₦airaland Forum

joelbooks:
UPDATE ON THE BENIN-SAPELE ROAD

You cannot watch this and say President Tinubu isn’t solving real issues facing the common man.

UPDATE ON THE BENIN-SAPELE ROAD

You cannot watch this and say President Tinubu isn’t solving real issues facing the common man. pic.twitter.com/uv5cA4eC9m

— Osas (@osazenoo) June 7, 2026

have we declined so much to the extent that the FG working on one of hundreds of Nigerian federal roads in disrepair is worthy of recognition?

3 years in we are yet to hear of ANY federal road project that has been completed, I stand to be corrected,

Meanwhile we hear of record borrowing and tripled allocations to states but zero impact on the ground, That is why seeing even one road being worked on appears to be breaking news?

Have Nigerians been turned to dogs that feed off the crumbs thrown to them from the table of the politicians?

erad:
You quoted me somewhere up there but it's hidden, so I'll respond to this in reference to that comment.

Always read to understand. It's crazy how educated people read something and comment something else trying to argue blindly. Infact, it's disgusting.

The warning has nothing to do with random videos of people walking around in public or things like that. It's talking about content creators specifically that do pranks or try to bait people into reactions. The person you're interacting with to create your content has to give their consent. Even people that interview others on road, the first question should be "can I post this video on my channel?" Naturally, you're making money with the reactions you get from these people and you not even asking them is setting yourself up for a compensation lawsuit in future.

Lets always try to understand context before displaying ignorance especially in public.

Stop flogging a dead horse eranko. Anyone with sense knows that social media coverage of a specific person be it as an interview or social media experiment has to involve consent by the shooter. That's not the locus of the post.

As for ndpc, they cannot do anything. If a person feels his privacy is infringed upon, he can approach the courts and test the strength of his case against the law.

But to try to stifle public advocacy is the name of privacy concerns is dead on arrival shikena!

# COMPREHENSIVE STRATEGIC ADVISORY
## Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe: re APGA/ADC Imbroglio: My thoughts.

Please read and share your thoughts.

---

## EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Senator Abaribe faces a dual crisis — constitutional exposure under Section 68(1)(g) of the 1999 Constitution arising from his identification with the ADC, and political exposure from the APC-dominated Senate leadership's determination to use that constitutional provision as a weapon. This advisory synthesises our full legal and political analysis into a unified, phased strategy. The central finding is this: **the law gives him 35%. Politics can give him more. The optimal strategy uses the law as leverage to improve political odds — not to win in court.**

---

## PART ONE — THE LEGAL LANDSCAPE

### 1.1 The Constitutional Exposure

Section 68(1)(g) of the 1999 Constitution is unambiguous. A legislator who voluntarily defects from the party that sponsored their election loses their seat unless they can establish one of three recognised exceptions:

- A division within the original party
- A merger of the original party with another
- The original party has violated the Nigerian Constitution

Abaribe's immediate problem is that at the point of defection, he submitted no documented justification to the Senate invoking any of these exceptions. The other eight defecting senators submitted letters citing internal party crises. Abaribe's silence at that critical moment is constitutionally damaging because courts are deeply sceptical of post-hoc legal constructions assembled after the political decision has already been made.

### 1.2 The Suspension Letter — Asset and Liability

The September 26, 2025 indefinite suspension issued by APGA's Abia State chapter is the centrepiece of Abaribe's legal position. However our analysis reveals it is a double-edged instrument.

**As an asset:** It establishes that APGA — not Abaribe — initiated the breakdown of the membership relationship. It creates a narrative of constructive political abandonment that appellate courts with equitable sensibilities may find compelling. It also opens three distinct legal avenues: a de facto expulsion argument, a party constitutional violation argument, and a procedural competence challenge.

**As a liability:** Nigerian law does not equate suspension with expulsion. Suspension — even indefinite suspension — merely suspends the exercise of membership rights without terminating the underlying membership relationship. The suspended member remains on the party register. An expelled member does not. Courts will not stretch language that does not expressly terminate membership into a finding of expulsion, particularly where the constitutional consequence is as severe as loss of a legislative seat.

**The most dangerous vulnerability:** The Abia State chapter may have lacked constitutional competence to discipline a sitting Senator in the first place. Under APGA's party constitution, disciplinary authority over a national officer almost certainly vests in the National Executive Committee, not a state chapter. If the suspension was issued by the wrong organ, it is void on its face — and a void suspension paradoxically means Abaribe remained a full, active, unsuspended APGA member at the point of defection, destroying the foundational premise of his legal defence.

### 1.3 Applicable Case Law

**Dalhatu v. Turaki (2003) FWLR (Pt. 143) 1** — The Court of Appeal held that disciplinary actions with constitutional consequences must be clearly expressed and unambiguous. Courts will not infer expulsion from language that does not expressly say so.

**Okafor v. ANPP** — Where a party's own constitution prescribes an expulsion procedure, strict compliance is required. Any purported expulsion — or act functioning as one — that does not follow prescribed procedure is void ab initio.

**Amaechi v. INEC (2008) 5 NWLR (Pt. 1080)** — The Supreme Court affirmed that party membership questions are determined by the party's own constitution read alongside the Electoral Act. Courts examine substance over form.

### 1.4 The Electoral Act Position

The Electoral Act 2022 does not equate suspension with expulsion. Section 77 requires parties to maintain a member register, and a suspended member remains on that register while an expelled member does not. This distinction in registration status is legally material and works against a de facto expulsion argument.

---

## PART TWO — PROBABILITY ASSESSMENT

### 2.1 Overall Chance of Successful Ruling: 35–40%

This reflects a position marginally better than an even chance, but with the weight of law, precedent, and political dynamics against a clean judicial victory.

### 2.2 The Scenario Map

| Scenario | Probability |
|---|---|
| Federal High Court rules in Abaribe's favour | 30% |
| Court of Appeal upholds favourable ruling | ~15% |
| Supreme Court ultimately confirms his seat | ~10–12% |
| Senate backs down for political reasons pre-judgment | 20% |
| Full seat vacation at all levels | 45–50% |

### 2.3 Why the Odds Are Structured This Way

Nigerian courts have been consistently deferential to the legislature on seat vacation matters arising from defection. The threshold for what constitutes a qualifying division or constitutional violation by a party has been set high by precedent. Additionally, litigation timelines work against Abaribe — his tenure has a finite end. A case dragged to the Supreme Court may outlast the political moment he is fighting to preserve. The APC-controlled Senate is not a neutral arbiter, and APGA has every political incentive to cooperate with Senate leadership by affirming that Abaribe was merely suspended and remains their member — which would collapse the de facto expulsion argument entirely.

---

## PART THREE — THE OPTIMAL STRATEGY

### 3.1 The Central Strategic Insight

A straight judicial fight is the weakest path available. The strongest realistic outcome is not a clean court victory — it is a negotiated political resolution achieved under the cover of aggressive litigation. The litigation strategy must be understood as **leverage generation**, not a genuine pathway to the Supreme Court.

### 3.2 The Ghost Member Architecture — Primary Recommendation

The single most legally defensible and politically elegant option is what we term the Ghost Member Strategy: Abaribe maintains his de facto APGA membership on the register while quietly building his ADC political structure for 2027.

**The legal logic:** If Abaribe never formally, documentarily completed his defection through APGA's own constitutional resignation process — meaning his Senate letter expressed political affiliation with ADC but did not constitute a formal resignation from APGA — then Section 68(1)(g) is not cleanly triggered. Nigerian courts have distinguished between expressing affiliation with another party and formally defecting from one's original party. The former is politically untidy but not necessarily unconstitutional. The latter triggers the guillotine.

**What this looks like in practice:**

Retain his APGA membership card and pay any outstanding party dues. Never formally write to APGA resigning membership. Withdraw or legally recharacterise his ADC identification letter to the Senate — framing it as an expression of political solidarity rather than a formal defection notification. Continue drawing his Senate salary and sitting in the APGA caucus. Privately build ADC political structures in Abia State. Attend ADC consultations discreetly. Use his Senate platform to advance whatever strategic interests brought him toward ADC in the first instance. Formalise the defection only when the 2027 political architecture is ready and legal exposure is minimised by proximity to election season.

**What this achieves:** It keeps Section 68(1)(g) in a legally ambiguous state. It forces the Senate to pursue a much harder-to-prove case. It buys him potentially two or more uninterrupted years in his seat. It preserves every option — return to APGA, complete the ADC move, or pivot to APC if political winds shift. In Nigerian politics, two years of preserved optionality is an almost incalculable asset.

### 3.3 Three Conditions for the Ghost Member Strategy to Hold

**Condition One — Keep APGA from formally expelling him.** This is the single greatest vulnerability. If APGA's National Executive Committee issues a proper, procedure-compliant expulsion, the entire strategy collapses. This requires immediate back-channel engagement with APGA national leadership — possibly involving financial concessions, political accommodation, or quiet assurances about 2027. This is the most urgent item on the action list.

**Condition Two — Secure ADC's acceptance of an informal arrangement.** Whatever brought Abaribe toward ADC — 2027 governorship positioning, national opposition coalition building, or a specific political ask — ADC's leadership must be willing to accept a quiet, informal relationship in the short term in exchange for a firm commitment closer to 2027. If ADC demands immediate formal commitment as a condition of whatever is on offer, the ghost member strategy becomes politically untenable even if legally sound.

**Condition Three — Successfully recharacterise the Senate letter.** The identification letter already submitted to the Senate must be walked back or legally reframed. This requires creative drafting — a follow-up communication to the Senate clarifying that the letter expressed political sympathy and solidarity with ADC's policy positions rather than constituting formal notification of defection under Section 68. This is legally aggressive but not without foundation, and buys time for the broader strategy to take shape.

---

## PART FOUR — THE LITIGATION STRATEGY

Regardless of whether the Ghost Member Strategy succeeds politically, parallel litigation must be filed immediately. Its purpose is leverage, timeline management, and insurance.

### 4.1 Immediate Actions

**File at the Federal High Court** seeking a declaratory order that his defection — to whatever extent it occurred — is constitutionally valid given the prior suspension by APGA, and an injunction restraining the Senate from declaring his seat vacant pending determination. Nigerian courts have consistently held such matters are justiciable. A stay of proceedings keeping him in his seat while litigation runs its course is itself a significant victory.

**Commission forensic review of APGA's internal constitution** to determine whether the September 2025 Abia State chapter suspension violated APGA's own disciplinary procedures. If it did — and there are strong reasons to believe it did, given questions about the state chapter's competence over a national officer — APGA itself is in breach of its own constitution. That finding gives access to the Section 68(1)(g) exception for party constitutional violation, which is a far stronger defence than the de facto expulsion argument.

**Simultaneously challenge the suspension itself** in a separate originating summons, seeking an order declaring it void for procedural irregularity. A court declaring the suspension void has a paradoxical but useful effect — it tells the political world that APGA acted unlawfully against Abaribe, contextualising the defection as a response to institutional bad faith and generating public sympathy.

### 4.2 The Selective Enforcement Argument

Document, with specificity and dates, every instance where APC-controlled Senate leadership failed to invoke Section 68 against legislators who defected toward the ruling APC. Deploy this evidence in court proceedings and simultaneously in the media. While not a standalone constitutional defence, it creates grounds for arguing mala fides and political persecution — relevant at appellate level and before democratic accountability observers domestically and internationally. It also embarrasses the Senate leadership publicly and creates political cost for pursuing the case aggressively.

### 4.3 Appellate Strategy

Prepare now for the appellate journey. Brief experienced constitutional law senior advocates at the Court of Appeal and Supreme Court level. The litigation must not be treated as a Federal High Court matter alone. Given Nigerian judicial timelines, a well-managed appeal can run for eighteen months to three years — by which time the 2027 election cycle will have changed the political calculus entirely.

---

## PART FIVE — THE POLITICAL STRATEGY

### 5.1 The Core Political Reading

Abaribe defected for a reason. Understanding that reason is essential to the political strategy because the ultimate resolution of this crisis will be political, not judicial. Three possible motivating scenarios shape different strategic responses:

**Scenario A — 2027 Positioning.** If the defection is about building a platform for a 2027 gubernatorial or Senate re-election bid in Abia State under a stronger opposition vehicle, then time is his friend. The ghost member strategy serves him perfectly. He keeps his seat, builds quietly, and formalises only when the 2027 architecture demands it.

**Scenario B — Specific Immediate Political Ask.** If the defection was transactional — tied to a committee assignment, a federal patronage decision, or an ally's appointment — then the ghost member strategy is too slow and too quiet. He needs visible, completed defection to claim whatever reward is on offer. In this scenario the legal risk must be consciously accepted as the cost of the political gain.

**Scenario C — National Opposition Coalition.** If the defection is part of a broader 2027 opposition realignment strategy — possibly connected to Atiku, Peter Obi, or other figures building an anti-Tinubu coalition — then Abaribe is a piece in a larger chess game and his individual legal exposure may be considered acceptable collateral by the coalition architects. In this scenario, he needs the coalition to resource his legal fight and provide political cover.

### 5.2 Negotiated Settlement Path

The most probable successful outcome is a quiet political deal. Tinubu's administration has demonstrated consistent appetite for cross-party accommodation — absorbing opposition figures has been a defining feature of his political management style. The litigation creates enough noise and embarrassment that a quiet resolution becomes attractive to the Senate leadership.

The negotiated settlement parameters might include: Abaribe quietly recharacterises his ADC identification and returns to the APGA fold formally, in exchange for Senate leadership dropping the seat vacation process and possibly a committee assignment or other political accommodation. This preserves everyone's dignity and resolves the crisis without a destabilising judicial ruling that sets precedent neither side may ultimately want.

### 5.3 Brand Management

Abaribe's political brand is built on principled, independent opposition politics. He stood surety for Nnamdi Kanu. He has spent decades as a voice of Igbo political assertion. Constitutional hide-and-seek — if perceived as such — damages that brand among the Abia electorate whose trust is his ultimate political asset. The public communications strategy must frame this entire episode not as a defection crisis but as a story of a man who was politically persecuted by APGA before he sought a new home, and who is now being targeted by an APC Senate that selectively enforces constitutional provisions against opposition members. That framing is factually supportable, politically resonant, and electorally useful in Abia State.

---

## PART SIX — ACTION PRIORITY LIST

### Immediate — Within 72 Hours

One — Secure and authenticate the September 26, 2025 APGA Abia State suspension letter. Verify its procedural validity against APGA's party constitution.

Two — Retain constitutional law senior advocates and file for injunctive relief at the Federal High Court before the Senate's one-week ultimatum expires.

Three — Open back-channel communication with APGA national leadership to prevent a formal NEC-level expulsion from being issued.

Four — Draft a carefully worded follow-up communication to the Senate recharacterising the identification letter.

### Short Term — Within Two Weeks

Five — Commission full forensic audit of APGA's disciplinary constitution and procedures relative to the Abia State chapter's competence.

Six — Engage ADC national leadership on the terms of an informal arrangement pending 2027 formalisation.

Seven — Begin documenting selective enforcement instances for use in both litigation and the public communications strategy.

Eight — Clarify internally which of the three political motivation scenarios applies, as this determines the entire strategic weight distribution between the legal and political tracks.

### Medium Term — Within 90 Days

Nine — Assess the Federal High Court's response to the injunction application and calibrate whether the litigation track has genuine traction or is purely serving a leverage function.

Ten — Based on political scenario clarity, either pursue the negotiated settlement path or double down on the ghost member architecture for the long game to 2027.

---

## CONCLUDING COUNSEL'S ASSESSMENT

Senator Abaribe is not without options. His legal position is weak as a standalone proposition — 35% is not negligible, but it is not comfortable. His political position, however, is considerably stronger than that number suggests, because the APC-dominated Senate has its own vulnerabilities on selective enforcement, because Nigerian courts move slowly enough to preserve optionality, and because the Tinubu administration has repeatedly demonstrated preference for accommodation over confrontation with senior opposition figures who show willingness to negotiate.

The ghost member strategy is elegant, legally defensible, and politically shrewd — but it requires APGA's passive cooperation to hold. Securing that cooperation is the single most urgent priority in this entire advisory.

**The law gives him 35%. Good politics gives him considerably more. The synthesis of both, executed with discipline and urgency, is his best and most realistic path through this crisis.**

---

success1smyn:
Do you even understand the point being made, or you just want to criticize for the sake of criticizing?

Honestly people seem to be going mad in this country! What exactly are you trying to protect your face from being shown for? Are you a wanted criminal or fraudster?

Do you understand the stupidity of requiring privacy in a public space? We used have such words as media-shy, paparazzi, public indecency, dress code etc to denote comportment in public spaces.

How many times have you challenged tv stations covering public events? Why should if be different for content creators?

What if the lady has been a reporter for channels tv covering the bus shortage situation that day?

If you demand such privacy put on a hijab before going out.

APC has really been a curse to this country!

Rossychy:
Your matter tire me. What are you even saying?
Are you okay? What did I say wrong ? Is it the " she should abide by the laws or the suggestion of cooking at home or in private?" When has doing the proper thing become a crime? Or you are bored and looking for who will engage you. This is the last I will respond to you.
And trust me, I am trying really hard to be civil. If you dare call me that again, I will return the favour. Rubbeesh!

Are you doing anyone a favour by being civil or otherwise Mrs Hypocrite?

Why don't you go do something useful with your life instead of mindlessly pontificating about someone who's trying to help the underprivileged, something that Pharisees like you can never be caught doing yet find it easy to come and sermonize.

Even the Bible says that he who has not sinned should cast the first stone. LIE THAT YOU HAVE NEVER EATEN STREET FOOD BEFORE HYPOCRITE.

Rossychy:
Chai! Accuser of the brethren. So from all I have written, na only hypocrisy you see inside.

What you wrote just underlined your hypocrisy.

Person who no know you now go imagine say you no dey shit like the rest of us

Of all the problems Lagos is bedevilled with. It is someone trying to cook and share to the less privileged that is the source of your concern. Some of your really need psychiatric evaluation.

simpleseyi:
We will show her pepper. Shey she thinks that na Pastor Chris Okafor or Abiodun Gucci Fatoyinbo and other Yahoo boys on the pulpits? She go cry tire for social media when we start with her. She will go back to her state of origin to cook on the road by the time we deactivate all her social media accounts by telling Facebook, Instagram, TikTok and others to deactivate her accounts

Hypocrite. You never buy suya or akara for road before?

Rossychy:
Why I no go chop? Abi all the wedding and other occasions wey I dey attend, I see where they cook the food? But I still chop.
Forget matter.

Ishilove:
She could as well cook indoors and distribute. This is just mischief on her part

I'm sure you have never bought yam, akara, buns,puff puff or suya along the road before Hypocrite.

caprini1:
I have heard you....mind you in the last Afcon ,our defense was solid ,which deceived everyone into believing Nwabali was superman,until the day we faced Cote D'Ivoire in the final and Ola Aina played with injury ,two ivorien chance ,two goals ,a game we were leading

Anyway good luck to us....

Our defence was solid because we had a goalkeeper between the sticks who inspired confidence in the defence unlike the likes of Uzoho and Maduka. Maduka can only feature if Nwabali is injured. The number 1 spot was won strictly on merit. Maduka had enough time to wrest the top spot from Uzoho but he didn't.

caprini1:
I watch a lot of football bro....no agenda here,Maduka is better for the Super Eagles at the moment, Nwabali is a calamity waiting to happen.

Well done Great watcher of Football.

Thank God You are not Super Eagles coach.

Hate him or love him, Nwabali has been consistent with his GK performances for the Super Eagles.

That's why he has been chosen again and again by the coach over Maduka after assessing both in training. You seem to have forgotten how people were mocking Okoye for his fine boy looks not matching his performances which led to h running away from the Super Eagles for some time after he was demoted. We don't need to go back to the dark days of Okoye and Uzoho.

caprini1:
Try and watch South African league on DStv, believe me ,you will curse any coach that puts Nwabali between our goal post.

in terms of performance for the Super Eagles, Nwabali has been consistently superlative in his performances. He should not be run down because of his character instead he should just get a telling of from the coach.

Maduka Okoye may have improved for his team Udinese but he has cost us before in the Super Eagles so this discussion is not merit driven but agenda driven.

Very poor journalism piece.

Topic led with Nigerian Egyptian Roots, motorsports and being a model but the article did nothing to clarify all these.

Also the article was not able to shed light on the names of the higher institutions attended , dates attended or even state of origin of the lady.

This writer is a clear evidence of the poor standard of education in the country!

But the website of this so called Euroafrica was taken down after percursory investigations into the phone number and email address on the website proved to be false.

The imo state supreme court governor has served 6 years in a flash.

He should try to attend to the needs of the people so he can leave with a good legacy.

Contrary to popular belief, states like Abia and Enugu have shown that as government you can do a lot to transform the lives of your people in 2 years and that yes the government has the finances to do just that IF they want to.

So my appeal is to the Imo State Government to roll up their sleeves and fix as many roads, schools and hospitals as possible in all the LGAs before the expiration of their tenure.

As they say, the voice of the people is the voice of God

oyatz:
He was never a tout.


MC Oluomo started as a bus conductor, they driver ,then a Union official and later bought buses himself which were plying Oshodi-Abeokuta. People calling him touts ,know nothing about him and are just doing so, for political reasons.

Olodo tell me how he got money as a 'union official' to buy buses himself.

Oni jibiti

immortalcrown:
Your caption says, "2 years after your dad's demise". Your post says, "Your dad died 6 years ago". No coherence.

[sub][/sub]

Anyways, your mother is still young, and it is not wrong for her to remarry. There is no dishonour in her marrying another man since she is not a divorcee and nobody has accused her of being responsible for the death of her first husband. Between she marrying another man and sleeping around, which one do you prefer?

Blame your barbaric tradition, not your mother.

Some of you amaze me. How selfish can a mother be to abandon her kids who recently lost their dad to fend for themselves so she can go and marry another man? So who does she leave HER KIDS to take care of?

immortalcrown:
Is the good Samaritan willing to give the hospital his identity in case no one else shows up for the accident victim?

Nigerian database is too poor to support hospitals treating accident victims in certain situations. Many of you might claim that I am heartless. But isn't the nurse also a human? What if the victim fails to pay after treatment and the hospital mandates the nurse to pay the bill?

National Health Act, 2014 – Section 20

> "A health care provider, health worker or health establishment shall not refuse a person emergency medical treatment for any reason whatsoever."

Violations of this provision attract penalties, including fines and imprisonment.



What if police later gets involved and detains the girl when no one else shows up for the victim? In Nigeria, some legal actions have been criminalised and poor people are the victims. For a nurse to boldly refuse to treat the victim, even when she knows she is being recorded, she must have had many bitter experiences in such cases.


There is no legal basis for the Nigerian police to prosecute medical staff in the discharge of their duties. Any officer involved in such is liable to prosecution for abuse of power.


ADDED:
Those that attack me and wish that I get involved in a road accident have not been able to answer the question in my first paragraph. Their sentiments render their brains inactive. I never said that an accident victim should not be treated. The point is that whoever takes the victim to a hospital should give the hospital his or her identity in case no one else shows up for the victim. Anyways, whatever you wish me shall befall you in 100 folds unless you point out where I wish anybody bad.

I laugh at those who have quoted me and said I may have a road traffic accident on my next road trip. I had an accident in the year 2020. The moment it happened, I could not sit or stand. I sustained serious spinal injuries. I was rushed to a federal hospital around 3:30 PM. Something like a cast, maybe POP is the name, was applied to my thoracolumbar region, and an injection was given to me. Both the POP and the injection were bought by my uncle from a pharmacy outside the hospital. Then, I was left on a bed along a passage at the emergency unit. Only God knows why we met that bed there. No other bed along that passage. After about 2 or 3 hours, my uncle complained and questioned why I was still left along the passage. The medical record staff he spoke to called security to bounce him out of the hospital. Another accident victim was brought in around 11:00 PM. Around 3:00 AM, the relatives of that one angrily took him out to look for another hospital. I remained along the passage, groaning in pains until after 11:00 AM or 12:00 PM the next day because there was no network for the hospital to open a folder for me.

So many other pathetic events followed. Though I didn't lose sensation, no defecation and no urge for it for at least one week, I stopped having erection until after many months, my lungs felt deflated, no bathing for at least 4 months because my thoracolumbar region remained covered with the cast. I remained in bed for a while before I was mobilized on a wheelchair. But I never blamed the workers I met there because I understand that the system was not destroyed by them. This thing happened in the National Orthopaedic Hospital Enugu. So, the fools wishing me accident and the ones telling me about federal hospitals should know that I have been a victim. I contemplated euthanasia for myself because I never knew I would survive. I have suffered. I am leaving with pains. But I am not a sentimentalist. Glory to God. Now, I walk without crutches but can't lift heavy things or do so many things. I don't do physical exercise. I don't kneel down. But in all these, I am not sentimental and stupid like those of you that attack me here. I don't and will never scapegoat health workers. I blame them only when they are at fault.

The nurse has no basis for being ON DUTY at an accident and emergency ward and not doing her job which is to save lives. ALL victims even criminals have a right to life as enshrined in the Nigerian constitution. If she has concerns about doing her job, she has a right to stay at home or search for other jobs.

We all know the constraints and structural issues inherent in the Nigerian system but at no time should we justify people contracted to discharge a duty not giving their best.

If the victim dies the family of the victim has the right to SUE the hospital in general and the nurse in particular for criminal negligence and or manslaughter.

Once again, I need to ask what has been the benefit of the subsidy removal to Nigerians? Even dangote is feeling the pressure. Yet PBAT sycophants keep singing his praises.

Look at what he has reduced Nigerians to!

More and more people are experiencing desperate poverty with no end in sight!

This is a step in the right direction but the government needs to do more in terms of providing basic infrastructure and services for the citizens. If communal waste bins are cited everywhere for easy waste disposal (and routinely emptied by the disposal trucks, not allowed to overflow and cause more environmental hazard!and well maintained public toilets are provided all around, I can assure you Lagos will be cleaner and better for it . The remaining hard headed defaulters will be dealt with by the enforcement team.

Also conscious efforts should be made to sanitize our markets and provide them with all the necessary amenities for a cleaner and safer markets

PaChukwudi44:
Abegi shut up

Ask the constitution to shut up. Section 3d

Sheuns:
Define majority.
Define 2/3rd

Simple Majority is even if whoever gets more votes the ayes or the nays.

2/3rd is 2/3rd

EasternActivist:
Dey play... The Constitution was clear on 2/3rd go and read it, but this time don't cry

Go and read section 3d.

The president doesn't need a 2/3rd majority to pass the State of emergency. He only needs a simple majority of the National assembly according to Section 305 3d of the 1999 Nigerian constitution as amended. However this does not give the president the power to suspend an elected governor. That's executive overreach and would very likely be struck out on appeal at the supreme court.

AndroBlaze:
Please read my earlier reply above and you can send it to your SAN Falana.

All the cases he mentioned above where the Supreme court ruled that governors cannot appoint Sole administrators occured without constiutional state of emergencies being employed, already that is null and void. ( despite this, the same Fubara you people are defending commited the same sin).

Falana as usual is adding 2+ 2 to get 22 and it is the same way he wrongly advised Fubara that there was no way the Martins and Co were legislators when they had openly told all of us that they had defected. As usual his garulousness was corrected when the Supreme court made it clear that no judge can declare a seat vacant without first allowing the rightful speaker to declare a seat vacant.

People make mistakes, but Falana is making too many and the quality of his advice has really depreciated ever since Buhari did not make him AGF (and I even supported Falana at that time, as I still rate him as a far better legal mind than that useless bail lawyer Malami).

That 1961 law stands until a court declares it unconstitutional or it is repealed by the National Assembly. I side with common biblical sense (there can't be 2 masters at the same time) and a more solid AGF Olujimi on this (OBJ's AGF at that time).

What school did you finish from?

The claim that the 1961 Emergency Powers Act allows the president to remove a governor does not hold water under the 1999 Constitution.

The 1999 Constitution explicitly states in Section 1(3):
"If any other law is inconsistent with the provisions of this Constitution, this Constitution shall prevail, and that other law shall, to the extent of the inconsistency, be void."

This means that even if the 1961 law has not been formally repealed, it cannot override the constitutional limitations on presidential powers regarding the removal of governors.

The Supreme Court has consistently ruled against executive overreach, and any removal of a governor outside the constitutional process would be illegal and challengeable in court.

Furthermore, Olujimi’s position as AGF under Obasanjo does not make his legal interpretation final. The judiciary, not a former AGF, has the ultimate authority to determine constitutional matters.

Several Supreme Court judgments have affirmed that a governor cannot be removed outside constitutional processes, including impeachment or resignation.

In A.G. of the Federation v. Atiku Abubakar (2007), the Supreme Court ruled that even the Vice President could not be removed by presidential fiat.

In Ladoja v. INEC (2007), the court emphasized that a governor’s removal must strictly follow constitutional provisions.


Thus, whether or not a state of emergency is in place, the president cannot remove a governor under Nigerian law.