₦airaland Forum

The steady rise in the pump price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), commonly known as petrol, has intensified economic hardship across Nigeria, with prices climbing to nearly N1,400 per litre in several parts of the country, triggering widespread anxiety among transporters, commuters, and businesses.

Findings across major cities indicated that the latest surge, driven largely by rise in the price of crude oil, is shrinking incomes, inflating transport fares, and worsening the cost-of-living crisis for millions of Nigerians.

With the price of crude oil hitting almost $120 per barrel last week before settling at $112 over the weekend as the Middle East crisis rages, Dangote also adjusted its gantry price from N1,175 to N1,245 per litre.

In response to the latest increase, marketers also adjusted pump prices across the country with new prices ranging from N1,310; N1,325; N1,370 and N1,400 per litre depending on locations.

In Lagos, commercial drivers say the rapid increase in fuel prices is eroding their profits and threatening their livelihoods. At several filling stations, prices fluctuated between N1,320 and N1,330 over the weekend, with some outlets briefly selling as high as N1,380 before adjusting downward.

At stations operated by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), pump prices were revised upward twice within days, reflecting the volatility in the downstream sector.

Toheeb Sulaimon, a commercial driver operating along the Ogba–Ikeja route, said his daily earnings have dropped drastically due to rising fuel costs and declining passenger traffic.

“When fuel was around N800 per litre, I could spend about N9,000 on fuel and still make up to N30,000 in a day. Now, everything has changed. The cost has doubled, but passengers are fewer,” he said.

Maduka Chibo, another operator, said his daily fuel expenditure has risen sharply to over N20,000, compared to about N10,000 when petrol sold at N800 per litre.



Northern cities hit N1,390

In Kano, petrol prices climbed as high as N1,390 per litre, with several independent marketers adjusting their rates upward in response to supply costs.

Stations such as AA Rano and others revised prices from around N1,330 to between N1,385 and N1,390.

The increase has triggered a ripple effect on transportation, with commercial tricycle operators hiking fares significantly.

A resident, Ismail Mabo, recounted being charged N4,000 for a trip that would normally cost about N1,000, accusing operators of exploiting the situation.

Another resident, Abba Kabir, warned that the sustained rise in fuel prices could force many car owners to abandon their vehicles.

“At this rate, people will stop using their cars. Some may even convert them to commercial use just to survive,” he said.

Abuja, Kwara record fresh hikes

In Abuja, pump prices have also surged, with several filling stations now selling between N1,361 and N1,370 per litre. The increase followed a fresh pricing template issued by MRS Oil Nigeria Plc to its dealers, signaling a new benchmark for the market.

The company pegged its pump price at N1,332 per litre, with variations depending on delivery and collection terms, further highlighting the influence of supply chain costs.

Across filling stations in the Federal Capital Territory, prices have continued to edge upward, deepening concerns among residents already grappling with high living expenses.

In Ilorin, Kwara State, the situation is no different. A survey showed petrol selling between N1,295 and N1,343 per litre, depending on the outlet.

Residents say the persistent increases are stretching household budgets to the limit. Oladuni Lateefat, a civil servant, said her family’s daily expenses have surged beyond manageable levels.

“What we used to manage with N4,000 daily is no longer enough. Transportation alone is taking a huge part of our income,” she said, adding that she may stop using her car to commute.

Businesses are also feeling the impact. A cement dealer in Ilorin reported that rising fuel costs have already pushed up the price of cement by N500, with fears of further increases.

South-South faces black market surge

In Port Harcourt and Yenagoa, petrol prices have risen to between N1,300 and N1,400 at official stations, while black market rates have soared as high as N1,800 per litre.

The disparity has worsened the burden on residents, particularly in areas where access to formal filling stations is limited.

Commuters say transport fares have doubled in some cases. A trip that previously cost N300 to N400 in Port Harcourt now goes for as much as N700, reflecting the direct pass-through effect of fuel costs.

Similarly, inter-state transport fares have increased, with journeys such as Yenagoa to Uyo rising from about N9,000 earlier in the year to N11,000.

Gunmen have abducted the Secretary of Kibiya Local Government Area in Kano State after attacking his residence in Dinya town.

The Speaker of the local government council, Hon. Sabo Yusuf Usman, told the BBC that the incident occurred late Friday night.

“The incident happened around 1:00 a.m. while the secretary was asleep in his house,” he said.

He explained that the attackers woke the secretary’s son, who was sleeping in the outer compound, and forced him to knock on his father’s door under the pretence of a stomach ache.

“After he knocked, his father asked who it was, and he replied that it was his son. When asked what the problem was, he said he had a stomach ache. The father then opened the door, and the gunmen immediately seized him along with the son,” he said.

He added that the attackers later released the son but fled with the secretary before security operatives arrived at the scene.

Kibiya Local Government Area has largely been considered peaceful, though neighbouring areas such as Tsanyawa and Shanono, which share borders with Katsina State, have recorded repeated bandit attacks.

Although structural, political, and economic conditions appear to constrain any credibly concerted impediment to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s 2027 reelection chances, at least from my admittedly imperfect reading of the auguries, Tinubu still seems so insecure that he is borrowing a leaf from former Head of State Sani Abacha, his arch enemy, to annihilate the opposition and smooth his path to reelection.

There are at least three reasons why I think the odds are, at least for now, in Tinubu’s favor.

First, the opposition hasn’t coalesced around a single, powerful, unifying candidate, such as the APC did with Muhammadu Buhari in 2015, less than a year before the next presidential election. Meanwhile, Tinubu is already the undisputed candidate of his party and has effectively been in campaign mode, with all the advantages that incumbency confers.

Second, Tinubu’s economic policies have so pauperized a vast swath of the electorate that many voters are even more susceptible to financial inducement in exchange for their votes than at any time in recent memory. In a context where hunger and desperation shape electoral behavior, the moral calculus of voting changes.

Given that Tinubu commands a larger financial war chest than any individual opposition figure and perhaps more than all of them combined, he is better positioned to prevail in a contest defined by voter inducement. It often makes little difference to voters that the source of their hardship is also the source of the money offered to temporarily alleviate it.

Third, the institutions of the state that determine electoral outcomes inspire little confidence in their independence. INEC, which showed flashes of autonomy during Professor Attahiru Jega’s tenure, particularly in overseeing the 2015 transition, no longer enjoys the same level of public trust.

The judiciary, which ought to serve as the final arbiter of electoral disputes, is widely perceived as susceptible to political manipulation. Whether this perception is entirely fair is beside the point; what matters is that it is widespread and shapes expectations about electoral outcomes.

Given these seemingly insurmountable advantages, one might expect Tinubu to sit comfortably and await what could amount to an electoral formality. Yet his actions suggest a deep, crippling anxiety about 2027. He appears determined not just to win an election but to eliminate the possibility of a meaningful contest.

He is stealthily but systematically weakening all the political parties that could provide viable platforms for his opponents in 2027.

The Labor Party, which rode the crest of the wave of Peter Obi’s popularity to emerge from near obscurity to national prominence in 2023, has been mired in irresolvably debilitating internal crises. These crises may have internal origins, but their persistence and intensity have effectively neutralized the party as a coherent opposition force.

The Peoples Democratic Party is also deeply fractured. Through the outsized influence of FCT Minister Nyesom Wike, who retains significant leverage within the party despite serving in an APC administration, the PDP has been thrown into a prolonged internal dissension that has eroded its capacity to function as a credible opposition platform.

It would be an exaggeration to say that only APC sympathizers remain in the PDP, but it is accurate to say that its internal divisions have weakened its ability to mount a coordinated challenge.

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) had begun to present itself as a refuge for politicians displaced from the PDP, the Labor Party, and even factions within the APC. That possibility now appears imperiled by an emerging leadership crisis.

While David Mark is widely recognized as the party’s national chairman, Nafiu Bala Gombe, a former deputy national chairman, is contesting that leadership in court. Given how the courts have ruled in the past in respect of the PDP and LP, which many people suspect is induced from the Tinubu camp, it won’t come to me as a surprise if Gombe gets judicial imprimatur to displace Mark.

Allegations that Gombe is aligned with Tinubu or with interests sympathetic to him come primarily from partisan sources within the ADC and have not been independently substantiated. Still, given the pattern observable in other opposition parties, such suspicions are not entirely surprising. If the courts eventually validate Gombe’s claim, the ADC could become inhospitable to the very opposition figures who had begun to see it as a viable platform, as a safe political asylum.

The cumulative effect of these developments is that major opposition figures such as Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, and Rotimi Amaechi may find themselves without stable or credible party platforms on which to base presidential bids. Even if parties remain on paper, they risk becoming hollow shells, fielding “dummy” candidates who pose no real threat and merely sustain the illusion of competition. That’s banana-republic-level perversion of basic democratic norms.

This trajectory calls to mind the 1998 transition program under Sani Abacha. In that case, the regime licensed and controlled the only legal political parties, suppressed dissent, and orchestrated a process in which all five parties eventually adopted Abacha as their sole presidential candidate. It was a carefully managed political ritual dubiously designed to legitimize continued rule. Abacha didn’t get elected because he died before that could happen.

Nigeria is not under military rule, and the present circumstances are not, by any means, wholly identical. But the logic of narrowing the political field to the point where competition becomes illusory bears an uncomfortable resemblance.

There is no point in pretending to be a democracy if something as basic as the latitude to run for the office of president is strewn with avoidable cataracts and oxbow lakes, to paraphrase Nigeria’s most famous sesquipedalian Patrick Obahiagbon.

The danger for Tinubu is that such a strategy, even if it succeeds electorally, could strip his reelection of the faintest scintilla of credibility and render his administration vulnerable to an enervating crisis of legitimacy, including possible international scrutiny. Electoral victory is one thing; perceived legitimacy is another, and the latter is harder to manufacture.

It is true that incumbents often seek every available advantage. Olusegun Obasanjo’s 2003 reelection was marred by widely reported irregularities. He was so intent on extracting electoral insurance against Muhammadu Buhari in 2003 (even though Buhari was actually unelectable at that time) that he got more votes in native Ogun State than there were registered voters. But at least he allowed Buhari to run against him on a prominent political platform.

Goodluck Jonathan also benefited from incumbency advantages. Like Obasanjo, he faced recognizable opposition candidates on functioning party platforms. Even in 2019, when Atiku Abubakar mounted a serious challenge to Muhammadu Buhari, the contest, despite its controversies, retained the basic structure of competitive politics.

Tinubu risks earning a dubious distinction as Nigeria’s only civilian president who appears unwilling to tolerate even the minimum conditions for credible electoral competition. That is a striking departure for a man whose political reputation was built, in part, on opposition to military authoritarianism.

He still has time to recalibrate. The more prudent path is to allow opposition parties to organize freely and to make his case for reelection on the basis of his record. That, more than any tactical maneuvering, is what confers durable political legitimacy.

Cooking Gas In Nigeria More Expensive Than Saudi Arabia, Russia, India, Others Despite Lower Minimum Wage, Data Shows


A review of data published on the Global Petroleum Price portal has revealed that cooking gas in Nigeria is more expensive than in several other countries, including Saudi Arabia, Russia, India, and Angola, raising fresh concerns over energy affordability in the West African country.

According to the data, cooking gas, also known as Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG), was priced at $0.674 per kilogram in Nigeria as of March 16, 2026. The figure places Nigeria among countries with relatively higher LPG prices despite its status as a major oil and gas producer.

In contrast, the same commodity costs significantly less in a number of countries reviewed. In Saudi Arabia, LPG is priced at $0.290 per kilogram, while Russia records $0.388. Angola has one of the lowest prices at $0.109, while Azerbaijan stands at $0.091 per kilogram. Other countries listed include Honduras at $0.412, Belarus at $0.438, Armenia at $0.503, and the Dominican Republic at $0.596.

Further comparisons show Georgia at $0.624, India at $0.648, Paraguay at $0.656, and Chile at $0.674, placing Nigeria on par with Chile but still higher than many oil-producing nations and emerging economies.

In addition to pricing disparities, income levels further highlight the burden on Nigerian consumers.

Data on wage indicators shows that the minimum wage in Saudi Arabia is SAR 4,000, equivalent to about $1,065, while Nigeria’s minimum wage is approximately $49.

In Russia, the minimum wage stands at RUB 27,093, equivalent to about $321.32, underscoring the wider gap in purchasing power.

The rising cost of LPG in Nigeria reflects broader trends in the country’s energy market, where prices of petroleum products have continued to increase in recent months. These increases have had a direct impact on household energy costs, as more Nigerians rely on cooking gas as an alternative to kerosene and firewood.

On Tuesday, it was reported that Dangote Refinery increased its gantry price of LPG to N800 per kilogram, up from the previous N760/kg. The adjustment, which took effect on March 17, 2026, reflects ongoing changes in global energy costs and supply conditions.

Market checks indicate that the increase is linked to rising international crude oil prices, which have pushed up feedstock and refining costs, further influencing domestic pricing dynamics.

Former presidential candidate, Mr Peter Obi has expressed uncertainty about securing the presidential ticket of the African Democratic Congress, ADC, ahead of the 2027 elections.

In a video message to his followers, Obi said that getting the presidential ticket of the ADC is not certain.

He said: “Someone asked me how I know for sure that the ADC will give me the presidential ticket. I cannot be certain. What matters is that we are committed to a cause.

“I keep wondering how we ended up in this situation and what might happen if we decide to stop working on this project.”

Obi also said he is still committed to his goals, and he hasn’t let any reported threats stop him.

The former Labour Party presidential candidate praised his supporters for their resilience, recognizing the difficulties of working within opposition politics in Nigeria.

Obi thanked everyone who stayed loyal even though they didn’t get much benefit right away.

“I thank you for your sacrifice. It’s not easy to be in the opposition in Nigeria, and I’m thankful to those who keep supporting even when there’s no clear reward,” he said.

He, however, expressed uncertainty about the future, especially concerning political alliances and commitments.

“How can we be certain that the people we’re working with right now won’t leave us behind tomorrow? I wish we could be sure, but we can’t,” he said.

I am not certain of the ADC presidential ticket but i’m f+ghting for it, not afraid to campaign anywhere in Nigeria despite alleged thr+ats

~ Peter Obi says

pic.twitter.com/te6wj6zuGV

— Nigeria Stories (@NigeriaStories) March 19, 2026

The Federation of International Football Federations FIFA has rejected Nigeria’s petition to disqualify Congo DR on the grounds of alleged use of ineligible players.

FIFA’s decision was revealed by the Nigeria Football Federation in a media release on Tuesday.


Nigeria lost to Congo DR 4-3 on penalties following a 1-1 draw after extra time in their continental playoff final in Rabat, Morocco, with Congo DR set to represent Africa at the intercontinental playoff in Mexico later this month to vie for one of the outstanding two 2026 World Cup tickets.

Nigeria launched a petition against Congo DR for using players it alleged were ineligible for possessing dual nationalities. According to the NFF, the petition submitted in December was “based on perceived fraud in the issuance of passports that qualified a number of players of the Democratic Republic of Congo for the Play-offs.”

However, FIFA, through its disciplinary committee has rejected the petition after months of uncertainty, but the NFF has appealed against the outcome.

The country’s football governing body, through its Secretary General, Mohammed Sanusi, saidat it has begun the process of an appeal, just over a week before the intercontinental playoffs is set to kick off.

“We have received the decision of the FIFA Disciplinary Committee on our petition, but we are not satisfied with the decision, which rejected our petition.”

“I want to assure Nigerians that the NFF has immediately commenced the process of appealing the decision,” he said.

Nigeria last featured in the World Cup at the 2018 World Cup held in Russia.

The Super Eagles failed to qualify for Qatar 2022, and is set to miss consecutive World Cup tournaments for the first time since a maiden appearance at USA 1994.

Nigerians would have to grapple with a worsening cost of living as food inflation climbed alongside skyrocketing fuel and energy prices.

This comes at a time President Bola Ahmed Tinubu visits the United Kingdom on the invitation of King Charles III on Tuesday.

Nigeria’s National Bureau of Statistics Consumer Price Index and Inflation data released on Monday showed that the country’s food inflation rose to 12.12 percent in February 2026, up from 8.89 percent in the previous month.

NBS attributed the month-on-month rise in food inflation to increases in the average prices of beans, carrots, okazi leaf, cassava tuber, crayfish, millet flour, yam flour, snails, and avenger (ogbono/apon)—dried, unground—and cowpeas.

Meanwhile, headline inflation declined slightly by 0.04 percent to 15.06 percent in February, down from 15.10 percent in January. However, NBS’s data showed that prices increased at a faster pace on a monthly basis. The inflation rate stood at 2.01 percent in February, higher than the -2.88 percent recorded in January.

Fuel price continues to increase nationwide

February’s food inflation rise came at a time fuel prices climbed to as high as N1,330 per liter from between N875 and N900 per liter before the Iran-United States-Israel war escalation, which began on February 28th, 2026.

This comes as Dangote Refinery last week hiked its gantry petrol price for the fourth time to N1,175 per liter at the back of crude oil prices above $100 per barrel.

Dangote Refinery’s petrol hike triggered a retail fuel hike of N100 per liter by MRS filling stations and N50 by Optima Filling Stations to N1,267 and N1,270 per liter, respectively, in Abuja as of Monday.

Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited retail outlets and other filling stations, such as Raniol, AA Rano, Empire Energy, NIPCO, and Shema dispense petrol between N1,261 and N1,330 per liter. The fuel price hike has pushed transportation fares up nationwide in the last two weeks.

Why Nigeria’s food prices rose – Economist,Teriba

Economic experts have explained the recent increase in Nigeria’s food prices in February despite a slight decline in the country’s overall inflation rate.

Speaking with DAILY POST, popular Nigerian economist and Chief Executive of Economic Associates, Ayo Teriba, said the rise in food prices in February should not come as a surprise, noting that seasonal economic activities often influence price movements early in the year.

“Well, food prices rising in February should not be much of a surprise.

“It could be, you know, a combination of seasonal factors. It could be partly seasonal. Then it could also reflect that, you know, after the holidays there are usually a lot of activities in January.

“The prices typically would moderate in January and begin to pick up as economic activity picks up in February,” he said.

Teriba explained that the uptick in food prices could reflect normal economic patterns rather than a clear sign of renewed inflationary pressure.

“So a bit of an upswing in food prices in February will come as no surprise, you know, to anyone. And before you start saying that the food prices are rising, remember that they fell in January.

He further noted that the economy often slows at the start of the year before gradually picking up momentum.

“So the economy is still asleep. So the economy begins to keep up in food by February.

“So that’s one seasonal factor. It’s not a geographic season,” he added.

Teriba also raised concerns about inconsistencies in the inflation data released by the NBS, pointing out that the agency had earlier revised previously released inflation figures.

“Well, even the fact that NBS itself had come out to say it made a mistake last year. And it, you know, reannounced all of the inflation it released throughout last year.

“The NBS is not helping its unpredictability. But again, I would say that one or two more months will establish a pattern even with the NBS factor,” he said.

According to him, the current fluctuations in food prices could either signal the beginning of another inflationary trend or merely reflect short-term volatility.

“So right now let’s just note that food prices are showing volatility after two and a half years.

“After two and a half years of clear trends, from mid-2023 to end-2024, it was accelerating nonstop. From end-2024 to end-2025, it was decelerating nonstop. As a matter of fact, up to January 2025, it was decelerating.

“Now this is a departure. We don’t know if this is the onset of another long trend of acceleration or if this is just fluctuation. So it’s too soon to conclude,” he stated.

Nigeria’s headline inflation decline offers no comfort for households – Prof. Oyedokun

Also speaking, a professor of accounting and finance at Lead City University, Godwin Oyedokun, said the marginal decline in headline inflation offers little comfort to households struggling with the rising cost of living.

“The slight decline in Nigeria’s headline inflation from 15.10 percent in January to 15.06 percent in February appears positive on the surface, but the marginal nature of the decline suggests that the improvement is largely statistical rather than structural,” Oyedokun said.

“In practical terms, the change of 0.04 percentage points is too small to translate into any meaningful relief for households. Inflation remains relatively high, and the cost of living pressure on Nigerians persists,” he added.

He warned that the increase in food inflation to 12.12 percent is more concerning because food accounts for a significant portion of household spending.

“More concerning is the increase in food inflation to 12.12 percent, because food constitutes the largest share of household expenditure in Nigeria, especially for low- and middle-income earners.

“When food prices rise, it directly erodes purchasing power and deepens poverty levels. This trend signals that many families may continue to struggle to meet basic nutritional needs despite the slight moderation in overall inflation,” he said.

Oyedokun attributed the rise in food prices to several structural challenges affecting the agricultural sector.

“High energy costs, including petrol and electricity tariffs, raise production and transportation expenses for farmers, processors, and distributors.

“In addition, persistent insecurity in major agricultural belts disrupts farming activities, reduces output, and discourages investment in agriculture,” he explained.

He added that logistics challenges and post-harvest losses are also contributing to supply constraints within the food sector.

According to him, the situation reflects what economists describe as cost-push inflation, where rising production costs are passed on to consumers.

“The implication is that the economy may be experiencing what economists describe as cost-push inflation, where rising production costs are transmitted to consumers.

“Even if monetary authorities succeed in moderating aggregate inflation, food prices may continue to rise unless supply-side constraints are addressed.”

Oyedokun called for stronger policy actions to address the structural drivers of food inflation.

“First, the government must intensify efforts to improve security in agricultural regions to enable farmers to return safely to their farms.

“Second, investments in agricultural infrastructure, storage, and transportation systems are essential to reduce post-harvest losses and improve market efficiency,” he stated.

He added that targeted energy and logistics support for agriculture could help ease cost pressures in the food supply chain.

“Finally, policymakers must focus not only on inflation figures but also on real welfare indicators, such as household purchasing power, employment, and food accessibility.

“Sustainable inflation control requires a coordinated approach involving fiscal, monetary, and structural reforms.

“In essence, while the marginal decline in headline inflation offers a technical sign of stability, the rise in food inflation underscores the persistent hardship facing ordinary Nigerians and highlights the urgent need for stronger supply-side and social protection policies,” he told DAILY POST.

In the coming weeks and coming months, Tinubu will begin to lose sleep when he sees the true colour of human beings.

- Dele Momodu, Fmr. Presidential candidate, on the 2027 general elections#SundayPolitics pic.twitter.com/w4mRI1be3F

— Channels Television (@channelstv) March 15, 2026

The diminution of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) reached a symbolic pinnacle this week when a wave of defections swept through the National Assembly. Several PDP senators, including former Sokoto State governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, formally dumped the party for the African Democratic Congress (ADC), while multiple members of the House of Representatives also abandoned it for the ADC or the ruling APC.

Not every PDP legislator has left yet, but at this point it’s only a matter of time. With only two term-limited, lame-duck governors in Bauchi and Oyo states (whose continued membership in the PDP can’t even be guaranteed until 2027), I think it’s safe to say the PDP is officially dead.

For people of my generation who followed Nigerian politics closely in the early years of the Fourth Republic, the extinction of the PDP feels surreal. There was a time when the party seemed as permanent as the Nigerian state itself. It governed Nigeria for 16 uninterrupted years and so completely dominated the political landscape that opposition parties looked like pitiful ornamental appendages to the system.

At its height, the PDP controlled 31 of Nigeria’s 36 states, similar to today’s APC. Governors, senators, representatives, ministers, retired generals and career political jobbers all gravitated toward it. It was the ultimate receptacle of power and influence. In those days, joining the PDP was the closest thing Nigeria had to acquiring political insurance.

The arrogance that flowed from that dominance was legendary. In April 2008, the party’s then national chairman, Vincent Ogbulafor, boasted that the PDP would rule Nigeria for 60 years. He added, with startling candor, that he didn’t care if Nigeria became a one-party state. At the time, the statement sounded like the confident exaggeration of a man who believed he was speaking from the center of history.

It turns out he was speaking from the edge of a cliff. Today, the PDP that proclaimed itself, with egotistical airs, to be Africa’s largest political party is a shell of its former self.

The previously expansive PDP umbrella now effectively shelters only two governors and a sprinkling of legislators (about seven senators and 17 representatives) who are plotting exit strategies from it.

That is a dramatic, never-before-seen political evaporation in Nigeria. But the PDP did not die suddenly. Its collapse has been a long, drawn-out process of self-sabotage punctuated by opportunistic defections, personal vendettas and spectacular displays of elite treachery.

The first decisive blow to the party came in 2015 when the party lost the presidency to the newly assembled All Progressives Congress (APC). For 16 years, the PDP had been the gravitational center of Nigerian politics because it controlled the federal government. Once that power vanished, the coalition that sustained it began to unravel.

Many Nigerian politicians do not join parties because of ideological affinity or programmatic conviction. They join because of proximity to power. When the PDP ceased to be the custodial party of federal authority, it also ceased to be the natural home of political opportunists.

The defections began almost immediately. Ogbulafor, who had said PDP would rule for 60 years, was one of the first PDP politicians to visit the APC secretariat in April 2015, a month before the inauguration of Muhammadu Buhari as president.

Politicians who had sworn eternal loyalty to the party discovered overnight that their political convictions had changed. Governors defected. Legislators defected. Party chieftains switched allegiances with a speed that would impress Jamaica’s Usain Bolt.

Nothing captures the PDP’s institutional collapse more vividly than the fate of its own former leaders. At least four former national chairmen of the party eventually ended up in the APC: Barnabas Gemade, Audu Ogbeh, Ali Modu Sheriff, and Adamu Mu’azu. In other words, men who led the PDP at the highest level later abandoned it for its main rival.

What remained after 2015 was a wounded party that still had a chance to recover if it had managed its internal conflicts with maturity and discipline. Instead, it chose fratricide. No individual embodies the party’s self-destructive impulses more distinctly than Nyesom Wike.

Wike’s quarrel with the PDP became especially bitter after he lost out in the struggle for the party’s presidential ticket. What followed was a prolonged campaign of internal destabilization that culminated in the notorious rebellion of the so-called G-5 governors, who are now at odds with each other.

During the 2023 election cycle, these governors effectively turned their backs on their own party’s presidential candidate and openly fraternized with Bola Tinubu of the APC. It was one of the most extraordinary acts of partisan self-immolation in Nigeria’s democratic history.

A ruling party undermining itself from within is not unheard of. But a major opposition party actively assisting the ruling party to defeat itself is an entirely different category of political absurdity.

The strange part was that the PDP never summoned the courage to discipline the rebellion. Instead, it spent months pleading for reconciliation with politicians who had already crossed the psychological Rubicon separating loyalty from hostility.

The party leadership appeared incapable of recognizing that the rebellion was not a temporary disagreement but a permanent structural rupture.

In Nigerian politics, when a politician begins to work openly against his own party’s presidential candidate, reconciliation meetings are unlikely to restore trust.

The result was predictable. The PDP entered the 2023 elections deeply fractured and emerged from them even weaker.

Since then, the party has existed in a state of perpetual crisis. Leadership disputes, court cases and factional rivalries have turned the party into a theater of endless internal conflict. Instead of projecting the image of a credible national alternative to the APC, the PDP has appeared increasingly like a quarrelsome family fighting over inheritance while the house burns.

Nothing illustrates this political dysfunction more vividly than recent events in Abuja’s local government elections. A candidate who won a chairmanship seat on the PDP platform reportedly wasted no time switching allegiance to the APC. That act captured the party’s predicament more eloquently than any formal political analysis.

Winning an election under the PDP banner now appears to create immediate anxiety about political survival.

It also reflects the ambiguous political posture of figures like Nyesom Wike, who continues to claim PDP membership while acting in ways that frequently align with the interests of the ruling APC.

The cumulative effect of these developments has been the gradual hollowing out of the party. The PDP still exists as a legal entity. It still has offices and officials. But its actual institutional authority has vanished. What remains is largely the disguised extension of the APC.

There is an irony in all this. The PDP helped normalize the culture of defections that is now destroying it. For years, it enthusiastically welcomed defectors from rival parties, rewarding them with positions and privileges. Party loyalty was never a particularly prized virtue in its political culture.

The party’s strategy was simple: absorb everyone and expand the coalition of power. That strategy worked for as long as the PDP controlled the federal government. Once it lost that advantage, the logic of opportunism that benefited it began to operate against it.

Politicians who previously defected into the PDP now defect out of it. In other words, the PDP became a victim of the political habits it cultivated.

The party’s decline also illustrates a larger truth about Nigerian politics. Political dominance should never be confused with institutional strength. APC will do well to learn this elemental truth.

For 16 years, the PDP looked invincible. It won elections easily, controlled most state governments, and occupied the commanding heights of the federal state. But it never built a durable institutional structure capable of surviving the loss of power.

It was essentially a coalition of powerful individuals held together by access to the resources of the federal government. Once those resources disappeared, the coalition gradually disintegrated.

What we are witnessing today is the final stage of that disintegration. For a political organization that had proclaimed it would rule Nigeria for 60 years, this is a remarkably brief lifespan.

People of Katsina Central have returned the rice that was given to them by Senator Abdulazeez Yar'adua.

APC must understand it is no longer business as usual in Northern Nigeria. pic.twitter.com/3yYd1a5nsX

— Arewa Source (@Arewa_Source) March 12, 2026

At least 14 people have been killed and several others injured in two separate bandit attacks in Dandume and Musawa local government areas of Katsina State.

In the first attack, hoodlums armed with automatic weapons stormed the Dansoda community in Dandume LGA at about 8 pm on Tuesday, killing 11 residents.

A local who spoke on condition of anonymity said community members had just broken their Ramadan fast and were seated outside when the assailants opened fire.

“People ran helter-skelter as the bandits shot sporadically and also targeted some of the fleeing community members.

“After they left, we cautiously came out and discovered that 11 people had been killed during the mayhem,” the resident said.

The victims were buried according to Islamic rites at about 9 am on Wednesday, while the injured were taken to hospitals for treatment.

As of the time of filing the report, the state police command had not responded to inquiries about the Dandume incident.

In a related attack, Katsina State Police Public Relations Officer, DSP Abubakar Sadiq, confirmed that bandits attacked Jikamshi village in Musawa LGA at about 6:10 pm the same day, killing three people and injuring 11 others.

“On March 10th, 2026, at about 1805 hrs, a distress call was received at Musawa Division that suspected armed bandits attacked Jikamshi village, injuring 14 persons before the arrival of security agencies.

“A joint security team responded and engaged the bandits in a gun duel, successfully foiling the attack,” DSP Sadiq said.

He added, “The injured victims were rushed to the nearest hospital. Unfortunately, three were confirmed dead, while 11 are receiving treatment.

“The Commissioner of Police condemned the attack and directed further investigation to apprehend the perpetrators.”

Sources said the bandits operated for more than an hour, looting shops and carting away food items and other valuables worth millions of naira.

Residents had reportedly alerted security operatives and government officials before the attacks.

The attacks come shortly after a peace agreement between security-prone communities and repentant bandits, which included the release of about 70 suspected and convicted bandits, a move that drew criticism from several Nigerians.

The House of Representatives on Wednesday amended Section 77 of the recently assented Electoral Act 2026 to prescribe two-year jail term or N10 million fines or both, for anyone who knowingly maintains membership of two political parties at the same time.

Daily Trust reports that lawmakers during the committee of the whole presided by Deputy Speaker Benjamin Okezie Kalu, made amendment to section 77 of the 2026 Act by inserting three new clauses 8, 9 and 10 which were considered and approved by lawmakers after a heated session of back and forth debates.

According to the new clauses approved by lawmakers, any party member found to be registered as member of more than one political party at the same time will have his or membership of the said parties voided.


Clause (8 ) of the approved amendment stipulates that “A person shall not be registered as a member of more than one political party at the same time.”

Clause (9) stipulates that “Where it is established that a person is registered as a member of more than one political at the same time, such dual membership shall be void, and the person shall cease to be recognised as a valid member of any political party pending regularisation in accordance with the provisions of this Act and the constitution of the political party concerned.

Clause (10 ) stipulates that “A person who knowingly registers or maintains membership in more than one political party at the same time commits an offence is liable on conviction to a fine of N10,000,000 or to imprisonment for a term of two years, or both.”

Activities at the Lagos International Trade Fair Complex were disrupted as traders shut down the facility while protesting a proposed takeover of the market’s management by state and local government authorities.

The traders said they were concerned about the implications of the planned arrangement, including possible new levies and taxes that could affect their businesses.

Many traders insisted that the complex is a federal facility and called for further consultations before any changes to its management structure are implemented.

The development led to the closure of shops across the complex, leaving hundreds of traders gathered around parks and garages within the market premises as discussions continued.

The ASPANDA Market within the complex—one of the largest spare parts markets in Lagos—was among the sections affected by the shutdown.

Eyewitnesses said traders began the protest early in the morning by locking up their shops and stalls to draw attention to their concerns over the proposed changes.

“We are not against development, but we are concerned about the possible levies and taxes that may be introduced if the management structure changes,” a trader who identified himself as Emeka Onu said.

Meanwhile, Nigeria’s Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment, Jumoke Oduwole, visited the market during the day as part of efforts to engage with traders and encourage the reopening of the complex.

Before commencing her tour of the market, the minister urged that the gates of the complex be opened to traders, stating that her visit was aimed at interacting with stakeholders and supporting the smooth conduct of business activities.

Fresh concerns have emerged over the possibility of petrol prices in Nigeria surging as high as N3000 per litre, following a new increase in depot prices by Dangote Refinery, while the Presidency has declined to comment on the development.

Nigerians are already grappling with higher fuel costs after the price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) rose to about N1,400 per litre, while Automotive Gas Oil (diesel) climbed to N1,750 per litre at some filling stations.

The development followed a fresh adjustment by Dangote Refinery, which on Monday increased its gantry price for petrol to N1,175 per litre and N1,620 per litre for diesel.

The Nigerian Presidency has however not come out with an official position or measures to address the lingering crisis.

Already, many fuelling stations are adjusting their pump to show the new price.

Stations operated by brands such as Ranoil and Empire Energy, as well as other outlets in the Federal Capital Territory and surrounding areas, raised petrol prices to between N1350 and N1400 per litre.

Diesel prices also surged, with some filling stations selling the product at about N1,750 per litre, a significant jump from roughly N1,365 per litre recorded earlier.

Industry operators warn that the latest price adjustments could worsen if urgent steps are not taken to stabilize the market.

Daily Post quoted the National President of the Petroleum Products Retail Outlets Owners Association of Nigeria, Billy Gillis‑Harry, as saying that petrol and diesel prices could rise dramatically in the coming months.

According to him, “We have a Naira-for-crude deal in place. However, the policy does not impact the crude oil price on the international crude oil market.

“The policy is only saving the dollar because the volatility of the currency is dependent on imports. Dangote has increased the petrol gantry price thrice due to the market realities.

"This is why we have urged the regulators to work towards a price stability programme without regulating price,” he noted.

The warning has heightened fears among consumers that the country could be heading toward another major fuel price shock if global oil prices remain volatile and local supply costs continue to rise.

Energy analysts say the current pricing structure means retail fuel prices are now largely influenced by international crude prices, exchange rate fluctuations and refinery operating costs, factors that could push pump prices significantly higher in the near term.

Already, as of the time of this report, oil prices have surged past $100 a barrel amid the fallout from the United States and Israel’s war on Iran.

Brent crude, the international benchmark, rose by more than 30 percent on Sunday, at one point topping $119 a barrel, as fears grew of prolonged disruption to global energy supplies.

The development marked the first time the price rose above $100 per barrel since Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine.

Oil prices dropped back to about $110 per barrel after The Financial Times reported that the Group of Seven finance ministers would discuss the release of petroleum reserves in coordination with the International Energy Agency.

SaharaReporters reported that fresh economic hardship may be on the horizon for millions of Nigerians after the Dangote Petroleum Refinery increased the gantry price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), commonly known as petrol, to N1,175 per litre, marking the third price hike within one week.

The latest price adjustment was communicated to petroleum marketers on Monday, raising the ex-depot price from N995 per litre announced on Friday, representing an increase of N180 or about 18.1 per cent within just three days.

The refinery also revised the gantry price of Automotive Gas Oil (diesel) to N1,620 per litre, further heightening concerns among businesses already struggling with rising operating costs.

Checks by SaharaReporters on the industry pricing platform petroleumprice.ng showed that the revised rates had already been updated across petroleum depot pricing systems, signalling an immediate shift in the benchmark price used by downstream marketers across the country.

The new increase represents the third surge in petrol prices within a week, following earlier adjustments that pushed the refinery’s gantry price from N774 to N874, and subsequently to N995 per litre before the latest hike to N1,175.