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My Interview location is Zaria |
I have been invited for the Etisalat onenetwork recruitment programme(marketers). Pls I need an info about what to expect. Thanks |
Thanks to the following guys: Beaf Daviddylan Horus and the rest of you, I mean you for contributing to this thread. Its really interesting and pls do keep them coming. One love guys |
Boeing Vertol : 54,000 lb (24,495 kg) One of the largest helicopter is the [b]Boeing Vertol CH-47 Chinook [/b]also developed in the United States. The H-47 family began development during the late 1950s as an enlarged variant of the CH-46 Sea Knight and has proven to be one of the most successful series of military heavy-lift helicopters. The design features a long, spacious fuselage powered by two engines driving a pair of tandem rotors 60 ft (18.3 m) in diameter. The type is widely used for transporting troops, carrying heavy military equipment like artillery slung underneath the fuselage, and resupply missions. Though the primary users are the US Army and British Royal Air Force, the CH-47 has been sold to over 20 nations as well as civilian operators. The single largest versions of the H-47 developed to date are the MH-47E and MH-47G special operations models. While most CH-47 variants have a maximum takeoff weight around 50,000 lb (22,680 kg), the MH-47E/G have been upgraded to 54,000 lb (24,495 kg). Over 1,000 Chinooks have been built to date and production of newer CH-47F, MH-47G, and HH-47 models continues today.
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This story is grossly exaggerated. I remembered when one minister-to-be could not give the capital of Jigawa, some of our lawmaker cannot recite the national anthem. |
C-130J Super Hercules The C-130J is the newest version of the Hercules and the only model still in production. Externally similar to the classic Hercules in general appearance, the J model is a very different aircraft. These differences include new Rolls-Royce AE 2100 D3 turboprops with Dowty R391[2] composite scimitar propellers, digital avionics (including Head-Up Displays (HUDs) for each pilot) and reduced crew requirements (two pilots, one load master, and one Crew Chief—no navigator or flight engineer). The aircraft can also be configured with the "enhanced cargo handling system". The system consists of a computerized loadmasters station from where the user can remotely control the under floor winch and also configure the flip floor system to palletized roller or flat floor cargo handling. Initially developed for the USAF, this system enables rapid role changes to be carried out and so extends the C-130J's time available to complete taskings.[3] These combined changes have improved performance over its C-130E/H siblings, such as 40% greater range, 21% higher maximum speed, and 41% shorter take-off distance.[4] The C-130J is available in a standard-length or stretched -30 variant. Lockheed Martin received the launch order for the J-model from the RAF, which ordered 25 aircraft, with first deliveries beginning in 1999 as Hercules C. Mk 4 (C-130J-30) and Hercules C. Mk 5 (C-130J). The United States Air Force awarded a $470 million contract to Lockheed Martin for six modified KC-130J aircraft for use by the Air Force and Special Operations Command in mid-June 2008. The contract is expected to lead to C-130J variants that will replace aging HC-130s and MC-130s.[5] With the addition of the Marine Corps's ISR / Weapon Mission Kit, the KC-130J will be able to serve as an overwatch aircraft and can deliver ground support fire in the form of 30mm cannon fire, Hellfire missiles, and precision-guided bombs.[6] This power, nicknamed the "Harvest Hawk", can be used in scenarios where precision is not a requisite, such as area denial.[7] General characteristics Crew: 3 (two pilots, and one loadmaster are minimum crew) Capacity: 92 passengers (128 for C-130J-30) or 64 airborne troops (92 for C-130J-30) or 6 pallets (8 pallets for C-130J-30) or 74 litter patients with 2 medical personnel (97 litters for C-130J-30) 2–3 HMMWVs or an M113 armored personnel carrier Payload: 42,000 lb (19,090 kg) ; for C-130J-30: 44,000 lb/ 19,900 kg Length: 97 ft 9 in, 29.79 m (for C-130J-30: 112 ft, 9 in, 34.69 m) Wingspan: 132 ft 7 in (40.41 m) Height: 38 ft 10 in (11.84 m) Wing area: 1,745 ft² (162.1 m²) Empty weight: 75,562 lb (34,274 kg) Useful load: 72,000 lb (33,000 kg) Max takeoff weight: up to 175,000 lb (79,378 kg); normal 155,000 lb (70,305 kg) Powerplant: 4× Rolls-Royce AE 2100D3 turboprop, 4,637 shp (3,458 kW) (with Dowty R391 6-blade composite propeller) each Performance Maximum speed: 362 knots (417 mph, 671 km/h) Cruise speed: 348 kn (400 mph, 643 km/h) Range: 2,835 nmi (3,262 mi, 5,250 km) Service ceiling: 28,000 ft (8,615 m) Takeoff distance: 3,127 ft (953 m) at 155,000 lb (70,300 kg) gross weight
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The uncle of 12-year-old Baya Bakari, the only survivor of Tuesday's plane crash near Comoros, says her escape is "a miracle of God". Abdou Ali visited his niece in hospital last night after she was discovered floating in the Indian Ocean, clinging to the wreckage of the Yemenia Air flight. Her mother, Mr Ali's sister-in-law, is among the 152 people aboard the flight believed to have died in the crash Its the miracle of the year if you ask me!!!
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Na wa for all of una. Are u guys sleeping or what ![]() |
The Nimitz Class aircraft carriers Key Data Crew 3,184 (including 203 officers), 2,800 aircrew (366 officers) Length 317m Beam 40.8m Draught 11.9m (CVN 72-76) Flight Deck 333m x 77m Displacement 102,000t, full load (CVN 72-76) Speed 30kt The Nimitz Class aircraft carriers are the largest warships ever built. With over 6,000 personnel (crew and aircrew), the carrier has a displacement of 102,000t, and a flight deck length of 332.9m. All nine nuclear-powered Nimitz Class carriers have been built by Newport News Shipbuilding (now Northrop Grumman Ship Systems), based in Virginia. Tasked with a multi-mission attack / ASW role, the first of class, USS Nimitz, was commissioned in 1975. The latest, USS Ronald Reagan (CVN 76), was commissioned in July 2003. The more recent Nimitz Class carriers (CVN72-CVN76) have a displacement of 102,000t when fully loaded. They have a length of 317m and beam of 40.8m. The carrier reaches a maximum speed of over 30kt, and accommodates a complement of 3,184 personnel (with 203 officers); 2,800 aircrew (with 366 officers); and 70 flag (with 25 officers). Aircraft The 50 TACAIR air wing includes up to 82 aircraft. Typically this would be: 12 F/A-18E/F Hornets, 36 F/A-18 Hornets, four E-2C Hawkeyes, and four EA-6B Prowlers fixed-wing; and the following helicopters: four SH-60F and two HH-60H Seahawks. The carrier can also deploy S-3B Viking aircraft, but these are being phased out and replaced with the F/A-18E/F Super Hornet. The S-3B Viking is to be finally decommissioned in 2009. The last operational deployment of the F-14, deployed on US carriers since 1972, was in March 2006. The F-14 was decommissioned in September 2006. Missiles The more recently built carriers are armed with three Raytheon GMLS mk29 eight-cell launchers for Nato Sea Sparrow surface-to-air missiles. Sea Sparrow has a range of 14.5km and semi-active radar terminal guidance. Guns There are four Raytheon / General Dynamics 20mm Phalanx six-barrelled Mk 15 close-in weapon systems which have a firing rate of 3,000 rounds/min and a range of 1.5km. Propulsion The nuclear-powered carrier has two General Electric pressurised water reactors driving four turbines of 260,000hp (194MW) and four shafts. There are four emergency diesels of 10,720hp (8MW).
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F-35 The Joint Strike Fighter, F-35 Lightning II Nicknamed Lightning II, the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter was meant to be the new kid on the block in an arena of aging fighter and strike aircraft. Varying versions of the craft are slated for use by the U.S. Air Force, Navy and Marine Corps. Each of the services will receive a slightly different version of the F-35 tailored to their individual needs: The Air Force design, for example, allows for a conventional takeoff and landing, while the Navy design will be suitable for landing on and taking off from an aircraft carrier. For the Marine Corps, the design provides for a short takeoff and vertical landing. The single-seat, single-engine aircraft contains a large internal weapons bay, a design that makes it more streamlined and stealthy, while a 25mm cannon, also internal, gives pilots the ability to fire on targets from higher up and farther away. Using satellite communications, the aircraft will have the capacity to find and fire upon targets on the ground, even those that are moving. The data gleaned by the system also can be conveyed to the pilot’s helmet visor for easy viewing.
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B-2 Spirit The B-2 Spirit is a multi-role bomber capable of delivering both conventional and nuclear munitions. A dramatic leap forward in technology, the bomber represents a major milestone in the U.S. bomber modernization rogram. The B-2 brings massive firepower to bear, in a short time, anywhere on the globe through previously impenetrable defenses. Features Along with the B-52 and B-1B, the B-2 provides the penetrating flexibility and effectiveness inherent in manned bombers. Its low-observable, or "stealth," characteristics give it the unique ability to penetrate an enemy's most sophisticated defenses and threaten its most valued, and heavily defended, targets. Its capability to penetrate air defenses and threaten effective retaliation provide a strong, effective deterrent and combat force well into the 21st century. The revolutionary blending of low-observable technologies with high aerodynamic efficiency and large payload gives the B-2 important advantages over existing bombers. Its low-observability provides it greater freedom of action at high altitudes, thus increasing its range and a better field of view for the aircraft's sensors. Its unrefueled range is approximately 6,000 nautical miles (9,600 kilometers). he B-2's low observability is derived from a combination of reduced infrared, acoustic, electromagnetic, visual and radar signatures. These signatures make it difficult for the sophisticated defensive systems to detect, track and engage the B-2. Many aspects of the low-observability process remain classified; however, the B-2's composite materials, special coatings and flying-wing design all contribute to its "stealthiness." The B-2 has a crew of two pilots, a pilot in the left seat and mission commander in the right, compared to the B-1B's crew of four and the B-52's crew of five. General Characteristics Primary function: Multi-role heavy bomber. Prime Contractor: Northrop Grumman Corp. Contractor Team: Boeing Military Airplanes Co., General Electric Aircraft Engine Group and Hughes Training Inc., Link Division Power Plant: Four General Electric F-118-GE-100 engines Thrust: 17,300 pounds each engine Length: 69 feet (20.9 meters) Height: 17 feet (5.1 meters) Wingspan: 172 feet (52.12 meters) Speed: High subsonic Ceiling: 50,000 feet (15,152 meters) Takeoff Weight (Typical): 336,500 pounds (152,635 kilograms) Range: Intercontinental, unrefueled Armament: Conventional or nuclear weapons Payload: 40,000 pounds (18,144 kilograms) Crew: Two pilots Unit cost: Approximately $1.3 billion Date Deployed: December 1993 Inventory: Active force: 21 (planned operational aircraft); ANG: 0; Reserve: 0
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F-16 Fighting Falcon The F-16 Fighting Falcon is a compact, multirole fighter aircraft. It is highly maneuverable and has proven itself in air-to-air combat and air-to-surface attack. It provides a relatively low-cost, high-performance weapon system for the United States and allied nations. In an air combat role, the F-16's maneuverability and combat radius (distance it can fly to enter air combat, stay, fight and return) exceed that of all potential threat fighter aircraft. It can locate targets in all weather conditions and detect low flying aircraft in radar ground clutter. In an air-to-surface role, the F-16 can fly more than 500 miles (860 kilometers), deliver its weapons with superior accuracy, defend itself against enemy aircraft, and return to its starting point. An all-weather capability allows it to accurately deliver ordnance during non-visual bombing conditions. General Characteristics Primary Function: Multirole fighter Builder: Lockheed Martin Corp. Power Plant: F-16C/D: one Pratt and Whitney F100-PW-200/220/229 or General Electric F110-GE-100/129 Thrust: F-16C/D, 27,000 pounds(12,150 kilograms) Length: 49 feet, 5 inches (14.8 meters) Height: 16 feet (4.8 meters) Wingspan: 32 feet, 8 inches (9.8 meters) Speed: 1,500 mph (Mach 2 at altitude) Ceiling: Above 50,000 feet (15 kilometers) Maximum Takeoff Weight: 37,500 pounds (16,875 kilograms) Range: More than 2,000 miles ferry range (1,740 nautical miles) Armament: One M-61A1 20mm multibarrel cannon with 500 rounds; external stations can carry up to six air-to-air missiles, conventional air-to-air and air-to-surface munitions and electronic countermeasure pods. Unit cost: F-16C/D, $20 million plus Crew: F-16C: one; F-16D: one or two Date Deployed: January 1979
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B-1 Bomber Power, Speed, Lethality The B-1 Lancer isn’t just another aircraft. Because for all its sleek good looks, it’s a heavy bomber that can go a long way to put bombs on target. The swept-wing bomber delivers — capable of flying from stateside bases to targets half a world away or launching from forward operating locations for extended engagements. It has proven its worth over Afghanistan where it has been one of the Air Force workhorses. Its accurate bomb runs are part of the reason the Taliban and al Qaeda no longer rule there. Air Force records show Lancers dropped nearly 40 percent of all bombs in the war on terrorism. And they did that while only flying 5 percent of the missions over Afghanistan. The United States Air Force contracted with Rockwell International to build the B-1 in 1970 as a manned strategic bomber. After President Jimmy Carter halted the plane’s development in 1977, President Ronald Reagan revived the program as the B-1B in 1981. The B-1B, which costs $250 million per plane, features the swing-wing, which allows it to fly at both slow speeds and supersonic speeds. “You can’t compare the firepower the B-1 brings to the fight,” Capt. Mike Miller said. The B-1 weapon systems officer with the 28th Bomb Wing, Ellsworth Air Force Base, S.D., said speed and power are a must in today’s battle space. Plus, the bomber is a patient striker — a must for time-sensitive targeting. Just what allied forces need in Afghanistan, he said. “The B-1 can take off with no specific target and loiter over an area until the crew receives target information,” he said. “If someone needs a weapon on a target real fast, they just give us the coordinates, and we’ll drop weapons there.” In the mountain hideouts of Afghanistan, Taliban and al Qaeda fighters learned about the Lancer’s pinpoint accuracy first-hand. After flying from a deployed location, one of the bombers could drop 24 global positioning system-guided joint direct attack munitions. Flights like these, dropping 2,000-pound dumb-turned-smart bombs, took most of the fight out of the enemy [See “Not So Dumb Bomb,” June 2001]. And though critics still sometimes malign the dark-gray Lancer, the crews who fly and maintain the bomber — and swear by it — say they’re more than getting the job done. Their bomber has proven its worth in the war on terrorism. “We can take our mission anywhere in the world — and we’ve proven that,” Miller said. In 1999, for example, Ellsworth crews deployed to Royal Air Force Fairford, England, and flew some 100 bombing missions against Serbian targets.
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F-22 Nicknamed the Raptor, the F-22 is the most advanced and expensive fighter fielded by any air force in the world. It is also the U.S. Air Force’s newest fighter aircraft. It entered service in December 2005 after 15 years of testing and development. During this process, the airframe was significantly redesigned and production numbers cut, as prototypes of the Raptor failed to meet Air Force expectations. The jet performs both air-to-air and air-to-ground missions. The Raptor is state-of-the-art. It boasts the most capable radar fitted in an aircraft of its size: 62 feet long, with a wingspan of 44.5 feet. It can fly up to 1,600 miles per hour (Mach 2.42). It’s also difficult to detect, with greater stealth capabilities than other aircraft. Technologies that make a plane “low-observable,” in the vocabulary of the Air Force, muffle noise and radio transmissions and lower the heat of its infrared picture. The angles of the wings and the tail of the Raptor are aligned in way that makes it harder to spot; the slope of the main body and the fact that its weapons can be carried inside also help make it less visible. The F-22 also has more thrust and a sleeker design than other fighters, so it can hit the speed of sound without using afterburner, which slows and limits the range of aircraft that need to use it. The jet can outmaneuver other aircraft because of its “sophisticated aerodesign, advanced flight controls, thrust vectoring, and high thrust-to-weight ratio,” according to the Air Force. The maiden flight of the original test model was made in September 1990, and the Air Force has since ordered around 400 of the fighter jets.
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F15 Nicknamed the Eagle, the F-15 has a Doppler radar system that can track targets both above and below and a windscreen that doubles as a display panel so a pilot needn’t look down to receive critical tracking and targeting information. The Eagle is a two-seat tactical fighter, powered by two turbofan engines. It is supersonic, flying at a rate of 1,875 miles per hour (Mach 2.5) at an altitude of 65,000 feet. It is more than 63 feet long with a wingspan of nearly 43 feet. Two design factors enable the F-15 to accelerate more rapidly and nimbly than other aircraft. In addition to a high thrust-to-weight ratio, it has low wing loading, which enables it to make tight turns without slowing down. The F-15 can be armed with a variety of air-to-air weapons, and it can be refueled mid-flight. The Air Force fact sheet on the F-15 says its avionics system “includes a head-up display, advanced radar, inertial navigation system, flight instruments, ultra-high frequency communications, tactical navigation system and instrument landing system. It also has an internally mounted, tactical electronic-warfare system, ‘identification friend or foe’ system, electronic countermeasures set and a central digital computer.” The Air Force has more than 500 of the combat aircraft. The first F-15 flight, involving the original model single-seater, took place in July 1972. The most recent model, the F-15E, is called the Strike Eagle and sometimes the Beagle. It can perform air-to-air and air-to-ground missions. It can fly low, which enables the weapons officer to address ground targets while also identifying and striking at air threats. The F-15E made its combat debut over Iraq in Operation Desert Storm in 1991, tracking down SCUD missile launchers and artillery sites in nighttime sweeps. The aircraft also have been deployed to monitor the no-fly zone in southern Iraq and have been used in Bosnia, Afghanistan and the current conflict in Iraq.
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Get to Know some United States powerful Arsenals |
Planet six times the mass of Jupiter 'spotted' by astronomers Astronomers claim to have spotted a new planet around six times the mass of Jupiter. The technology allows astronomers to see planets of Jupiter's mass in other galaxies Researchers from the National Institute of Nuclear Physics (INFN) claim it is the first planet to be seen outside of our galaxy. The scientists used a new method of viewing space called microlensing. The method uses a nearer object to bend the light of a distant star when the two align with an observer. The effect of large, massive objects between an observer and a distant planet or star can cause distortion or multiple images as the intermediary object's gravity bends the passing light. Microlensing, by contrast, occurs when a less massive object lies in the middle. The technology allows astronomers to see planets of Jupiter's mass in other galaxies. Because the effect depends on smaller objects that will be moving quickly relative to one another, microlensing events are fleeting, happening over the course of minutes or hours. Moreover, the mutual alignment of two small, far-flung objects with an observer on the Earth is exceptionally rare. For that reason, dense collections of millions of stars, such as the Andromeda galaxy, are surveyed in order to detect them. But given that microlensing events from a given pair of objects happens just once, astronomers cannot return to the planet candidate to confirm the idea. Dr De Paolis, one of the researchers, said he was "encouraged" by the possibility of detecting planets at such phenomenal distances. "The interesting thing is that the technology is in place to truly see planets of Jupiter's mass and even less in other galaxies," he said. "It's an exceptional thing." http://www.telegraph.co.uk/sciencean, tronomers.html
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Byrone:[size=15pt] When are we going to stop accusing or pointing fingers at others? Why can we just accept responsibility for once?[/size] |
Tyra Banks |
Beyonce |
Vote now for who you consider to be the hottest amongst these two hottest divas: TYRA BANKS OR BEYONCE |
[size=16pt]The conclusion of the whole matter is, Nigeria can never have an efficient Tax system if there are no good basic infrastructural system that can make the Government generates enough money. [/size] |
[size=15pt]I just learnt that many people are queuing up in Israeli embassy to obtain visa. Don't quote me pls [/size] ![]() |
MrCrackles:No wonder our refineries are "working" in full capacity. No wonder Nigeria keeps "exporting" Petrol No wonder the fuel queues have "disappeared" NNPC , keep touching our lives in a "positive" way |
An Israeli woman mistakenly threw out a mattress she said had almost $1 million inside, setting off a frantic search through tons of garbage at a number of landfill sites on Wednesday. The woman told The Associated Press that she bought her elderly mother a new mattress as a surprise present on Monday - and threw out the old one. The next day, she said, she remembered that she had hidden her life savings inside the old mattress. "I woke up in the morning screaming, when it hit me what happened," said the Tel Aviv woman, who asked not to be identified. She went to look for the mattress, but it had already been hauled away by garbage collectors, she said. Searches at three different landfill sites turned up nothing. [b]Opinion[/b] This is absolutely bizarre. How I wished l was close by l would have "returned" at least 2/3 of the money back to her. Am l not honest enough ? ![]() |
Full text of Obama Speech in Cairo. https://www.nairaland.com/nigeria/topic-279919.0.html |
mikeansy:Obama is simply one the greatest leaders of our generation |
I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning, and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. Together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I am grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. I am also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: assalaamu alaykum. "We meet at a time of tension between the United States and Muslims around the world - tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of co-existence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam. Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11th, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. This has bred more fear and mistrust. So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, and who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. This cycle of suspicion and discord must end. I have come here to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect; and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive, and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles - principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings. I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things we hold in our hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." That is what I will try to do - to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart. Part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I am a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith. As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam - at places like Al-Azhar University - that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality. I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President John Adams wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, served in government, stood for civil rights, started businesses, taught at our Universities, excelled in our sports arenas, won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim-American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers - Thomas Jefferson - kept in his personal library. So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear. But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words - within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum: "Out of many, one." Much has been made of the fact that an African-American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores - that includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy incomes and education that are higher than average. Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That is why the U.S. government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it. So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I 'believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations - to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity. Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all. For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. And when innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings. This is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes subjugating one another to serve their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners of it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; progress must be shared. That does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: we must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together. The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms. In Ankara, I made clear that America is not - and never will be - at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security. Because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people. The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice, we went because of necessity. I am aware that some question or justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with. Make no mistake: we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case. That's why we're partnering with a coalition of forty-six countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths - more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind; and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism - it is an important part of promoting peace. We also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who have been displaced. And that is why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend upon. Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be." Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future - and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. That is why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012. We will help Iraq train its Security Forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron. And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year. So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer. The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world. America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied. Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed - more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, ignorant, and hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction - or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews - is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve. On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people - Muslims and Christians - have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than sixty years they have endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations - large and small - that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own. For decades, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It is easy to point fingers - for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security. That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience that the task requires. The obligations that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them - and all of us - to live up to our responsibilities. Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That is not how moral authority is claimed; that is how it is surrendered. Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognize Israel's right to exist. At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop. Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can live, and work, and develop their society. And just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress. Finally, the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state; to recognize Israel's legitimacy; and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past. America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true. Too many tears have flowed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed (peace be upon them) joined in prayer. The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons. This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question, now, is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build. It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It is about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path. I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation - including Iran - should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal. The fourth issue that I will address is democracy. I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other. That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere. There is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments - provided they govern with respect for all their people. This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who hold power: you must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy. The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom. Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind, heart, and soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it is being challenged in many different ways. Among some Muslims, there is a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of another's. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld - whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq. Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat. Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit - for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We cannot disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism. Indeed, faith should bring us together. That is why we are forging service projects in America that bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That is why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's Interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into Interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action - whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster. The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights. I know there is debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous. Now let me be clear: issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world. Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons, and our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity - men and women - to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams. Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity. I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities. In all nations - including my own - this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities - those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith. But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradiction between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education. This is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas. I am emphasizing such investments within my country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas in this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement. On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America, while encouraging more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in on-line learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a teenager in Cairo. On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world. On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create jobs. We will open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new Science Envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops. And today I am announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health. All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life. The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world we seek - a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together. I know there are many - Muslim and non-Muslim - who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort - that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country - you, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this world. All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort - a sustained effort - to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings. It is easier to start wars than to end them. It is easier to blame others than to look inward; to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religion - that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations and peoples - a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the heart of billions. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today. We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written. The Holy Koran tells us, "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another." The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace." The Holy Bible tells us, "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now, that must be our work here on Earth. Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. |
#5 Tiger Woods Golf's alpha dog was sidelined for eight months after surgery to repair a torn ligament in his left knee, denting his potential for prize money and robbing him of the $3 million appearance fees he often earns overseas. Found a way to make money without playing: designing golf courses. Already developing courses in North Carolina and Dubai; announced plans for a third course last year in Mexico. Also commands some of the most lucrative endorsement contracts in sports. Biggest sponsor: Nike, with golf sales of $725 million last year. Even Woods is not immune to the recession; his endorsement deal with Buick ended a year early after Chrysler faltered. Woods quickly tapped AT&T to replace the car company as the sponsor on his golf bag.
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