in the world where this is done. Doing so will ridicule the party, frankly speaking.

It is done in the US

At every level of their presidential election, people debate each other

Kerry debated Hillary so many times before their primaries; so it is no big deal!

^^^

Copy and paste

Hows that difficult

naijababe:

I'm sorry but I can't believe anything that comes out Oba Sijuawade's mouth. Dude's too much of revisionist. Anyways the oral traditions that [b]I know suggest that that the first Ooni was the result of the liaison between Okanbi and one of his female slaves. [/b]Ooni is the chief priest of the Yoruba i.e. the spiritual head of the Yorubas as far as I know

Oranmiyan happens to be a grandson of Okanbi, so i am not sure what you are getting at
Anyway, check out this link:

http://theooni.org/pastoonis.htm

How often do you sleep with your wives and whats your favorite position

And, whatz your plan for Ileke-Idi, and how do you plan to ward-off her other suitors like Omemani and Udezue?

naijababe:

Haba!!! Lagabaja ma ma tun isese ko. Oduduwa kiise Ooni. Go and relearn your history mate.

I am correct!

http://www.ngrnationaldaily.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2841:oduduwas-children&catid=128:main&Itemid=548

That said, I have read newspaper interviews of the present Ooni, where he referrd to Oranmiyan as the first Ooni, which I think is wrong. He was probable misquoted.
It is on record that Oduduwa was the first Ooni. I stand to be corrected.

dayokanu:

The guy that comes as Oba of Ekiti is Saheed he is the chairman of NURTW in Ado Ekiti, he just won the visa lottery

LOL

Before the 20th century, Was there any activity involving the Ooni? We know about prominent Alaafins in History, Mention any prominent Ooni

What about the first Ooni?

Oduduwa?

Also, Derin Ologbenla. a powerful warrior.

There were a lot of prominent Oonis,

ziddy:

Bola Ahmed Tinubu is de facto leader of the Yorubas already, whether we acknowledge this truth or not.

Soyinka does not merit it, like someone already pointed out. Yes he speaks truth to power at all times, but he spent the hottest years of military repression in exile.

The Aare Ona Kakanfo never backs down! Either he wins the war or he dies at the battlefront. That description fits Gani Fawehinmi, fearless as lion and honest to a fault. Gani would have been the perfect candidate.

Stop saying that
I reject it with every fibre of my being

90% of yorubas would not accept Tinubu as a leader. I'd rather have an Ibo as leader than have Tinubu, Asiwaju awon drug dealer

EBK2:

@lagbaja
those wont get u anywhere and surely will satisfy u

what is your problem?

1) bleep a love-peddler

2) Have a 4 some, and if possible a 10 some

3) Deflower an 18 yr old

4) Masturbate


BRB with the rest

oyinda.:

you are not answering my question. 
i put "war general" in quotation for a reason. no one said MKO was in the army.
what were mko's achievements that qualify him to be a yoruba leader aside from philantrophy? I'm just trying to know more about what these people did that made them worthy of this great title.

Chief Abiola began his work experience as a clerk with Barclays Bank in Ibadan, before joining the Western Region Finance Corporation as an Executive Officer. By February 1961 when he left for Glasgow University in Scotland, he was a Higher Executive Officer. At Glasgow, he excelled in his studies, earning First Prizes in Political Economy, Commercial Law and Chartered Accountancy. He became a member of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Scotland and was certified as a Chartered Accountant in February, 1966.

As a visionary who had great ideas for contributing to his country's development, Chief Abiola left the shores of Great Britain for Nigeria as soon as he was qualified as a Chartered Accountant in 1966, to join the Lagos University Teaching Hospital as its Deputy Chief Accountant. Though he went back to Nigeria on the ticket of Guiness Ltd. He realized, as soon as he got back, that the company offered no Hope for him, nor for any Nigerian because of its discriminatory policies. And this was why MKO moved to Lagos University Teaching hospital, even when doing so cost him #4,000 in earnings. In 1967, he moved to Pfizer Products as Divisional Comptroller (Agriculture). In 1968 he became the Comptroller, International Telephone and Telegraph (ITT). He later became the Managing Director of the company, and as such the first Nigerian to head such a multinational corporation. In 1970, at a youthful age of 33, Chief Abiola's brilliance and industry earned him the position of the Vice President for Africa and Middle East of ITT.

A business tycoon of immense capabilities, Chief Abiola founded Radio Communications (Nig) Ltd in February 1974, in conjunction with Harris Communication of USA. In 1979, he was Chairman of Decca (WA)Ltd, later renamed Afrodisia (Nig) Ltd., and in 1980, he established Wonder Bakeries Ltd. In the same year, he ventured into one of his life-long ambitions to own a publishing industry by starting the Concord Group of Newspapers and Magazines, publishers of National Concord, Weekend Concord, Sunday Concord and Midweek Concord. These papers immediately took a pride of place as authoritative sources of news and information on politics, business and culture. Basorun Abiola's business interests, including banking, shipping, publishing, aviation, fisheries, and farming, are spread over sixty countries and five continents.

Aare Abiola was wealthy; however, he used his wealth to benefit others, and to keep their Hopes alive. He was the foremost philanthropist in the whole of Africa. He gave generously to worthy causes across the continent and around the world. He made donations to development projects in remote villages, to schools and libraries, for water projects and sports, to universities and trade unions, and for mass education and health facilities. He gave generously to religious causes, building mosques and endowing churches. He endowed chairs in institutions of higher learning and made provisions for students welfare across the country. For instance, in 1990, Chief Abiola gave NI,000,000 to each state university for improvement of students welfare; N500,000 to each Federal University for students welfare, and N25,000 to each Nigerian polytechnic for students welfare. His Zulikha Abiola Islamic Center in Abeokuta provided free Islamic education to more than 500,000 students across Nigeria, and in 1990, he donated N30,000,000 to the Oyo State Educational Development Fund. It would appear that his background of poverty motivated Chief Abiola to recognize the inherent worth of each person and to see himself as an instrument to further the good of others.

Chief Abiola was a pan-Africanist to the core. A life time member of the African National Congress, he was involved actively and financially in the struggle against apartheid since the early 70's. He had always insisted on justice through reparation for the Black victims of enslavement, and to match his words with action, in 1991, he established the Abiola Foundation for Reparation with $500,000. In 1988, Chief Abiola gave $40,000 to Howard University for research in African Studies and there are several Abiola scholars presently studying in the University. In memory of the foremost pan-Africanist, W.E.B. Du Bois, Chief Abiola donated a huge amount of money to the W.E.B. Du Bois Center in Accra. In 1990, he gave $50,000 for the construction of an Islamic Center in New York City, and $100,000 to the 19th anniversary of Africare, which was dedicated to Nelson Mandela.

Fondly referred to as the pillar of sports in Africa, Chief Abiola gave generously to sports clubs throughout the continent, and he took active interest in sports. He founded the Abiola Babes Football Club which won several challenge club competitions. Out of his interest, he volunteered to chair the fund-raising committee for the Nigerian National Olympic Committee. He also encouraged university competitions by donating cups and trophies. It is an open secret that his incarceration cost the nation the opportunity to host the FIFA world cup competitions four years ago.

Among the public and private positions and offices Basorun Abiola held were Member of the Constituent Assembly (1978); Chairman, G.15 Business Development Council; Chancellor, Ladoke Akintola State University of Technology, Ogbomoso (1991); President, Nigerian Stock Exchange (1991); President, Newspapers Proprietors Association of Nigeria (1991); Board Member, International Press Institute (1992).

Basorun Abiola served the people and the world, and the people appreciated him with a variety of professional, honorary awards and traditional titles. In 1992, he was honored with the American Black Heritage Award of the NAACP. In the same year, he received the Golden Key to Washington, DC. In 1986, he was named Patron of the W.E.B. Du Bois Foundation in Accra, and in 1986 and 1989, in recognition of his support for the Black struggle across the world, he was named Patron of Congressional Black Caucus in the United States and of Black Parliamentary Caucus in Great Britain respectively. In 1991, Chief Abiola was elected Chairman of the OAU Group of Eminent Persons on Reparation, and in 1992, he won the Humanitarian Award of the Southern Leadership Conference. Other awards received by Chief Abiola included honorary degrees from various universities. Thus he received the LL.D (Hon) from Tuskeegee University in 1989; D.LITT (Hon) from the University of Ilorin in 1990; D.Litt. (Hon) from University of Jos in February 1991; D.Sc.(Hon) Usman dan Fodio University, Sokoto in Jan 1992; LL.D. (Hon) University of Port Harcourt in February 1992; LL.D (Hon) Ogun State University in November 1992; and in December 1992, he received an Honorary Doctorate degree from Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile- Ife.

The Contemporary Politics and its Impact on the Office of the Aare Ona Kakanfo



By Hafsat Abiola

The traditional Yoruba city of Oyo was agog on the 14th day of January 1988, the special occasion when Bashorun Moshood Abiola was given the title of Aare Ona Kakanfo’ by the Yoruba people of Southwestern Nigeria. Presenting the title, the Alaafin of Oyo, prefaced his remarks with a statement on the changes in Yoruba traditional institution. According to him, change is the only permanent thing in the lives of men, institutions and the world at large, and no institution in Nigeria has been more affected by change than the institution of the Alaafin, probably more than any traditional institution in Nigeria. But, the Alaafin is prepared to change with the times rather than be a victim of change. The institution of the aare ona kakanfo, the generalissimo of the Yoruba, has also had to change . To conclude the ceremony, the Bashorun Abiola received the statue of the kakanfo, originally commissioned by King Ajagbo, one of the earliest recorded Yoruba kings. This essay explores the function of the jakanfi in post-colonial Yoruba society by comparing the kakanfo regalia on the statue with the attire worn by the new kakanfo during the inaugural ceremony, and by examining other differences between the traditional ceremony as recorded by Reverend Samuel Johnson (the preeminent historian on the Yoruba), and the fourteenth Kakanfo ceremony. It argues that first, although certain significant elements of the kakanfo office have changed, the core idea of ‘guardianship of the kingdom’ that was its essential function remains; second, the survival of the core function of the kakanfo office is a result of an articulated desire among the Yoruba to progress as a cultural unit, which interestingly, maybe a source of much of the instability recorded in its history.

Kakanfo: "The Generalissimo of the Yoruba"

The Kakanfo is a member of the Esos, the guardians of the kingdom, which are a rank below the Oyo Mesi, Yoruba Royalty. Hence, the Esos constitute the noblemen of the second class and are also referred to as ‘iba,’ a military title based solely on merit. Indeed, the esos are organized like a military cadre – there are 70 captains of the guard, ten of whom are under the each one of seven councilors. The Kakanfo has a special place within this noble unit. Johnson explains: "first and foremost among them and apart by himself stands the kakanfo, an eso of the esos". The Kakanfo title is akin to a field-marshal, and as Johnson also tells us, "is conferred upon the greatest soldier or tactician of the day"

Traditionally, much ceremony accompanies his inauguration:

, at the time of his taking office, he is first to shave his head completely, and 201 incisions are made on his occiput, with 201 different lancets and specially prepared ingredients from 201 viols are rubbed into the cuts, one for each. This is supposed to render him fearless and courageous. They are always shaved, but the hair on the inoculated part is allowed to grow long, and when plaited, forms a tuft or a sort of pigtail according to Johnson's account.

Johnson records that , this ceremony which renders the Kakanfo "fearless and courageous" also makes him difficult, disruptive and prone to warfare. Consequently, during their tenure as Kakanfo, these warriors led Yoruba campaigns into other regions. Ostensibly, this explains the behavior of the eleventh Kakanfo, Ojo Aburumaku of Ogbomoso, who, upon finding no war in the period during which he held the title, "fomented a civil war at Ogbomosho which he also repressed with vigor" (Johnson, 1926:75). Thus, Johnson surmises that the Aare Ona Kakanfo produce "stirring times and upheavals in the country".

An opposing interpretation to that proposed by Johnson is suggested in aspects of the traditional inauguration ceremony, specifically, the kakanfo poems. These poems, called ewi, are recanted during the kakanfo ceremony and convey the history and demands of the position. Exerts from Reverend Johnson’s The History of the Yorubas are recorded below:



Ohun meji l’o ye Eso

Eso ja 0 le ogun

Eso ja 0 ku si ogun



One of two things befits an Eso

the Eso must fight and conquer (or)

the Eso must fight and perish (in war).



Eso ki igba Ofa Ehin

Afi bi o ba gbogbe niwaju gangan



An Eso must never be shot in the back

his wounds must always be in front.



Alakoro ki isa ogun



One who wears a coronet must never flee a battle.



Johnson does not draw on the implications for upheaval contained in the rules that guide the Kakanfo office. However, by stipulating a set of rules that caused the Kakanfo to engage in wars, Yoruba society instituted the upheaval associated with the position.





See the Next Page.

The Statue of the Are Ona Kakanfo

Like many Yoruba statues, which present leaders in sedate poses, the kakanfo statue is simply a stationary standing figure. The statue was commissioned by King Ajagbo, who also established the office of the Kakanfo. The period of the King’s reign is obscure and all that is said about him by Reverent Johnson in The History of the Yorubas was that he was "one of the earliest and most renowned of Yoruba kings".



Although the original statue is in Nigeria, several others, based on the original are produced for sale. These reproductions are of different kinds; for women, for example, the original object is made into a brooch that can be worn as a clothing accessory. The statue/brooch is about two inches high and 2/3 inch wide. The following description of the statue is based on one such brooch, obtained during the last Kakanfo ceremony. It differs from the original in size - it is much smaller – and also the back of the statue is absent in the reproduction because of the brooch. Nevertheless, the reproduction does give a frontal representation of the Kakanfo statue.

The kakanfo figure is depicted wearing the traditional headgear of the Eso group, an Akoro (or coronet). He carries in his hand no weapon, but a baton, or a staff of war, known as The Staff Invincible. This also functions as the main ensign of office. His clothing is the traditional Yoruba agbada, which is a flowing gown with wide long sleeves. The agbada falls to the knees of the figure and are decorated with pouches, which, considering the period, probably contain medicinal herbs.

Although its details cannot be gauged from the statue, historians claim that the coronet is made of red feathers of the parrot’s tail, with a projection behind reaching as far down as the waist (Johnson, 1921: 75). This cap is called the ojijiko; also according to Johnson, the fabric of his agbada is leopard’s skin. All these features convey the prestige and power of the position.



The Fourteenth Kakanfo ceremony

The ceremony for the fourteenth Aare Ona Kakanfo was held in the heart of Yorubaland, Oyo, in January 1988. The ceremony, which was captured in a series of videotapes, was divided into four parts: the poetry recitation, the conferment of the title, and the social event with musicians singing and people dancing, and lastly, the new Kakanfo going through the crowd. The ceremony was very different from the traditional ones recorded by Johnson in several respects.



The videos of the fourteenth ceremony do not show the physical preparation of the candidate, Moshood Abiola. Indeed, it is doubtful that the recipient who is also a businessman allowed either 201 incisions to be made onto his "occiput" or his head to be shaved everywhere but "the inoculated part." He is seen wearing a Yoruba fila, not an ojijiko. He does not carry a staff invincible nor does he wear a leopard skin apron. A possible concession to the traditional regalia is the geometric patterns of his garment, especially his fila (cap) which shows bold geometric shapes that might be a leopard motif.



The parts of the ceremony that remain from the past is the ewi, the poetry recitation. The poem itself is very important because it provides the chronology and history of the Kakanfos and explains the rules that guide the office. The delivery is also very popular: ewi is a lyrical form of poetry which demands a lot of training. After the arrival of the dignitaries, a renowned Yoruba poet, Olanrewaju Adepoju, moves to the stage and performs his version of the Kakanfo poem. The content of the lyrical poem is expected to deviate from the traditional one to allow the artist some freedom. However, some parts, such as the rules of the office are expected to be central to the poem. Adepoju’s poem contains references to the title in the beginning with the poet noting that "it [the Kakanfo] is one of the greatest titles among the Yorubas" (video part B). But after that, he proceeds to list the recipient’s accomplishments which are in the field of business, not warfare. The poet emphasizes the recipient’s nationwide and international networks. Revealingly, there is no mention of the rules for conducting battle or any of the traditional rules quoted in Johnson’s work.

The ceremony’s popularity appears to have survived the passage of time. Although there is no way to count the number of people, a rough estimate would put them at about five thousand. As in the past, most are Yoruba, but there are new groups represented as well. The poet acknowledges the presence of national military officers. The Alaafin, also welcomes the Obis (royalty of the Igbo people of eastern Nigeria) and the Emirs (royalty among the Hausa-Fulani of northern Nigeria).

During the conferment ceremony, the Alaafin explains the source of change in the Kakanfo institution. He says: "the institution of the aare ona kakanfo, the generalissimo of the Yoruba, has also had to change since the treaty of 1893 signed by my grandfather, King of Yoruba country, which put an end to intertribal and internecine wars". Peace treaties nullified the need for a kakanfo that would lead the Yoruba in wars. This explains the lack of references to the traditional rules of the Kakanfo institution in the poem, the absence of a Staff Invincible and leopard fabric in the Kakanfo’s regalia. However, the Alaafin explains, men are still conferred the title to help advance the progress of the kingdom, even in times of peace.



Then, before conferring the title, the Alaafin asked the general audience: "Do you accept Abiola for Kakanfo or not?" The people responded: "We accept him." This is done a couple times and then the Alaafin announces Chief Abiola’s appointment as Aare Ona Kakanfo of the Yoruba. Kakanfo Abiola then makes his acceptance speech and in the midst of the merrymaking that followed the ceremony, he is conducted through the crowd in an open jeep. At the end of the ceremony, people are gathered around the vehicle and chant: "Abiola, we will not fall from behind you". The enthusiasm shown by the people suggests that the Kakanfo remains a popularly accepted and respected office.



Changes in Political terrain

Although the Alaafin says the source of change in the Aare Ona Kakanfo was situated in the treaty of 1893, it would seem that, it is the shift of political power from Yoruba nation to Britain, and then the government of the independent nation-state, Nigeria, that inform the present demands on the office. During colonial rule, Yoruba kingdom came under the control of Britain. It was administered within a territory with several other ethnic nations, some with which the Yoruba had had a hostile history. The colonial administration during this period and the national government at Independence in 1960 ensured that traditional institutions became less powerful than they had been before the introduction of the nation-state system. Specifically, traditional figures of authority in Nigeria were organized into subordination to the national government. The government’s restriction of the autonomy and strength of traditional systems can be seen in its policy toward the land tenure system. Under General Obasanjo (1976-1979), the military administration enacted the Land Use Decree which "vested landholding and distribution in the hands of the military governors". Hitherto, land in most Nigerian communities has serious religious significance and is either communally owned or entrusted to the traditional rulers for safekeeping and fair distribution. As Toyin Falola observes, this decree not only rendered the institution of traditional rulership irrelevant but has alienated many communities and their rulers from the government.



Successive military governors have since held on to this Act. Such an act removes the core function of the monarchy and, thereby, the base of a culture group’s integrity, thus usurping the authority of traditional regimes. Direct instruments of state power were also used to ensure the support of traditional representatives of the people:



Under the military dispensations, any aspirant to a vacant stool or throne requires the final blessing of the State Military Governor before he or she can resume office. This arrangement, which is open to manipulation, has been employed quite often by military rulers to foist unpopular (but oftentimes, influential) candidates over the people mainly for political and selfish reasons.



In fact, things have reached a ridiculous extent that military governors are known to have unilaterally declared some lesser Chiefs or Obas as first class Chiefs by granting them the rights to wear crowns.



An example of the state serving as kingmaker was in the succession of the Sultancy of Sokoto in the former Fulani Empire in November 1988. After the death of the Sultan of Sokoto, Sir Saddiq Abubakar III, the people prepared to inaugurate the heir to the throne, Alhaji Muhammadu Maccido, his son. However, the State Military Governor approved Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki. The popular uprising that followed the military’s high-handed action had to be put down by military forces. The government then went ahead and enthroned Dasuki.



After General Babangida (the Head of State between 1985 until 1993) was forced to abdicate power, General Abacha, his successor, reinstalled the legitimate king in a bid to win the support of the people of Sokoto, who felt their tradition had been insulted. His action only served to reinforce the loss of power by the people relative to the Federal government.



Resistance to the increasing power of the national government was difficult to organize or sustain because of the unequal distribution of resources in the country. The national government received economic resources and distributed it to the traditional leaders. Independently, they were not permitted to collect taxes. The military set up "the state council of Obas, Obis, and Emirs, which became an institution for distributing funds and monitoring the traditional authorities.



These policies shifted the power dynamic between the two sets of institutions, which, some scholars argues, was precisely the point. According to Toyin Falola, the different initiatives were "to ensure that traditional rulers would service the interests of the military administration at the grassroots level." For example, the government encouraged traditional rulers to intercede with them on behalf of politically estranged opponents. This served to legitimate military authority.



Against this general framework of disempowerment of traditional systems are differing degrees of autonomy and power within the ethnic nations. For 26 of Nigeria’s 36 years of Independence, it has been ruled by the military which is made up of majority northern Nigerians and controlled by the Hausa-Fulani ethnic group. This has widespread repercussions on the different ethnic groups, with the Hausa-Fulani traditional systems enjoying, arguably, a better relationship with the national government than other ethnic groups. It is perhaps to this relativity that the Alaafin refers when he said during the conferment ceremony: "no institution in Nigeria has been more affected by change than the institution of the Alaafin, probably more than any traditional institution in Nigeria" .



The need to maintain cordial relations with the military probably explains the presence of military officers at the ceremony. It may be a stretch of the evidence to suggest that the Yoruba sought to enhance their relationship with the federal political system through the Kakanfo. However, given the credentials of the Yorubas’ choice, Chief Abiola (a successful businessman with political connections and aspirations), the interpretation may not be without some basis. Certainly, such an interpretation is supported by the connection between proximity to the federal state and increased influence over policies, which impact the opportunities available to an ethnic group. The Alaafin suggests, as much when he notes the office of the Aare Ona Kakanfo is to lead the Yoruba to better relations with other cultures and institutions in the nation-state, and other communities.



Abiola as Kakanfo

According to the Alaafin, when the King in 1898 signed peace treaties with different kingdoms, the political landscape in the Yoruba nation was radically different and warfare was no longer the means of augmenting the power or control of the Yoruba kingdom. Hence, by the time of the eleventh Kakanfo, the emphasis on the role of the kakanfo shifted from warrior to tactician. The fourteenth Kakanfo would, therefore, be expected to augment the power of Yoruba within Nigeria. After the Kakanfo ceremony, Aare Abiola was officially the head of the Esos, guardian of the Yoruba. Considering the politics of the post-colonial state, his function – to augment the Yoruba power within the nation-state – was a difficult one. Besides the lack of military prowess of the new Kakanfo, other considerations suggested that a military tactic would not have been successful.

First, the Yoruba were a distinct minority in an army controlled by a foreign ethnic nation – the Hausa-Fulani. Also, two thirds of strategic military bases and commanders were in Hausa-Fulani territory, ensuring the military superiority of the Hausa-Fulani people compared with other ethnic groups (speech by Chief Anthony Enahoro, Nigerian journalist). Then there was the historical lesson of the 1966 Civil war when the Igbos, the ethnic nation in eastern Nigeria, had attempted to create a politically independent nation. During the ensuing war between its army and the Nigerian army, approximately two million Igbos were killed. Despite significant human losses, their secession bid failed.

However, another possibility presented by the military in 1988 was a democratic transition program. Taking power from the Hausa-Fulani ethnic group, it seemed, could be done simply by winning an election. The Kakanfo was well suited for such an initiative: with 250 ethnic titles, he was one of the famous figure in the country. However, the military Head of State, General Babangida had banned him from contesting in the elections.



Maneuvering through the myriad of military decrees and plots required a great tactician. Using a combination of legal processes and personal contacts, Aare Abiola gained the opportunity to run in the 1993 elections. Setting aside the Yoruba votes, Aare Abiola won the election, receiving more votes than the opposition candidate in all parts of the country. Within southwest Nigeria, in Yoruba territory, he won over 90 percent of the votes, becoming the first Yoruba to be elected president in Nigeria. The election was a historic achievement by the Yoruba but their support for the candidate had been suggested during the Kakanfo ceremony eight years earlier. As Aare Abiola was being conducted through the crowd of Yoruba people after receiving the title, they had chanted: "Aare Abiola, we will not fall from behind you" .



Fear of losing power to the Yoruba caused the military officers to annul the election results. The ensuing protests were quelled violently, many Yoruba leaders including Aare (or now President-elect) Abiola, were incarcerated, protesters were shot and killed and other activists were forced into exile. The political instability which started in 1993 continues after three years with vigilante groups, mainly in the Southwest, bombing ‘military trucks and armories. Once again demonstrating how the Aare Ona Kakanfo is linked to "stirring times and upheavals in the country."





Discussion

According to Reverend Johnson, the "201 incisions [which] are made on, [the Kakanfo’s] occiput, with 201 different lancets and specially prepared ingredients from 201 viols [which] are rubbed into the cuts," during the traditional Kakanfo ceremony explains the troublesome nature of the Kakanfo. However, by the inauguration of the fourteenth Kakanfo, the ritual had changed in significant ways, and much that had rendered the Kakanfo troublesome had been removed. The continued chaos located around the Aare Ona kakanfo despite this, suggest the need for new explanations.

The conferment of the title ‘kakanfo’, which literally translated is ‘guardian of the Yoruba’ demonstrates the desire of the Yoruba to continue to grow and develop as a people. This desire is probably as old as the Yoruba ethnic group. In pre-colonial Yoruba kingdom, it was expressed when the Alaafin chose a renowned warrior which ensured a high level of military expeditions into other territories. The result was to increase the political territory of the Yoruba or to reinforce the control of the Oyo capital over the peripheral communities. The brief investigation of the fourteenth Kakanfo done in this essay suggests that by choosing a candidate with political connections and aspirations, the Yoruba were expressing the now age-old desire to better their realm.

Although the Alaafin was speaking about his own particular institution during the conferment ceremony when he said: ", the Alaafin is prepared to change with the times rather than be a victim of change," he may well have been speaking for all his people. This- laudable commitment to the progress of their culture also causes conflict within the Yoruba ethnic group and between it and other groups. This is because ‘progress’, measured in terms of increasing the power and prestige of the Yoruba, is relative with increased power among the Yoruba being seen as reducing the power of some or all the groups.

Consequently, the Yorubas push to innovate and progress is conflict ridden because of the response it engenders from other groups. There is clearly some truth in Johnson’s interpretation that the people made Kakanfo produce upheaval in their society. However, the ambitious, driven characteristics of the Kakanfo is precisely what the Yorubas want for the "guardian of the kingdom". Hence, it can hardly be claimed that the Kakanfo foments upheaval on his own, but that he does on behalf of Yorubas, to expand the power of the people – through territorial expansion or by increasing their control over politics. So long as the Yoruba people want to be viable, revealed by their support for the office of the kakanfo, its troublesome nature will remain. However, whether this troublesome (or progressive) nature of the Kakanfo results in upheaval will depend; if politics continues to be viewed as a zero-sum game wherein one person must lose for another to gain, then it will, whatever the changes made to the traditional Kakanfo institution.

JudgeDredd:

I presently work wth a multi-national firm here and your intelligence will only take u as far as JG4, JG3 at most, anything after that you'd better have God fighting for you.

Mr non-corrupt, what exactly do you find un-appealing about your present location? Nigeria is up-coming job wise, but if u make as much as you claim, you shouldn't be this eager to relocate!

Home will always be home.!

notcorrupt:

Who will come and work for a Nigerian company 

I dey craze 

Glo?
NSE?
MTN?

I know a friend of mine who makes 1 million naira per month with Glo, graduated from Upenn. So stop talking like there is something wrong with Nigerian owned business.

ola olabiy:

Lagbaja, ewo ni t'epe o. Haba!

The guy tried to discuss issues you digressed to personalities again.

The guy deserves all the epe he got

I felt insulted by his comment

What is shameful about not wanting to use Facebook.

Anyway, i have to go meet my babalawo for more epe on that guy

notcorrupt:

Just a hint.

No professional coming from the UK or USA and who is not adequately qualified will be looking for that sort of money.

Common there is money in Nigeria, stop hoarding it ,

For that kinda money, you need to know how use a computer/email extractor?

Meldrick:

Your comment is anticipated because you really know nothing about politics. In politics you have to employ diplomacy and strike when your opponent least expects. GEJ is a smart politician. Never let your enemy anticipate your move and do not allow people push you to strike at their own time.

Ok o
And you do that by publishing your campaign strategy in the media, telling the US ambassador that you are not good enough, and not knowing how to bribe an ordinary pastor smoothly

The guy is stupid through and through. He prolly bought his Ph.D from Oluwole

blacksta:

lol
Death cant take me - cause i hold the key  and i will go when i like.  
Anyway your reasoning is still flawed  - Look at it from this angle.  You are more likely to have active social network participation where technology exist or where the masses are technological literate.

And as Africans you think we need Facebook to interact socially?

Do you even know why Zuckerberg created Facebook?  Social interaction was not on his mind when he wanted to create Facebook? And the guy himself is not sociable.

Look Bimbo, Facebook usage says nothing about Africa's technological inclination. For starters, we do not need social media to interact effectively. Furthermore, there are other media serving the same purpose, e.g Mysapce and Hi5, so Facebook usage should be put into context. I dont have an account, not because I am not technologically inclined, I am not just interested in Facebook. And, a lot of my friends feel the same way.  It is nonentity like you who have no life that think highly of Facebook.

Oloshi oniranu ara galatia

Good

Up Yoruba

We the best!

Better than Ndigbo and Alaigbo and everything Gbo Gbo gbo

blacksta:

Awon egbon ati abu ro ri lo ode



Dark Continent in terms of technology

And you measure a continent's technological advancement by how many Facebook accounts/users there is on that continent?

You are such a stupyd  mofo.
Oloriburuku oloshi Afofun gbekomu. Koni bensho fun. Ola lo maku lagbara olorun

ode

What is shameful about it!


Oloshi

You are so daft for making such remark

KnowAll:



[size=14pt]It is a shame that in the over 20,000  corrupt public officer's from Councillors to the Presidency,  Bode George seems to be the only one handed a lenghty sentence. Talking of double standard. (Sentences for Ibru, Igbenidion and Alams comes to mind) 

With that said Bode Gorge has served more time in prison than any other political criminal and deserve a pardon,  if we want to be fair and apart from that if he has undergone a spritual re-birth what right have we got as humans to remind him of his misdeameanors when the king of kings have absolved him of that sin.[/size]

How did you know that?

Lesson of the day: Mallams would rather rear cattle than spend time on Facebook

Ymodulus:

I will continue to say this the best thing to be done right now in this world is to wipe out religion from the face of the earth starting from that blunderous liein religion call christianity. NOW poster dont be suprise for all this years we have known Adeboye to be a money launderer, off recent he was seen visiting Cecilia Ibru at LUTH, just this week. Now can you see how the idiotic Christian deceives people around. Y dont he go to other prison and leave those criminals alone. O! I forgot, those criminals made him rich. if i was given the opportunity to become the governor of[b] lagos i would make sure i wipe out those stealing organisation who call themselves christians starting from E. A adeboye.[/b] Now to those who may think am a muslim am not. An atheist i will always be.

That would be very stupyd of you.

Just Tax them heavily, thats all.

Inked_Nerd:


Lmao, how did you know I wanna gonna comment? Dude, are you following me?

What type of English is that?

Is that part of our Alaigbo vocabulary? Never knew. . .

Inked post a comment!

Dora Akunyili betrayed the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) by defecting to the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA), Rekiya Haruna Kassim Idris, a governorship candidate in Nasarawa State, has said.

Mrs. Akunyili had resigned as minister of information and communication on December 15 and decamped from the PDP to contest in the 2011 senatorial election in Anambra State.

Her decision, Mrs. Idris said, shows that the former minister did not have confidence in the fortunes of the PDP in her own state and it means that all the while she enjoyed federal appointments, she did not help to build a foundation for the PDP in Anambra State.

“Her attitude is nothing but a betrayal of our party which has spoon-fed her before she could think of contesting a Senate seat,” Mrs. Idris said.

Mrs. Idris, who is a former PDP women leader for north-central zone, said she was shocked by the news of Mrs. Akunyili’s defection.

“She is the same person who betrayed Turai and the late President Umaru Yar’Adua family and it became a point of reminder when she appeared for screening on the floor of the Senate,” Mrs. Idris said.

The governorship candidate also criticised the wife of the president, Patience Jonathan, for not doing enough to promote the ambition of female politicians.

“We, the women who worked for the First Lady and her husband, have been neglected. Her pet project, Women for Change Initiative, has not benefitted women outside of political offices. All she has been doing is to work only with those at the top political offices, like Akunyili. Now, one of them has opened her eyes,” she said.

http://234next.com/csp/cms/sites/Next/Home/5659441-146/akunyili_betrayed_pdp___.csp

^^^

Not formidable enough
APGA cant even win the whole of the SE, let alone SW and SS.

Look forget about APGA, whatever it  is they are doing, they are not doing it well!