₦airaland Forum

The Biafra Independent Movement (BIM) has pledged to teach Nigeria how to conduct free and fair elections in the south-east and south-south.

The group recently announced its plan to hold general elections in “Biafra territories” on February 22.

The BIM’s leader Chief Ralph Uwazuruike speaking at the zonal rally in Enugu stated that the poll would serve as an example for the Federal Republic of Nigeria to follow.

He said: “Our election will not be conducted same way as that of Nigeria; BIM will not give room for election rigging as is the case in Nigeria.

“We are well prepared; we will teach Nigerians how to conduct crisis-free election.

“Very soon, the B-INEC will roll out programmes for the polls.”

Dr. Augustina Ugwuoke, who represented the leader, praised members for coming out en-masse to take part in the sensitization forum and their continuous support for their leader.

She emphasized that their dream of a Biafra republic will soon be realized.

“We believe in our leader’s ability to actualize the Biafra republic; the processes as you can see have commenced. We have also commenced preparations for our census which will take place in the entire Biafra region to ascertain our population.

“I commend you all for your steadfastness in the struggle as well as donation of lands towards the building of Ojukwu Memorial Library in the Enugu North Senatorial Zone.

“Your sacrifices will not be forgotten,” she added.

The high representative for foreign affairs of the European Union recently responded to a letter by the Washington-based Organization of Emerging African States seeking support in the current fight for the independence of Biafra from Nigeria.

According to Federica Mogherini, questions of self-determination should be addressed by respecting international law and relative customary practice.

Sourve:https://www.naij.com/703243-election-wont-conducted-way-nigerian-biafra.html

Lagos - The spokesperson of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Emma Powerful, has insisted that Biafra is not seceding, but only fighting for the restoration of its nation through peaceful protests.

In a telephone interview with News24 Nigeria on Tuesday, Powerful denied that IPOB had plans to use violence to get its demands met, and called for the immediate release of Nnamdi Kanu.

Kanu and two others have been charged with treason and other related offences on account of his agitation for the secession of the South-East and other areas of the country to form a sovereign state of Biafra.

Kanu is the face of IPOB and creator of Radio Biafra.

Powerful denied that Kanu had apologized to President Muhammadu Buhari, as reports recently indicated.

Also read: Massive response to online campaign to free Kanu

“I want the world and the international community to tell Buhari to release Nnamdi Kanu immediately. He did not do anything wrong," Powerful said.

Powerful threatened that if anything happened to Kanu, who is said to be ill and has no access to medical care, there won’t be peace in Nigeria.

"Nnamdi Kanu is our Moses, he is the one leading us out of this zoo, presently he is locked up in prison, he is sick, but has no access to medical care, I am calling on the international community to tell them that if anything happens to him, Nigeria will know no peace.

We will not physically fight Nigeria, but we will protest, till they have arrested or shot everybody. How many of us can they arrest or shoot?,” said Powerful.

Powerful laid support to Kanu’s categorization of Nigeria as a zoo. He said the regular Boko Haram killings in the North-eastern part of the country, and president Buhari's support to have Kanu remanded in prison even after the court granted him bail, were some of the reasons why Nigeria could be referred to as a zoo.

Also read: Release Kanu, others in 7 days, activists tell Buhari

According to reports, Kanu confirmed in a statement dated October 24, 2015 that he called Nigeria a zoo to justify his belief that the only language its people understood was violence.

Powerful said there was an imbalance in the structure of Nigeria, with most eastern states having a less number of local governments compared to the northern states.

He said the eastern and south-south states were marginalized, and treated as “fools”.

He vowed that the restoration of Biafra would put an end to the imbalance, “because a nation will be born”.

"We are doing all of this for our children. Our people are being caged and we will not stop until Biafra is realized"

He said that the Nigeria state expired in 2014, echoing what the country’s colonial masters, Great Britain, said several years ago - that Nigeria will last for 100 years.

Source:http://www.news24.com.ng/National/News/nigeria-will-know-no-peace-if-anything-happens-to-kanu-ipob-20160112

I was probably eight the first time I heard about Biafra. It was from an Igbo classmate in elementary school who whispered how “our people” had tried to create their own land, but the Hausas wouldn’t let them. As a young girl who was born and raised in Kano, northern Nigeria, and missed school days because of riots between members of my predominantly Christian Igbo tribe and Hausa Muslims, I grew accustomed to living in fear. At that time, Biafra sounded like a haven, a place where my family would no longer feel like outsiders.

As a child, the failure to create this utopian state was an outrage. But I got older and learned about the failed coup, a poorly planned war and the people who suffered and died as a result. My disillusionment grew upon witnessing how Nigeria’s corruption cuts across all tribes; even Igbo leaders are culprits.

Today, as an Igbo woman in the diaspora, I watch nervously as demonstrators in Nigeria and abroad agitate again for a sovereign Biafra, marching and defiantly waving the flag of the defunct state. My anxiety comes from the fear of seeing history repeat itself. I remember my father’s tales of starving during the war and carrying his kwashiorkor-stricken brother. He was 13 when the conflict began in 1967. Then there was the maternal uncle who stripped himself of his Biafran army uniform at the end of the war in 1970 and ran naked through the woods to escape the wrath of vengeful Nigerian soldiers. How quickly we forget. It seems as if both parties—Biafra supporters and the Nigerian government—failed to learn from past mistakes.

THE BIAFRAN DREAM

The recent protests were triggered by the arrest of pro-Biafra activist Nnamdi Kanu on October 19, 2015, in Lagos. Nigeria’s Department of State Security Services picked up Kanu, the director of the London-based radio station, Radio Biafra, for sedition, ethnic incitement and treasonable felony. Charges President Muhammadu Buhari deems fitting as Kanu is notorious for seeking “guns and bullets” to reclaim the Biafran dream and heading the Indigenous People of Biafra, a separatist group that believes inhabitants of South East, areas of South South and the Middle Belt in Nigeria are today “under occupation, servitude and modern day slavery under the Hausa-Fulani controlled Nigerian establishment.”

Civil rights activist Medgar Evers’s words, “you can kill a man, but you can’t kill an idea,” ring true today with the idea of Biafra. Members of my tribe, the third largest in Nigeria, know pro-Biafra sentiments have endured since the end of Nigeria’s bloody 30-month civil war. I’ve spotted Biafran flags at the market in Awka and on streets in Umuahia.

In 1966, after 30,000 Igbos living in northern and parts of Western Nigeria were killed in a series of pogroms at the hands of their ethnic rivals—Hausas and Yorubas, then military governor of the Eastern region and Igbo homeland, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu urged all Igbos to return home. The pogrom, many call it a genocide, was one of the ripple effects of a bloody coup by mostly Igbo majors who wanted to rid Nigeria’s post-independence civilian government of corrupt politicians. But the coup was dubbed an “Igbo coup” and seen as an attempt by Igbos to dominate Nigeria because the majority of those assassinated were top politicians from other tribes, including two prominent Hausa leaders and founding fathers, Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa and the Sardauna of Sokoto, Ahmadu Bello.

By May 30, 1967, following the 1966 reprisal killings and increased secessionist pressures from his tribesmen, Ojukwu declared the Eastern region an independent sovereign state as the Republic of Biafra. The Nigerian army outnumbered and outgunned the Biafran forces and by the war’s end in January 1970 between one and three million people had died due to the conflict, disease and starvation. The Igboland was left in ruins, Ojukwu fled to Ivory Coast and Biafra was reintegrated into Nigeria. When he returned from exile in 1983, Ojukwu defended his decision to secede during an interview with Independent Television News: “Biafra was created as an act of self-defense,” he said.

“When you start fleeing, once you cross onto this area called ‘Biafra’ you are home,” he added.

Everything involved in realizing the new country from its flag, whose red-black-and-green colors are reminiscent of Marcus Garvey‘s UNIA flag, to the Ahiara Declaration, which is the Biafran equivalent of the Declaration of Independence, was rooted in the ideals of Pan-Africanism and Black empowerment. Besides being a haven for mostly Igbos, Ojukwu envisioned a broader appeal for Biafra as outlined in the Ahiara Declaration:

Our struggle is a total and vehement rejection of all those evils, which blighted Nigeria, evils which were bound to lead to the disintegration of that ill-fated federation. Our struggle is not a mere resistance – that would be purely negative. It is a positive commitment to build a healthy, dynamic and progressive state, such as would be the pride of black men the world over.

NIGERIA’S MISTAKES

When the war ended, Nigeria failed to effectively follow through with its peace building efforts—Reconciliation, Reconstruction and Rehabilitation or the Three Rs as they were known then. General Yakubu Gowon, the leader of the Nigerian side, declared, “no victor, no vanquished,” but both sides knew this to be untrue, especially with post-war policies that marginalized the Igbo people. One of which included the institution of a financial policy preventing former Biafrans from accessing prewar personal funds in Nigerian banks. Former Biafrans were permitted to exchange only 20 Biafran pounds for 20 Nigerian pounds.

Then there is the policy of “military neutralization” as mentioned in Dartmouth College professor Ifi Amadiume’s book, The Politics of Memory: Truth, Healing and Social Justice. Measures were taken to curb Igbo military resurgence, such as slowing upward mobility of Igbo officers and excluding Igbo officers from chief military ranks.

Steps like these, including failed promises from past Nigerian leaders to build the region, gradually alienated members of the tribe from the Federal Government. They came off as punishments and suggested a move to check Igbo ambitions lest the civil war repeat itself. Thus, it was no surprise that in September 1999, Igbo lawyer Ralph Uwazuruike created the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State Of Biafra to pursue the Biafran cause through nonviolent means. Other pro-Biafra groups sprung up as well like the Biafra Zionist Movement and Kanu’s IPOB. The Nigerian government, however, turned to violent means to suppress these groups. Members were arrested, allegations of silent killings spread and Uwazuruike was detained and charged with treason on several occasions. As with Uwazuruike, the Federal Government is taking the same heavy-handed approach to squelch Kanu’s Biafran ambitions without addressing their origins and socioeconomic issues in the country that continue to make the Biafra dream attractive.

Nigeria’s festering socioeconomic woes create an environment where separatist groups with different ideologies can thrive—from the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta to Boko Haram, each one promising fellow tribesmen and religious folk what the government has failed to deliver.

In Kanu’s case, the Nigerian government further complicated matters by failing to uphold a court order deeming his arrest unlawful. Since gaining independence from Britain in 1960, Nigeria has had more years of military rule than civilian. Two of the four civilian presidents from the inception of the Fourth Republic were former military generals. While confronting protesters, the Nigerian government failed to realize that stern tactics employed in the past during dictatorial military regimes cannot abide in a civilian government.

THE DESCENDANTS OF BIAFRA

In 1967, the Biafran dream was created and sustained by intellectuals, writers, scientists and other revolutionaries as Chinua Achebe pointed out in his book, There Was A Country. While there are genuine leftover sentiments from the war, today’s movement, however, is rooted in economic inequality, unemployment and political disenfranchisement. A majority of the protesters are young people—descendants of former Biafrans—who did not experience the war, but still fantasize about the nation that could have been. They see Biafra as a way of dissociating themselves from Nigeria, a government that has failed them time and time again, and these protests are a call for self-determination. But, while there are legitimate calls for secession, there are also selfish power-hungry Igbo leaders who have a stake in the realization of Biafra. We know this because in the past Igbo leaders have been guilty of misappropriating and misusing government funds. Even the Ohanaeze Ndigbo, a top Igbo sociopolitical group consisting of Igbo communities within and outside Nigeria, have distanced themselves from the protests, citing similar concerns over its motives.

Politicians and ambitious leaders in Nigeria have mastered the art of dividing and conquering by splitting the populace against itself. They target groups that are ill-informed and gullible. This tactic has proven effective in a country where, as of 2010, fewer than two out of three adults were literate (35 million), a rate expected to have grown by one million or more by the end of 2015.

What frightened me most was Kanu’s speech at the 2015 World Igbo Convention. The clip offers a rare insight into the character of the leader that pro-Biafra agitators picked to rally behind. From remarking on how he’d take advantage of America’s liberal gun laws to “shoot dead” anyone at the conference who helped Buhari secure his presidency, he went on to demand ammunition by inciting fear against Hausa dominance. Befuddling his audience with doublespeak, Kanu failed to outline benefits for future Biafran veterans, and resorted to preying on the religious and familial feelings of Igbos in the diaspora.

It’s been less than a year since president Buhari assumed office, it is, therefore, too soon for pro-Biafra agitators to express disillusion with a government that has barely had time to serve them, in support of a leader with no clear-cut vision or strategy on how to achieve Biafra. The first time in 1967, it seemed like Igbos had no choice. Now we do and if an independence referendum ever becomes an option, it’d be unwise to vote for a new nation with poor leadership.

REDEFINING BIAFRA

This dissatisfaction and impatience with the country is felt throughout Nigeria, and oftentimes Igbos choose to channel their discontent towards “Biafranism.”

However, Igbos, at this time, have no true visionary or charismatic leaders to ground their emotions and guide them. Perhaps Biafranism need not be a struggle for an independent nation, but one for independent minds, a movement focused on self-reliance, empowering Igbo communities intellectually, and restoring pride and a sense of brotherhood. Or as one questioner said during the Igbo conference, “all politics are local… Before we talk about what the Hausas are doing to us, what are we doing to clean our house?”

Instead of encouraging a society where the Biafran subject is taboo, the Nigerian government should be honest about its place in the country’s history and take better steps to collaborate with the Igbo community, develop the region and eliminate policies of distrust that make Igbos feel inferior. Dialoguing with leaders of separatist groups, hearing their grievances and instituting effective peace and reconciliation agreements can help bring healing to Nigeria and prevent future groups from hijacking the Biafra narrative for personal aims. Historians from both sides—Nigeria and former Biafra—need to properly document the civil war and teach it as part of our nation’s history in schools throughout the country. You can either take charge of the story and the country’s role in it or someone else will do it for you.

Economically, it is not in the best interests of the Igbo community to consider breaking away from Nigeria. Today, 45 years after the civil war, Igbos are scattered throughout the country, holding jobs, running businesses and conducting investments far away from the Igbo homeland. Some of them are relatives and family friends whose sources of livelihood are inextricably tied to the rest of the country. Like my father, they share no pro-Biafra sentiments and distrust the protests today. “There are some people sponsoring those protests to divert attention from Buhari’s ongoing probe,” my father told me on the phone recently in reference to the president’s all-out war against corrupt officials. He used to run his own hospital in Kano, but migrated back to the southeast after the 2012 Boko Haram attacks. He reiterated the words of Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka that when you fight corruption, it fights back hard. “The Igbo people can’t keep following these brainwashing types [of leaders]. Since when have we held our representatives in the Senate and House of Reps responsible regarding what they have done for their constituents? Those are the people we should be asking questions.”

Today I’m a hurting Igbo woman and a heartbroken Nigerian, but I’ll admit that I began to hope again when Buhari assumed office in May 2015. I do not think that to be Igbo is to be Biafran. My father was a Biafran, a citizen of a sovereign entity called “Biafra”. I never was. There were moments as a child and even as an adult when I wished that Biafra had succeeded in the past, only because I was exhausted with Nigeria’s failures. But that was the Biafra of Ojukwu, Alexander Madiebo, Chinua Achebe, Christopher Okigbo, Nnamdi Azikwe and countless intellectuals and visionaries not the farce that is playing out on the streets of Onitsha and the Igbo heartland. I’ve always loved and admired my people’s resilience and ambition, but we must find a way to be both Igbo and Nigerian. It is in our best interests to reconcile, not deny, these dual identities (it is also in the interests of other tribes throughout Nigeria, if we are to ever attain unity in diversity).

Biafra will always be an integral part of Nigeria’s history and as Soyinka points out the idea of Biafra will never die, but Nigeria needs to restructure itself in a way that no one wants to leave.

Chidinma Irene Nwoye is a freelance journalist based in New York City and a graduate of the Columbia Journalism School. She has written for Slate magazine and the Village Voice and enjoys covering African affairs and the intersection between politics and arts and culture. Follow her on Twitter @irenecnwoye.

Source:http://www.okayafrica.com/news/biafra-nigeria-has-failed-to-learn-from-past-mistakes/

Africa is likely to become one of the biggest stories of 2016, and not because of some horrific new disease or harrowing new war. Instead, an unprecedented new dynamic is about to shape the continent. The U.S. and China, major powers with a minor footprint, are both poised for much deeper and more direct involvement in African affairs.

And rather than finding themselves on a crash course, they're facing a more complex — and, for America, unnerving — situation. Thanks to the much different challenges and priorities facing both powers, African intervention is shaping up as a feast for China and a famine for the U.S.

Look to Djibouti for big clues about why. News is quietly breaking that China has sealed a deal to build its first military base in that little country, a former French colony strategically located across from Yemen on the Red Sea, squeezed between Eritrea and Somalia. Confirming years of under-the-radar suspicions, AFRICOM commander Gen. David Rodriguez told The Hill that the "logistics hub" and airfield will let China "extend their reach" into Africa over the course of an initial 10-year contract. Currently, The Hill observed, China can't do much more than stage some naval patrols out of Djibouti ports.

Given China's breakneck expansion into Africa, that's just not good enough. In Africa, China has found not just a market for money but for jobs and land — crucial components of sustained economic growth. As December's Forum on China-Africa Cooperation revealed, the Middle Kingdom wants to ensure privileged access to that kind of future. Although it's hard to unravel the details, Beijing used the Forum to pledge $60 billion in loans and export credits.

No, the Chinese aren't about to lap the U.S. in investment anytime soon, but the financials have taken on an extra edge at a moment when Beijing needs all the good news it can get. "China operates in Africa with greater aplomb and with more nuanced and mutually beneficial relationships than America's corporations and its federal [government]," as one private equity analyst noted at the Council on Foreign Relations. "The USG's most visible diplomatic effort in Africa, Power Africa, is sputtering. American businesses haven't sufficiently picked up the slack."

Which brings us to the very different Africa the U.S. confronts. While China is free to pursue its economic and financial interests with clarity and focus, allowing its military and political agenda to unfold accordingly, Washington finds itself scrambling to keep up with a sour security situation that doesn't play to its strengths. Instead of reaching into Africa's sub-Saharan heartland, where China is racking up lucrative or influential deals, the U.S. will have to stretch itself remarkably thin over the wide and barren expanse of Africa's northern tier.

AFRICOM officials, still headquartered in Stuttgart, Germany, recently announced a new strategic outlook that underscores the problem. AFRICOM's top three priorities reach from one end of Northern Africa to the other: "neutralizing" the jihadist al-Shabab group in Somalia to the east, while "containing" enemies like ISIS in Libya and Boko Haram, to the west, in Nigeria and the greater Lake Chad region.

These plans have a whiff of desperation about them. Although al-Shabab's influence has been significantly reduced, nearby Ethiopia just booted the U.S. out of a drone base Washington had hoped to expand in the southerly town of Arba Minch. In other words, as China sets up shop in Djibouti, the U.S. finds itself restricted to that country for its eastern African operations — a precarious toehold in a competitive environment.

In Libya, meanwhile, as ISIS suicide operations spearhead its so-called "liberation" of the country, no plan has emerged for how the U.S. might turn the tide. And in the fight against ISIS affiliate Boko Haram, the U.S. has so far managed to supply Nigeria with two dozen armored vehicles. At a time when the containment approach to ISIS has shown mixed results at best, it is hard to see America's involvement in Africa this year as much more than an under-resourced and reactive improvisation stretched across a vast and hostile landscape.

With the media's eyes fixed on the Mideast, Africa hasn't quite gotten the geostrategic attention it deserves. But this year, it could become a new albatross for the U.S. — and a new lifeline for China.

Source:http://www.theweek.com/articles/598367/china-building-first-military-base-africa-america-should-nervous

Nigerians don’t ask questions; that is why the imams and the pastors lead them by the nose, and the politicians also complete their humiliation and disempowerment. And between the clerics and the political functionaries, there is a very close liaison. It’s a kind of power structure; one controls the political, social realm, the other controls the spiritual, metaphysical realm and they are together. Many Nigerians are not rational, interrogative people. In fact, in this country today, if you are the interrogative type you are easily labelled, branded, and condemned. People even wonder: why are you always asking questions?"

PRESIDENTIAL MEDIA CHAT OF DISGRACE
By Ifeanyi Chijioke
(For Family Writers)

When the news of the purported media chat came up, I laughed because Muhammad Buhari will disgrace Nigerians once more. Like a genuine prophet it happened just as I predicted, aside the sick grammar, the president doesn't know the currency France uses now and that of Germany as well, the Nigerian president is still existing in 80s. I refused to watch the chat on television as I followed all online media publications, I can tell how the pedophile was sitting, standing and talking. The imagery in his words speak volume of his mind, answering questions with questions, feeling like the strongest man on earth nobody can control even the court, telling Biafrans go to hell, you people thought I won't be president, today I am president and you people can kiss the transformer. The presidency is a dream come through, for years he has been searching for it, he would first handle his enemies and then do what he wants without being listening to anyone.

Flout court orders and debunk press, talk without second thought as nobody can hold him to account. I have few concerns in this show of disgrace, my Yoruba friend, an unemployed graduate who studied public administration, had told me how he would be managing the 5000 stipend till he gets a job, he just called me and said " not all that glitters is gold, the promise don turn 419, what do I know about farming in the north?" that is his own cup of tea, my people are killed and neglected, I have much to worry than him. Buhari said, that one called Kanu, do you know he has two passports, a Nigerian and a British one, he came into Nigeria without any of them, he further said, these people have committed atrocities against this country, Nnamdi Kanu shipped in transmitter he uses in preaching hate messages. Buhari is really a daft; one would start to question his ability or knowledge of governance and modern world.

Is having two passports a crime? Questioning how Kanu came into Nigeria, is Kanu a migrant? Importation of transmitter, is that a treasonable felony? If radio Biafra is so illegal or a threat, it can be dismantled by writing with evidence to British government. It is high time we stood against dictatorship and anarchy or we lose our lives. Buhari noted without remorse that he Buhari will not allow Nnamdi Kanu jump bail, it is also important to let Buhari know that court unconditionally released Kanu not bail. This is a clear sign of dictatorship Nigerians have refused to admit, Buhari is the judiciary and executive, shortly he would legislate. Nigeria is losing it democratic essence and going by Buhari's speech, only arms can solve any problem in Nigeria. Boko haram is listened to, militant is listened to but protesters are not listened to, they should take up arm if they need attention.

It more or less appears like Buhari is hiding his true feelings or pressure from Biafra agitation that he tends to play hide and sick with it, whatever the case is, Nigeria should get ready for total anarchy that will be responded with equal measure. Buhari the uneducated pedophile was further asked about the marginalization of Biafrans, in as much as he answered question with question, it stands to prove that Buhari is not aware that there is no federal presence in Biafra land. The pedophile failed to grasp that no federal road is built, no federally driven infrastructures or social amenities, neither is there any federal seaport or international airport. As mayhem draws closer, let everyone remember this day and let all witnesses say silence played a role.

Source:http://www.thebiafraherald.co/2015/12/presidential-media-chat-of-disgrace.html

I weep bitterly for the thick darkness that had engulfed Nigeria conscience. Shame on cheap gutter media propaganda

OPEN LETTER TO NIGERIAN MEDIA ON ATTACK AND PROSECUTION OF NNAMDI KANU
By Ifeanyi Chijioke
(For Family Writers)

Duly it started with Nnamdi Kanu and need to change your puppet and brown envelop life, today, internationally Nigerian media is known for her brown envelope journalism. For past three or four months now the DSS arrested Nnamdi Kanu, arraigned him in the court, he flawlessly defeated Nigerian government. Three court rulings had been flouted by DSS, DSS through the FG violated, disgraced and profound the sacred constitution of your Nigeria. You the media before the last flouting were all against FG, after the last flouting which was a blatant abuse of dignity of the bar and the bench, the judiciary lost its essence and pride, like a pack of card, Nnamdi Kanu is pulling down Nigerian state.

The victory of Kanu in the court and subsequent refusal of judges to preside over his case added salt to the injury, the world will be saying "what a country, Africa and her timidity". You would without a shred of doubt agree with me that Nnamdi Kanu won in the court, the prosecution in the court failed and the prosecutors were shamed even as they proved to be superior to the law of your country Nigeria. Nigerians lost faith in Nigerian state, I remember reading a comment that says “yes Nnamdi Kanu is a traitor and terrorist, but if the court says he is not, then release him, I am a Nigerian but I am now ashamed". I had expected you Nigerian media to fight such constitutional impunity, but due to your brown envelopes might stop reaching you, you kept silent in the face of evil. Now after the failed court prosecution, your owner and brown envelop giver- the federal government of Nigeria, in the meeting you held, a conspiracy was reached. Media prosecution of Nnamdi Kanu was agreed upon, by means of this media prosecution, you can tarnish the image of Nnamdi Kanu, win back support of Nigerians and after your media prosecution, Nnamdi Kanu will be executed.

The FG opened the case file to you with "How Nnamdi Kanu was arrested" four months after his arrest, laughably they are telling you how he was arrested now, the ghost lady arrested with him that was not arraigned or prosecuted remains a sham. Sometimes you Nigerian media forget that this is not 1990s when newspaper is only source of information. The second reading of the case to the prosecutor known as Nigerian media is "Nnamdi Kanu apologizes", is Nnamdi Kanu dead, can't he apologize through his lawyer or family members, who gave him pen and paper in DSS dungeon?. As your brain run to and fro in search of answers, I won't wait for you, let me continue. I read journalist101, I can breathe that not all media platforms can be bought. I however write to remind you that this prosecution will help nobody, in the end Biafra always win, in the end you will lose the heart of Nigerians, in the end you Nigerian media will be seen as a tool for peddling falsehood.

Media all over the world fight evil to a halt, serve justice and truth but in Nigerian, it's a tool for the government of the day, persecution and prosecution, the man with bigger money gets favour in execution. As the prosecution and persecution of Nnamdi Kanu is going on, let your propaganda address the potential dictatorship, when you do the dirty jobs of a tender dictator, he would grow and neither you will be spared. I therefore call on Biafrans to sit up and respond with brave heart the media assault aimed at discrediting our leader. If any man can be with unquestionable character, Nnamdi Kanu is the man. Apology is retreat and surrender, which even death cannot make Nnamdi Kanu to surrender or retreat. As this has been countered, let's wait for another lie to be floated be resolute for in the end, we shall win.

Source:http://www.thebiafraherald.co/2015/12/open-letter-to-nigerian-media-on-attack.html

Rowland Owie, a former chief whip of the Senate has addressed President Muhammadu Buhari and urged to release the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Nnamdi Kanu, in order to reduce tension in the country.

Owei asked the president to open a dialogue with those agitating for Biafran, however, he also asked Buhari to distance himself from those alleging that the IPOB is a militant group.

He urged the president to do his best to keep the nation together without alienating any group.

“I wish to remind President Muhammadu Buhari that every elected leader in Nigeria becomes a prisoner of palace jesters around him and become isolated from realities outside Aso Rock.President Buhari should open the prison door now and come out and face the reality,” Owei said.

“I urge President Buhari to release Kanu, the leader of the IPOB, now and dialogue with them. The President should not listen to palace jesters who are telling him that they are militants like Boko Haram. They are not.

“While Boko Haram leadership is not visible, the IPOB leadership is visible. Buhari should act now. A Bini parable says the king that folds his hands while his palace is burning ends up being a tenant,” he added.

https://www.naij.com/678773-release-kanu-reduse-tension-pro-biafrans-former-senator-owie-buhari.html

lets come together and divide this country, i believe everybody is tired maybe because of the oil money

chinae:
The hand writing will soon leave the wall, then the land will rise straight frim the sum, onboard will be the children of light.

i was shocked on the interview, they talk about so many things

SLIDEwaxie:
So, wetin this one come mean?

tune in to bbc live and listen

BBC REPORT Biafra Independence IPOB BVI Channel 1


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7CfXscA4qBA

fhelihx:
No rule in the country,seems he enjoyed being detained.

The road to freedom is always rough but certain.

The world will definitely believe him if he calls Nigeria a jungle because of the weak adherence to the rule of law.

There was drama at a Federal High Court in Abuja on December 23, when Nnamdi Kanu, the director of Radio Biafra pirate radio station and a leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) movement, said he had no confidence in the court, and preferred to be detained. Watch!


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vYxXAQYKyX0

There is no rule of law in this country anymore

Spain and Morocco


The fence was erected by Spain in attempt to stop illegal immigration from Morocco at the North African city of Ceuta.

Argentina and Chile

Located high in the Andes mountains, a statue of Christ, unveiled in 1904, signals peace between both countries at their border.

Afghanistan and Pakistan

Norway and Sweden

Boarder Between Asia and Europe in the Ural Mountains Russia

This is amazing


Seun

Kenya On The Right, Tanzania On The Left

brzil and uruguay