₦airaland Forum

After about three years since the launch of the epic project, the Kolmani oil drilling, Weekend Trust took a trip to the site of the project. The Kolmani River field, located on the border between Bauchi and Gombe states within the Gongola Basin, represents perhaps the most strategically significant inland hydrocarbon prospect outside the Niger Delta region.

On a sunny Saturday morning in January 2026, our team set out from the outskirts of Alkaleri in Bauchi State. The destination was Kolmani, the site of the first commercial oil discovery in Northern Nigeria. Although, the field is only 68 kilometers from Alkaleri, the journey took nearly an hour and a half due to the poor state of the road.

As we approached, we observed that the oil field appeared quiet, and movement was heavily restricted. Our mission was clear: to investigate the status of the Kolmani Integrated Development Project, flagged off on November 22, 2022, by the late former president, Muhammadu Buhari.

In past decades, multinational companies like Shell and Chevron explored the Kolmani axis within the Benue Trough. They eventually withdrew, reportedly due to poor preliminary results, technical challenges, high operating costs, and the logistical nightmare of transporting heavy equipment to a landlocked region, Weekend Trust gathered.

However, in 2019, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC) announced a breakthrough: the discovery of crude oil in commercial quantities. During the official flag-off, the late former President Buhari stated that the field holds an estimated one billion barrels of oil and 500 billion cubic feet of gas.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, then, the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential candidate, was also present and pledged his commitment to the project. At campaign rallies and during a later visit to the Emir of Gombe, Dr. Abubakar Shehu Abubakar 111, Tinubu reiterated thus: “When we were coming this afternoon, we were looking at the array of land. He [Governor Inuwa Yahaya] asked me: ‘What about Kolmani? Are you going to continue where you and Buhari left?’ I said, yes. Inuwa, you can guarantee that. That will be the emphasis.”

Yet, years after the inauguration, the project remains clouded in uncertainty. And the situation appears to have worsened by the recent Executive Order 9. There are concerns that stripping the NNPC Ltd of key revenue streams may undermine capital-intensive frontier exploration efforts, notably in the Lake Chad Basin and Kolmani River projects in northern Nigeria.

President Tinubu had on February 13, 2026, signed the Executive Order mandating the direct remittance of all oil and gas revenues into Nigeria’s Federation Account, effectively eliminating longstanding revenue retention mechanisms previously enshrined within the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021.

Observers believe that though aimed to increase revenue for the government, the Order would constitute a drawback for exploration in the Northern Basins such as Chad, Sokoto, Benue, and Anambra.

Observers said the Order constitutes an albatross, adding that active exploration and geological programmes in the North are at risk of slowing down or stalling.

According to them, the policy will cause technical teams to do away with their equipment, thus making it more expensive to restart projects in the future.

They expressed worry that the policy has brought about uncertainty, forcing international partners to re-evaluate their involvement in Northern Nigeria’s oil exploration.

They bemoaned that Northern states that had started planning for local economic development relating to oil exploration face a potential freeze on these prospects.

Martin Onovo, a petroleum engineer, told Weekend Trust that the federal government was “mischievous and deceptive” over the removal of the 30% Frontier Exploration Fund (FEF).

According to him, Tinubu’s executive order directing the immediate remittance of oil revenues to the Federation Account and removes the 30% Frontier Exploration Fund (FEF) retention by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) shows lack of quality governance.

He said apart from starving the northern exploration basins, the Order constitutes avenue for job cuts and a reduction in the country’s general exploration efforts.

According to him, it was a misnomer for the president to override the Petroleum Industry Act with the executive order to remove the 30% Frontier Exploration Fund (FEF).

An insider speaks

Upon arrival, our team observed security operatives guarding the perimeter, but the oil rigs and critical technical staff were nowhere to be found. From a distance, a broken zinc sheet rattled on the roof of a storehouse meant for drilling pipes.

A worker at the site, speaking on the condition of anonymity, confirmed that professional explorers had exited the location, citing a possible dispute between contractors and the federal government.

“The contractors were meant to spend four years in the field, but they exited in less than a year,” the worker said. “We are convinced they had a problem with the government because they didn’t even reach the one-year mark of their timeline.”

The stoppage has had a devastating human cost, Weekend Trust gathered. “Some staff were taken off the payroll once the work stopped. The pause has plunged people into bankruptcy. Their plight resembles that of a wealthy man who suddenly goes broke. We are trapped in a dilemma,” the worker lamented.

Despite the halt, the insider confirmed that the technical potential is real: “There was a breakthrough. Oil wells were dug, and samples were exported for evaluation in the global market and the United States. It was certified and rated as good. We just need the government to return to the site.”

The project was designed to be a massive economic engine, featuring a 120,000-barrel-per-day refinery, a gas processing plant, a fertilizer plant, and a 300-megawatt power plant. For the people of Gombe and Bauchi, this represented a lifeline.

Musa Abubakar, a youth leader in Sabon Kaura, however, raised allegations of exclusion. “We have many demands. We need employment for our people. Even as cleaners or labourers, our youths with diplomas are being ignored. We feel betrayed.”

Muhammadu Ahmadu, an elder in the area, recalled watching the rigs being hauled away. “We witnessed the heavy trucks transporting the machines out of the field. Our demand is for the work to resume.”

Isa Ibrahim, a community leader in Salihawa, a village nestled within the Kolmani axis, urged the government to see the project through to completion.

“The discovery of oil brought such happiness,” Ibrahim said. “With financial freedom, the North will finally be developed. We want this exploration completed. More than anything, I want to see our youths employed.”

However, that hope is increasingly overshadowed by frustration. Muhammadu Sadi, another resident of the host community, spoke about the high unemployment rate and the perceived neglect of local talent.

“I feel nothing but sadness,” Sadi lamented. “We thought this discovery was our ticket to progress, but it has been one setback after another. Not a single person from our village was hired. We were given the impression that our people would be engaged, instead, they brought in outsiders. None of my friends or relatives secured a job before the work ground to a halt.”

Political and bureaucratic ‘red tape’

The project is a partnership between NNPCL (51% equity), the New Nigeria Development Company (49%), Africa Oilfield Movers Limited, and Sterling Global Oil.

Oil Prospecting Licences for Kolmani (OPL 809 and 810) were issued in 2006, according to the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission.

The Minister of State for Petroleum Resources announced in May 2025, that President Tinubu had approved all “critical regulatory licences” for the project. It remains unclear whether this move reinforces previous agreements or restructures them entirely. This ambiguity, coupled with ongoing project delays, has sparked criticism from regional stakeholders, including Dr. Ahmad Gana, a former Commissioner of Health in Gombe State.

Dr. Gana expressed his frustration, dismissing the explanation that workers and equipment were moved following the completion of their assignments.

“It is deeply disappointing that this project has been abandoned. Much like the Mambilla power project, which exists only on paper, Kolmani is becoming another broken promise. You don’t evacuate an entire site if you intend a seamless transfer of staff. What are they going to use to continue the work?”

Dr. Ladan Salihu, former Director-General of the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN), questioned if the project had become mired in “red tape.” He urged the government to conduct a SWOT analysis and engage local stakeholders to break the current deadlock.

“We are appealing to the government and the NNPC Limited to fast-track the drilling so that our people can feel the economic benefits.

“They must engage every stakeholder in the chain to analyse the strengths, weaknesses, and challenges slowing this project. I remain convinced that what the late President Muhammadu Buhari started in 2022 will, insha’Allah, come to fruition,” he said.

The sluggish development of the Kolmani oil field has reignited allegations of regional bias. Some analysts argue that these disparities are rooted in the early history of Nigeria’s petroleum industry.

Nigeria possesses seven primary sedimentary basins, but their development remains starkly uneven. The three in the South — the Niger Delta, Anambra Basin and Dahomey Basin — are actively producing, while the four in the North — the Benue Trough, where Kolmani is located, Bida Basin, Chad Basin and Sokoto Basin — remain largely dormant.

This development continues to fuel debate regarding political will and federal commitment.

Engineer Yabagi Sani, a retired senior officer of the NNPC, who once led a monitoring forum for the Bida Basin, provides historical context. “Exploration in the North started at the same time as the Niger Delta,” Sani notes. “The shift in attention to the South occurred simply because it was considered easier to execute.”

Despite the technical hurdles of drilling in the North, Sani believes stronger commitment could have fast-tracked progress, noting that five years is typically ample time to complete an oil well. He places the blame squarely on a lack of local accountability.

“We do not hold our leaders to account, especially in the North,” Sani argues. “Who is questioning the budget? Who is asking how much is being allocated to develop Kolmani, the Sokoto Basin, or the Benue Trough? The failure lies with our own people in power.”

To break the cycle of failure, Sani advised the government to adopt a “sweet and sour” investment policy used in other nations.

“Governments elsewhere use this to manage investors,” he explained. “You tell a company, ‘I will give you a license for a lucrative field in the Niger Delta (the sweet), but in exchange, you must commit to exploring and developing a set number of wells in the North (the sour).’ This ensures equitable development across the country.”

He also criticised Northern governors for focusing on regional airlines instead of investing directly in Kolmani. “The government has no business in airlines. They should have put down billions of Naira so that investors would see the commitment to making Kolmani productive.”

Kidnappings shadow oil discovery

While the machines at Kolmani have fallen silent, the surrounding communities are facing a noisy and terrifying new reality: a surge in kidnappings. This year alone, several residents have been displaced as bandits move into the vacuum left by the project’s slow pace.

Opinions are divided on whether the oil discovery itself attracted the criminals. An anonymous worker at the site noted the sudden shift in safety:

“Last week, we lost three to five people. This is strange; it never happened before. While these attacks might not be targeting the oil field directly, we fear the insecurity will eventually swallow everything. They are targeting wealthy residents and demanding massive ransoms,” he said.

In Sabon Kaura, the desperation is palpable. “The security operatives are trying, but the kidnappers are powerful and well-armed,” said Muhammad Sarkin Yamma. “They barge into homes; if you resist, they shoot.”

Another resident, Madugu Hassan, pointed to piles of luggage belonging to families who have already fled. “We change where we sleep every night. We’ve heard of ransoms ranging from N10 million to N30 million. Sometimes, they kill the victim even after the money is paid.”

As the Kolmani project stalls, the Northeast Governors’ Forum recently shifted its focus, unveiling plans for a regional airline. This move has drawn sharp criticism from those who believe the region’s natural resources should take precedence.

Oil and gas expert, Engineer Yabagi Sani, did not hold back

“The government has no business running airlines. They should focus on gigantic macroeconomic projects—like Kolmani—that create a multiplier effect for other businesses. It feels like laziness, looking for ‘easy’ money. The governors should be putting down billions to ensure Kolmani becomes productive, not buying planes.”

Based on evidence gathered during this investigation, three facts are undeniable:

Zero activity: No active drilling is ongoing at the Kolmani oil field.

Missing equipment: The heavy oil rigs have been completely demobilised and removed from the site.

Absent workforce: Key operational and technical workers are no longer present.

Seeking clarity, Weekend Trust reached out to both state and federal authorities:

Gombe State: The Commissioner for Energy and Mineral Resources, Sanusi Ahmed Pindiga, said via text that “efforts are underway” and a consultant would eventually brief the media.

Bauchi State: The Commissioner of Natural Resources Development, Muhammad Maiwada, did not respond to multiple calls or interview requests.

For NNPC Limited: Weekend Trust submitted a formal Freedom of Information (FOI) request to the NNPCL’s Group Chief Executive Officer, Bayo Ojulari in Abuja. As of the time of this report, the NNPCL had not responded to the FOI or subsequent messages sent to their Chief Corporate Communications Officer, Andy Odeh.

However, a staff of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), who wishes to remain anonymous as he is not authorised to speak to the press, said the delay in operations of the Kolmani oil field is due to lack of investors to take over from where the federal government stopped.

The source stated that without a private company taking the reins from where the government stopped in the discovery of crude oil in commercial quantities, “there is nothing the government can do”.

“Most investors are worried about the logistics aspect of the field because you need a pipeline to transport the cure to a refinery or export terminal in the case of transportation. When you look at the distance of the field and where it can be utilised, it will take billions of dollars to construct infrastructure that will facilitate achieving this”.

Kolmani was heralded as a historic breakthrough—the dawn of Northern Nigeria’s oil era. Today, the site is a graveyard of high expectations. The licenses exist and the promises were made, but the rigs are gone.

The question begging for answer is; When will Kolmani move from political ceremony to actual commercial production? For now, the silence at the site speaks louder than any official statement.

Tinubu Blocks Mass Firing Of 30 DIGs, AIGs Following Tunji Disu’s Takeover As Acting IGP



A planned shake-up that would have seen the compulsory retirement of around 30 Deputy Inspectors General (DIGs) and Assistant Inspectors General of Police (AIGs) following the removal of Kayode Egbetokun as Inspector-General of Police (IGP) has been halted by President Bola Tinubu.

Egbetokun has since handed over to his successor, Acting IGP Tunji Disu.

SaharaReporters has exclusively learned that the President intervened to stop the mass firing of senior officers.

The appointment of a new Acting IGP has reignited a nationwide debate over the controversial practice of compulsory retirement for senior police officers. Historically, such transitions trigger a wave of exits among top-ranking officers.

An internal list circulating within the Force indicates that at least eight DIGs, including Yahaya Abubakar (Finance), Adebola Hamzat (Logistics), Adebowale Williams (ICT), and Frank Mba (Training), were expected to be retired to preserve the command hierarchy.

“However, the Presidency has halted the firing of DIGs and AIGs, saying the new acting IGP Disu needs their experience,” a Presidency source told SaharaReporters on Friday.

Disu’s appointment came less than two months before his scheduled retirement at the mandatory age of 60.

Born on April 13, 1966, in Lagos State, Disu, police serial number AP 41729, was promoted to Assistant Inspector-General on March 6, 2025, and was originally set to retire on April 13, 2026.

Under the amended Police Act, which allows Inspectors-General of Police to serve a four-year tenure regardless of age, he would have been eligible to remain in office until 2030.

However, SaharaReporters has learned that unlike his predecessor, Egbetokun, recent developments may prevent Disu from enjoying an extension beyond his scheduled retirement date.

“They’re pushing to ensure acting IGP Disu leaves in April, on the date he is required to retire,” the source said. “Several of the senior officers have had their hopes rekindled after the Police Service Commission, which had compiled 30 names of senior officers for retirement was asked to halt the process.”

On Tuesday, SaharaReporters broke the news that Egbetokun had been removed from his position as IGP.

In a related development, human rights lawyer and academic Prof. Chidi Odinkalu drew attention on Wednesday via his X account to a 2023 purge that saw the exit of several top-ranking officers following Egbetokun’s appointment as IGP.

At the centre of the controversy is a landmark court ruling, delivered just days after the death of the man who championed it, which declared such compulsory retirements unconstitutional.

Moses Jitoboh’s Case

When Egbetokun was appointed in June 2023, the Police Service Commission compulsorily retired then-54-year-old DIG Moses Ambakina Jitoboh, despite him having several years remaining before the statutory retirement age of 60.

The PSC had justified the move by citing a "police tradition" of retiring senior officers when a junior is promoted over them to avoid "status reversal."

Jitoboh, refusing to accept the decision, sued the PSC and the Nigeria Police Force at the National Industrial Court in Suit No: NICN/ABJ/274/2023.

In the lawsuit, he contended that his appointment was protected by statutory provisions and could not be cut short based on a policy decision that conflicted with the law.

In a landmark judgment delivered on January 13, 2025, Justice Osatohanmwen Obaseki-Osaghae held that Jitoboh’s compulsory retirement was void, illegal, and unconstitutional.

The court ruled that the PSC lacked the power to arbitrarily truncate the career of a senior officer who had neither attained the mandatory age nor served the required 35 years.

Justice Obaseki-Osaghae was scathing in her evaluation of the PSC’s "status reversal" policy, stating, "The reasons proffered in the extract from the minutes, and the notice of compulsory retirement issued by the Police Service Commission are at best mere statements of policy intent; they have no force of law, and they are in conflict with the provisions of the Public Service Rule."

The court further held that the PSC failed to show any law that empowered it to retire a public officer with no blemish before their statutory time.

"The state of the law today is that Moses Jitoboh cannot be compulsorily retired from service by the Police Service Commission unless he has attained 60 years of age or 35 years of service... The Court finds that Moses Jitoboh has been in the service of the Nigeria Police Force since 1994 without any allegations of wrongdoing," it said.

In a tragic twist of fate, the victory was a hollow one for the Jitoboh family as DIG Jitoboh passed away on December 28, 2024, just two weeks before the verdict in his case was delivered. He was 54 years old.

Despite his death, the court proceeded to grant the following reliefs: "A Declaration that Jitoboh remains a DIG until June 10, 2029, when he would have served 35 years.

"An Order for the PSC to pay all outstanding salaries and allowances.

"General Damages of ₦50,000,000.00 (Fifty Million Naira) for the "unwarranted embarrassment" and "stigma" caused by the unlawful retirement.

"Cost of Action of ₦750,000.00."

Odinkalu, reflecting on the judgment, noted that neither the PSC nor the Nigeria Police Force filed an appeal against the ruling, effectively admitting that the purge was a legal error.

Leaders of main opposition political parties in Nigeria are set to address a joint news conference in Abuja on the amendment to the Electoral Act 2026 and other related matters.

Present at the joint news conference, themed “Urgent call to save Nigeria’s democracy,” are former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar and the 2023 presidential candidate of the Labour Party, Peter Obi.

Also present included former ministers Rauf Aregbesola and Rotimi Amaechi, a former governor of Cross River State, Liyel Imoke, and the the National Chairman of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), David Mark.

Others were the National Chairman of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), Ahmed Ajuji, Dino Melaye and Yunusa Tanko.

The National Assembly on February 17, 2026, passed the Electoral Act 2026 (Amendment) Bill.

The amendment came amid intense public debate over the electronic transmission of election results in real time.

The harmonised report of the bill, including the contentious Section 60(3), was passed by both chambers of the National Assembly, while it was signed into law by President Bola Tinubu on February 18.

The news conference held at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja.

(NAN)

Our findings on Justice Tsoho come amid heightened scrutiny within the judiciary by the National Judicial Council.

The Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, John Terhemba Tsoho, has violated Nigeria’s Code of Conduct law by failing to declare some of his bank accounts in his asset declaration form, a month-long investigation by PREMIUM TIMES has revealed.

Documents reviewed and interviews conducted by this newspaper show that in the asset declaration form he completed and submitted to the Code of Conduct Bureau on 29 April 2024, Justice Tsoho did not disclose several bank accounts (naira and domiciliary) as required by law.


Our findings indicate that he failed to declare three separate accounts domiciled with United Bank for Africa, namely 3000087154, 3000201901, and 3000075689.

He also did not disclose his ownership of account number 1756816871, domiciled with Access Bank.

Under Nigeria’s Code of Conduct regime, public officers are required to fully disclose all assets, including bank accounts and the funds held in them. Non-disclosure or false declaration constitutes a breach of the law and could attract severe sanctions, including removal from office.

It remains unclear if our findings on this matter would trigger investigations by the Code of Conduct Bureau and other Nigerian anti-corruption agencies.


Justice Tsoho did not answer or return multiple calls seeking his comment for this report. He also did not respond to a message informing him of our findings and requesting clarification.

What the law says
Section 15 of the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act mandates every public officer to declare all properties, assets and liabilities immediately after taking office and thereafter at specified intervals. The provision also states that any statement in a declaration found to be false shall be deemed a breach of the Act.

The law further provides that any asset acquired after a declaration and not reasonably attributable to legitimate income, gifts, or approved loans shall be presumed to have been unlawfully acquired unless the contrary is proved.

If found guilty by the Code of Conduct Tribunal, Justice Tsoho could face removal from office, disqualification from holding public office for up to 10 years, and forfeiture of improperly declared assets.

The Tribunal’s powers include ordering the vacation of office and the seizure of property acquired in the abuse or corruption of office. Its decisions are appealable to the Court of Appeal.

Tsoho and echoes of the Onnoghen case
A[b] conviction for false asset declaration would draw parallels with the case of Walter Onnoghen, the former Chief Justice of Nigeria, who was convicted and removed from office by the Code of Conduct Tribunal on 18 April 2019 for failing to declare some of his bank accounts.
[/b]
The tribunal had ordered the forfeiture of five bank accounts belonging to Mr Onnoghen. However, on 4 November 2024, the Court of Appeal reversed his conviction following a settlement agreement between the former CJN and the federal government.

The man John Tsoho
Justice Tsoho was first appointed acting Chief Judge of the Federal High Court on 26 July 2019 by the then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Tanko Muhammad. On 23 October 2019, the National Judicial Council recommended him to President Muhammadu Buhari for substantive appointment. The president approved the recommendation on 30 October 2019, and the Senate confirmed him on 5 November 2019.

Born on 24 June 1959 in Mbaduku, Vandeikya Local Government Area of Benue State, Justice Tsoho attended St. Anthony’s Primary School, Chenge-Mbaduku, and St. Michael’s Secondary School, Aliade. He later obtained an LLB (Hons) from the University of Lagos in 1984 and was called to the Nigerian Bar in 1985 after attending the Nigerian Law School, Lagos, his biodata on the website of the National Judicial Council says.

He joined the Benue State Judiciary in 1986 and rose through the ranks from Magistrate Grade II to Chief Magistrate Grade I. In 1998, he was sworn in as a Judge of the Federal High Court, a position he held until his elevation as Chief Judge in 2019.

Justice Tsoho is not without controversy, although past allegations against him remain unproven. In November last year, critics alleging underhand dealings attacked him after he suddenly reassigned a receivership case between FBNQuest Merchant Bank/First Trustees and the Nestoil Group.

Earlier in June 2023, some Nigerian anti-corruption activists said they suspected foul play after Justice Tsoho declined to grant an order detaining Godwin Emefiele, the then-governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, who was then under investigation.


On his publicly available profiles, Justice Tsoho’s birth year is given as 1959. But some critics are accusing him of age falsification, claiming he was born in 1955. If this allegation is proven, the judge could be prosecuted for forgery under Section 363 and punished under Section 364 of the Penal Code Laws of the Federation.

Wider scrutiny in the judiciary
Our findings on Justice Tsoho come amid heightened scrutiny within the judiciary. As recently reported by PREMIUM TIMES, the National Judicial Council, chaired by the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, has commenced a discreet but extensive probe into allegations involving some senior judges, including false asset declarations.

Sources said the ongoing investigations were triggered by “damning and disturbing petitions” against unnamed judicial officers.

Justice Kekere-Ekun had pledged sweeping reforms to restore transparency, integrity and public confidence in the judiciary. Since assuming office, the NJC has compulsorily retired and sanctioned several judges for misconduct.

Whether the allegations against Justice Tsoho will lead to formal investigations and later proceedings before the Code of Conduct Bureau or Tribunal remains unclear as of the time of filing this report.

President Bola Tinubu on Tuesday appointed AIG Tunji Disu as the acting Inspector-General of Police.

His appointment followed the resignation of Kayode Egbetokun from the apex office of the nation’s police force.

The immediate past IG tendered his resignation, citing pressing family considerations.

Appointed in June 2023, Egbetokun was serving a four-year term scheduled to conclude in June 2027, in line with the amended provisions of the Police Act.

In a statement issued on Tuesday by his Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, the President received the letter earlier on Tuesday and expressed appreciation for his service to the nation.

Until his appointment, Disu was the Assistant Inspector-General of Police (AIG) in charge of the Force Criminal Investigation Department Annex, Alagbon, Lagos.

In Nigeria, it is an established practice for senior police officers to retire when a junior colleague is appointed Inspector General of Police, and although this is not legally mandatory, it reflects the force’s strong respect for hierarchy, seniority, and organisational stability.


In this report, PUNCH Online identifies the affected DIGs who would need to leave for Disu to be a substantial IG of the country’s police force.

Frank Mba

Frank Mba began his policing career as an Inspector and steadily rose through the ranks. In 1999, he was promoted to Assistant Superintendent of Police, followed by Deputy Superintendent of Police in 2003. He was promoted to Superintendent of Police (SP) in 2008, Chief Superintendent of Police in 2012, Assistant Commissioner of Police in 2014, Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) in 2018, and Commissioner of Police in December 2020. In March 2023, he was decorated as an Assistant Inspector-General of Police.

He is a three-time National Spokesman of the Nigeria Police Force and has received the UN Medal for his service as a member of the Nigeria Police Contingent to the United Nations Mission in Liberia from 2006 to 2007.

Mohammed Gumel

Mohammed Gumel assumed duty as the 4th Deputy Inspector-General of Police in charge of the Force Intelligence Department at the Force Headquarters in Abuja in late December 2025/early January 2026. He is a seasoned officer, known for community policing.

The Force Intelligence Department is the apex intelligence-gathering arm of the Nigeria Police Force. He formerly served as a Commissioner of Police and was notably recognized as the best Community Policing Advocate of the Year (2024). He holds the FIPMA (Fellow, Institute of Professional Managers and Administrators) and psc (Police Staff College) designations.

Adebola Hamzat currently serves as the Deputy Inspector-General of Police in charge of the Department of Logistics and Supply of the Nigeria Police Force. He was appointed and decorated as a Deputy Inspector-General of Police in March 2025.

As the head of the Department of Logistics and Supply, he oversees the technical, administrative, and logistical needs of the entire Nigeria Police Force, including procurement, works, housing, and the Force Quarter-Master.

Previous Roles: [/b]Before his elevation to DIG, he served as the Assistant Inspector-General of Police in charge of Zone 16, Yenagoa (covering Bayelsa and Rivers States). He was also the Commissioner of Police for Oyo State and the former AIG in charge of the Counter Terrorism Unit. He is an indigene of Ifelodun L.G.A of Kwara State.

[b]Yahaya Abubakar

Yahaya Abubakar is a senior Deputy Inspector-General of Police in the Nigeria Police Force who most recently served as the Head of the Department of Finance and Administration at Police Force Headquarters, Abuja. He was appointed to lead the Department of Finance and Administration, which oversees the financial management, budgeting, human resources, and administrative processes of the Force.

DIG Abubakar was appointed to the position following his promotion by the Police Service Commission in 2024, having previously served in senior roles such as Assistant Inspector-General and Zone Commander.

Basil Idegwu

Basil Idegwu was appointed to lead the Department of Research and Planning at the Force Headquarters in Abuja as of March 2025. He is responsible for strategic planning, policy formulation, and enhancing the Force’s operational efficiency.

He holds a Ph.D. in Peace and Security Studies. Idegwu heads a key department focused on ensuring standards, uniformity, and modernisation in policing services.

Bzigu Kwazhi

Bzigu Kwazhi is a senior officer in the Nigeria Police Force, currently serving as the Deputy Inspector-General of Police in charge of the Department of Operations.

He is responsible for leading, coordinating, and implementing operational activities, crime prevention strategies, and maintaining law and order across Nigeria. As the head of the Department of Operations, he manages tactical operations, joint security operations (with the military), and policies for controlling incidents like riots, disasters, and elections.

In 2025, he has been actively involved in high-level security assessments, including leading operations to restore peace in Plateau State and Adamawa State. He is a seasoned officer with extensive field experience, having previously served as the Commissioner of Police in both Osun and Akwa Ibom states.

Idris Abubakar

Idris Abubakar was appointed into the Nigeria Police Force as a cadet ASP on 18/5/1992. He hails from Garko LGA of Kano State. He holds a B.Sc. in Education from Utman Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, and an M.Sc. in Education, in Psychology and a PhD in Psychology from the University of Abuja.

Adebowale William

Adebowale Williams is a senior Nigerian police officer serving at the rank of Deputy Inspector-General of Police in the Nigeria Police Force. He held/has held a key leadership role as the Head of the Department of Information and Communication Technology at the Force Headquarters in Abuja.

He was appointed to lead the Department of Information and Communication Technology within the NPF. This department is responsible for managing and advancing the Force’s technological infrastructure, systems, and digital tools to support modern policing.

Olatunji Disu, a highly experienced senior police officer, was appointed Nigeria’s 23rd Inspector‑General of Police, IGP, on Tuesday, the 23rd of February 2026, to succeed Kayode Egbetokun following a directive by President Bola Tinubu.

Tunji Disu as he is generally known is a career officer with more than three decades of service in the Nigeria Police Force.

Born on 13 April 1966 in Lagos Island, Lagos State, he joined the police on May 18, 1992, and has risen steadily through the ranks.


Avgraduate of Lagos State University, LASU, with a degree in English Education, Disu also holds master’s degrees in Public Administration and Criminology, Security and Legal Psychology.

He has attended numerous professional training courses in Nigeria and abroad, including programmes in small arms smuggling, internet fraud, strategic leadership, and forensic investigations.

Throughout his career, Disu has held several high-profile and operational leadership roles. He was Commander of the Rapid Response Squad (RRS) in Lagos, where he led proactive crime-fighting initiatives, and later became Head of the Intelligence Response Team (IRT), filling the vacancy left by the suspension of Abba Kyari.

Disu has also served as Commissioner of Police in Rivers State and in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, overseeing law enforcement and public safety in the nation’s capital.

He served as Assistant Inspector-General of Police in charge of the Force Criminal Investigation Department (FCID) Annex, Alagbon, Lagos, where he strengthened investigative capacity and promoted professionalism.

Known for his operational expertise and commitment to professionalism, Disu has built a reputation as a disciplined officer with extensive experience in crime control, intelligence, and strategic policing.

His appointment as IGP marks a continuation of leadership within the Nigeria Police Force’s senior ranks at a time of significant institutional focus on reform and enhanced investigative capacity.

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) defeated All Progressives Congress (APC) to win its first polling unit in the ongoing Area Council Elections in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

The election, which recorded widespread low turnout of voters, saw the opposition coalition carrying the day at polling unit 076, Sani Abacha Estate, Wuse, Zone 4, where Dr. Moses Paul, candidate of Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC), cast his ballot.

Of the 10 ballots cast at the voting point, ADC took the majority of 7, APC trailed with two, while one vote was declared invalid.

Earlier, Paul had alleged intimidation of his party’s agents and blamed the movement restriction for the low turnout announced by the Minister of the FCT for the low voter turnout recorded in parts of the council.

He said the turnout was far lower than expected and attributed it to what he described as confusion created by the restriction directive.

He said he had lived in AMAC for about 40 years and had never witnessed such a situation, noting that the development appeared like “a state of emergency” over what he considered unwarranted.

He said although electoral officials at his polling unit were professional and followed due process, reports reaching him indicated that ADC agents in Takum Shara and parts of Kabusa ward, including Dogongada and Shereti, were allegedly threatened and intimidated.


He added that some agents were allegedly told they would be maimed or killed, and noted that such actions were aimed at suppressing voters and influencing the process in favour of the ruling party.

He said vote buying was criminal and alleged that it was ongoing in parts of the capital city.

He added that despite the challenges, he remained confident of emerging victorious, noting that the will of the people would prevail and urging Nigerians to resist intimidation and demand accountable leadership.

By Farooq A. Kperogi

Recent events show a widening pattern of killings, abductions and reprisals stretching from Borno to Zamfara, Kebbi, Niger, Kwara and elsewhere. The scale of fatalities alone demands sustained national attention. But the Bola Ahmed Tinubu government’s muted presence in the public response raises troubling questions about its priorities and its appreciation of the fierce urgency of the moment.

Start with Borno State, long regarded as the epicenter of Boko Haram’s insurgency. International media outlets reported last Friday that Boko Haram militants attacked a Nigerian military formation, killing at least eight soldiers and leaving dozens wounded. Casualty figures varied across accounts, but the deaths of eight soldiers were consistently reported.

Incidents of this nature once triggered nationwide debate and highly visible federal reaction. They now pass with limited public engagement outside specialist security coverage. That shift in attention probably reflects outrage fatigue, but it does not reduce the severity of the threat.

In the northwest and north central zones, mass casualty attacks have become distressingly frequent. Reports from Kebbi and Zamfara States describe repeated bandit raids, civilian deaths and abductions.

Again, an Associated Press dispatch from last Friday documented coordinated assaults in Kebbi resulting in at least 33 fatalities. That number alone represents a catastrophic loss for rural communities, yet the federal government hasn’t even acknowledged these tragedies much less comfort victims. This is increasingly becoming a pattern.

The Borgu region, where I am from, illustrates how violence transcends state boundaries while policy responses remain fragmented. Borgu’s communities span Kebbi, Niger and Kwara States. They share historical and cultural ties but operate under different administrative authorities. Armed groups exploit this fragmentation. Attacks in one area of the region reverberate across others and reshape daily behavior far beyond the immediate site of violence.

In Tungan Makeri, Konkoso and Pissa in Borgu Local Government Area of Niger State, news reports and police statements from this week confirmed deadly pre-dawn raids by gunmen. Initial figures indicated about 32 civilians killed across the affected settlements.

Specific breakdowns varied, with six deaths reported in Tungan Makeri and as many as 26 in Konkoso, according to local accounts cited in early coverage. These numbers represent entire families extinguished within hours. They also underscore the persistent vulnerability of communities repeatedly targeted by armed groups.

Earlier in the year, Borgu recorded another mass casualty episode at Kasuwan Daji market. Credible reporting placed the death toll at 30 or more people killed, with several others abducted. Shops were burned. Civilians were shot. Survivors described chaos, devastation and disorientation.

The recurrence of large-scale lethal attacks within the same geographic zone should have triggered an unmistakable escalation in federal visibility. That response has not been evident at the level many residents consider commensurate with the losses.

Across the Kwara axis of Borgu, the psychological impact of nearby massacres is now frighteningly noticeable. In Baruten, formerly part of the historical Borgu configuration, fear recently overwhelmed a weekly market day.

A vehicle passed through town. Someone suspected it might be transporting terrorists. The reaction was immediate and visceral. Traders and buyers fled. Goods were abandoned. People ran without coordination, and injuries followed. Some residents reportedly broke limbs in the stampede. Elderly individuals fell and required hospitalization. Many retreated indoors, remaining inside overheated rooms for hours. Goods abandoned in the market were stolen.

But no attack occurred. The vehicle posed no danger. It was the panic itself that inflicted the harm. This happened in my hometown on a Wednesday, a bustling market day that serves as both an economic outlet and a space of interaction, exchange and communal vitality.

Such reactions are not irrational. They reflect what psychologists call learned responses in environments where credible violence repeatedly erupts nearby.

In adjacent Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State, residents recount continual episodes of extreme brutality in the hands of bloodthirsty terrorists, the recent mass slaughters in Woro and Nuku that captured the national and international attention being the latest.

Residents across Borgu consistently describe a sense of exposure and disabling siege. In the Niger State sector, communities report repeated attacks on the same settlements. In Konkoso, for example, locals say after militants killed large numbers of villagers, the assailants returned on February 17 to burn the remaining homes. Whether every detail withstands subsequent verification, the pattern of repeated raids across the region is corroborated by multiple independent reports of killings and abductions.

Governmental reaction shapes how citizens interpret both tragedy and state legitimacy. In Kwara State, the governor’s visit to sites of violence in Kaiama was widely noted by affected residents. Such gestures cannot reverse fatalities, but they acknowledge suffering and communicate presence. Insecurity is not only a military problem. It is also a political and psychological one.

In contrast, many inhabitants of Niger State’s Borgu communities express dissatisfaction with the state government’s posture following major incidents. Residents recount episodes in which official statements emphasized blame.

After the Papiri abductions, villagers say responsibility was publicly shifted toward school authorities without a gubernatorial visit to the affected location. Following reports that more than 70 people were killed in Kasuwan Daji, locals similarly describe narratives of fault attribution unaccompanied by direct engagement with survivors. These perceptions may not capture every administrative constraint, but they significantly influence public trust.

The more pressing concern, however, lies at the federal level. The cumulative death toll across Borno, Kebbi, Niger and Kwara States in just these few cited incidents exceeds any threshold that should trigger unmistakable national urgency.

Eight soldiers killed in Borno. Thirty-three civilians killed in Kebbi. Thirty-two civilians killed across Tungan Makeri, Konkoso and Pissa. Thirty or more killed in Kasuwan Daji market, with local claims of even higher figures, including over 70 fatalities. Locally reported deaths approaching 300 in Woro and Nuku. These are not sporadic disturbances. They are large-scale lethal events distributed across multiple states.

Yet the federal government’s public posture has lacked the intensity typically associated with crises of this magnitude. There has been no sustained national address centered on these specific killings. No widely visible mobilization signaling exceptional concern for Borgu’s repeated devastation. No consistent federal narrative that conveys to affected populations that their losses command the same urgency as tragedies elsewhere.

I agree that security challenges in Nigeria are undeniably complex. Intelligence failures, logistical limits and political coordination problems complicate rapid response. None of these constraints, however, justify the normalization of mass fatalities or the attenuation of federal visibility. When killings of dozens or hundreds struggle to command durable national attention, citizens inevitably question whether their suffering is fully recognized within the national hierarchy of concern.

Persistent violence also produces cumulative secondary effects. Economic activity contracts. Mobility declines. Educational continuity suffers. Residents alter movement patterns, avoid gatherings and recalibrate routine decisions around perception of threat. Fear becomes a structural condition rather than an irregular reaction.

Operation Savannah Shield, recently launched to address insecurity across parts of the north, offers an opportunity for recalibration. Its effectiveness will depend not only on tactical operations but on geographic scope. Borgu’s border communities, repeatedly affected by lethal raids and abductions, require explicit incorporation into security planning. Fragmented jurisdiction has long benefited attackers. Coordinated federal presence could begin reversing that asymmetry.

The number of people who have died unjustly in the hands of nihilistic terrorists this week alone is already staggering. A repetition of this number would signal deeper systemic failure. Preventing that outcome requires more than periodic, contingent deployments. It demands sustained federal attention, interstate coordination and a public posture that communicates unmistakable commitment to civilian safety.

It is worth recalling that even at the height of insecurity during President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration, the scale and frequency of mass killings did not approach what many communities now experience, yet Bola Tinubu, then an opposition figure, publicly urged Jonathan to resign.

Invoking resignation today, however, feels like an exercise in futility because no Nigerian elected official has ever relinquished office solely on account of failure, incompetence or public dissatisfaction. Rather than dissipate intellectual energy on an outcome with no historical precedent, a more pragmatic appeal is necessary.

The president should address the nation directly, acknowledge the severity of the crisis, and demonstrate a visibly intensified commitment to protecting lives. If the state proves unable or unwilling to guarantee basic security across vulnerable regions, then a serious national conversation must also consider whether citizens should be legally empowered to defend themselves, including through responsible firearm ownership, instead of remaining defenseless sitting ducks in the face of unremitting terrorist and bandit violence.

Nigeria’s total public debt increased to N153.29tn as of September 30, 2025, reflecting a steady build-up in both domestic and external obligations within three months, data released by the Debt Management Office on Friday has shown.

According to the DMO, total public debt rose from N152.40tn as of June 30, 2025, to N153.29tn at the end of September. This represents an increase of N893.87bn quarter-on-quarter.

In dollar terms, the country’s debt stock climbed from $99.66bn in June to $103.94bn in September, indicating a $4.28bn increase within the period. The dollar-denominated debt stock expanded by 4.29 per cent over the three-month period.

The September data show that total external debt stood at $48.46bn, equivalent to N71.48tn, accounting for 46.63 per cent of the total public debt.


As of June 30, 2025, external debt was $46.98bn, representing 47.14 per cent of the total. This means external obligations increased by $1.48bn within the quarter.

Domestic debt rose more sharply in dollar terms. It increased from $52.67bn in June to $55.47bn in September, a growth of $2.80bn.

In naira terms, domestic debt stood at N81.82tn in September compared to N80.55tn in June.


Domestic borrowings accounted for 53.37 per cent of total debt in September, slightly higher than 52.86 per cent recorded in June.

The DMO noted that the September external debt figures were converted using the Central Bank of Nigeria’s official exchange rate of N1,474.85 to the dollar.

In contrast, the June figures were converted at N1,529.2105 to the dollar. The stronger exchange rate in September partly offset the naira value of external debt.

A further breakdown of the September external debt stock shows that multilateral creditors remain Nigeria’s largest lenders.

Loans from the World Bank Group and the African Development Bank Group, alongside other multilateral institutions, amounted to $23.41bn, representing 48.31 per cent of total external debt.

Under the multilateral category, the International Development Association accounted for $18.18bn, while the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development stood at $1.36bn.

The African Development Bank was owed $2.15bn, the African Development Fund $1.02bn, and other institutions, such as the Islamic Development Bank and the International Fund for Agricultural Development made up the balance.

Bilateral debt totalled $6.29bn or 12.97 per cent of external debt. China’s Exim Bank accounted for $4.82bn, while France, Japan, India and Germany were also listed among creditors. Loans from the China Development Bank stood at $423.51m.

Commercial borrowings remained significant. Eurobonds accounted for $17.32bn, representing 35.74 per cent of the external debt stock.

Syndicated project loans and a facility from Deutsche Bank brought the commercial sub-total to $1.45bn in addition to Eurobonds.

On the domestic front, Federal Government instruments dominated the debt profile. As of September 30, 2025, FGN Bonds amounted to N61.99tn, accounting for 79.67 per cent of the Federal Government’s domestic debt stock.

Of this, N60.64tn were naira bonds, while N1.35tn represented US dollar bonds converted to naira.

Nigerian Treasury Bills stood at N12.68tn, representing 16.30 per cent of domestic debt. FGN Sukuk accounted for N1.29tn, while FGN Savings Bonds and Green Bonds stood at N97.46bn and N62.36bn, respectively.

Promissory notes totalled N1.69tn, comprising both naira and foreign currency-denominated notes.


The DMO also indicated that domestic debt data for 35 states and the Federal Capital Territory were as of September 30, 2025, while Rivers State’s domestic debt data were as of June 30, 2025.

The figures show that while domestic debt continues to account for a larger share of Nigeria’s public debt stock, external borrowings also rose within the quarter.

The Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun, earlier said that Nigeria was deliberately shifting from expensive external borrowing to a growth model anchored on private capital and domestic reforms.

Edun stated this at the opening session of the G-24 Technical Group Meeting in Abuja, where he delivered a keynote address on the global economy and the need for stronger South-South cooperation.

“Nigeria is deliberately shifting away from a model overly reliant on expensive external borrowing toward a more resilient growth framework powered by domestic reforms, private capital, and diversified financing instruments,” Edun said.

He explained that the new approach was in line with evolving global development finance priorities that emphasise innovative financing, blended instruments and expanded concessional windows.

A dawn fire outbreak has destroyed no fewer than 50 shops at the Fatima Simra Multi-Purpose Market in Dakata area of Kano State.

The chairman of the market’s fire committee, Dauda Haruna Chula, confirmed the incident, saying the inferno started around 5:40am. on Friday.

He explained that the affected shops were mainly small-scale businesses engaged in oil production, as well as recycling of plastics and nylon.

According to him, the fire was still raging as of the 5:40am.

“From the preliminary what we have seen, about 50 shops are already down and the fire is still ongoing. We are still expecting the Kano State Fire Service personnel,” he said.

Chula noted that efforts were made to contact the fire service and other relevant agencies, adding that they had confirmed awareness of the incident.

“We did as much as we could to call them and inform them of the situation on the ground. I can hear the sound of their car right now,” he added.

The extent of damage and possible casualties are yet to be ascertained, but traders expressed concern over the delay in response by emergency services.

This is coming barely one week after a major fire incident affected over 1,000 traders at Singer Market, still in Kano.

Nigeria’s debt to the World Bank’s concessional lending arm, the International Development Association, surged by $1.9bn in just one year to reach $18.7bn as of December 31, 2025, new financial data released by the institution show.

According to the IDA Management’s Discussion and Analysis for the period ended December 31, 2025, Nigeria’s exposure to the bank’s loan portfolio rose significantly from $16.8bn at end-2024, marking an 11.3 per cent year-on-year increase.

The sharp rise shows growing reliance on multilateral concessional financing as the Federal Government navigates tightening fiscal space amid global market volatility.

The latest figures place Nigeria as the third-largest borrower in the IDA portfolio, behind Bangladesh ($23.0bn) and Pakistan ($19.4bn), among the top ten countries with the highest exposures.

Together, these 10 countries accounted for 60 per cent of IDA’s total exposure as of December 31, 2025, the report said. A year earlier, the same cohort accounted for 61 per cent of total exposure.

The PUNCH observed that the $1.9bn uptick largely reflects continued project disbursements under Nigeria’s Country Partnership Frameworks and expanded commitments in key sectors such as health, education, and infrastructure.

While IDA financing is highly concessional, with long maturities and grace periods, the growing stock adds to Nigeria’s external debt obligations.

In the report, IDA emphasised the importance of monitoring such exposures in the context of repayment and future disbursement profiles, noting, “Monitoring these exposures relative to the SBL requires consideration of the repayment profiles of existing loans, as well as disbursement profiles and projected new loans and guarantees.”

The surge comes as IDA’s overall portfolio expanded. Net loans outstanding rose to $226.4bn as of December 31, 2025, from $205.8bn a year earlier, reflecting the broader scaling up of concessional resources under the institution’s hybrid financing model that blends member contributions with market borrowings.

IDA describes its mission as providing “loans, grants and guarantees to the poorest and most vulnerable countries to help meet their development needs.”

With Nigeria’s exposure now at $18.7bn, higher than other major African IDA clients such as Ethiopia and Tanzania, the country’s role in the World Bank’s concessional portfolio remains prominent.

Aside from the IDA, there is also the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, which is another lending arm of the World Bank for middle-income and creditworthy lower-income countries, raising funds on global capital markets through its AAA rating and providing sovereign loans, guarantees, and advisory support aimed at reducing poverty and promoting sustainable development.

While IDA loans offer more favourable terms than market borrowing, the steady accumulation of such debt adds to Nigeria’s overall public debt burden, raising questions about debt sustainability.

As of June 30, 2025, Nigeria’s external debt stood at $46.98bn, according to the Debt Management Office. Of this amount, the World Bank Group accounted for $19.39bn—comprising $18.04bn from the International Development Association and $1.35bn from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development.

This means the World Bank holds 41.3 per cent of the total, reinforcing its outsized role in funding Nigeria’s development programmes.

Economist and CEO of the Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise, Dr Muda Yusuf, earlier said the rising World Bank commitments to Nigeria should be examined within the context of the country’s Medium-Term Expenditure Framework and annual budgets, which already provide for both domestic and foreign borrowing.

He noted that deficit financing is a common feature of budgets worldwide and is not inherently wrong, as it allows governments to make critical investments without waiting to generate all the required revenue upfront.

However, he stressed that borrowing should always be backed by sound economic reasoning and clear development priorities. Yusuf emphasised that the key issue is debt sustainability, which depends primarily on the country’s revenue capacity to service its obligations.

Without strong cash flow to meet repayment schedules, he warned, Nigeria risks falling into a vicious cycle of borrowing to service existing loans, thereby perpetuating fiscal vulnerability.

He said it is essential that projects funded by loans directly support the economy’s capacity to repay. According to him, Nigeria should be cautious about foreign loans due to the exchange-rate risks they pose, noting that domestic debt is generally easier to manage.

Excessive foreign borrowing, he warned, could put pressure on the country’s reserves and further weaken the exchange rate. He stressed that a disciplined approach to debt sustainability will be crucial for Nigeria to avoid long-term fiscal distress.

Power generation companies under the umbrella of the Association of Power Generation Companies have disclosed that outstanding unpaid invoices for electricity generated and supplied to the national grid have surged to about N6tn, raising fresh concerns over the sustainability of power supply in Nigeria.

The group said the growing debt burden, driven by revenue shortfalls and weak remittances across the electricity value chain, has significantly strained the financial capacity of generation companies to invest in maintenance, fuel procurement, and expansion.

The power generation companies also strongly rejected allegations by the Nigeria Labour Congress that electricity firms were engaged in “institutionalised extortion,” insisting that the claims misrepresent the deep-rooted liquidity crisis threatening the country’s power sector.

The Chief Executive Officer of the association, Joy Ogaji, made the announcement in a statement on Wednesday in reaction to recent comments by the Nigerian Labour Congress. Ogaji accused labour of peddling a “simplistic and inflammatory narrative” that ignored the structural challenges facing the industry.

She said, “While we acknowledge the frustrations of Nigerians regarding the unstable power supply, we must firmly reject the NLC’s characterisation of the sector’s challenges. To label the legitimate operations of power firms as robbery and a grand deception is a misrepresentation of the facts and a disservice to the ongoing efforts to stabilise Nigeria’s electricity supply industry.”

The GenCos said the remarks by labour, including allegations of phantom subsidy and institutional extortion, undermined ongoing efforts by stakeholders to resolve the liquidity crisis and ensure a stable electricity supply.

The association said the GenCos, consisting of over 20 member companies, were in fact the most exposed players in the electricity value chain, with outstanding unpaid invoices now exceeding N6tn.

According to the association, “The truth is that the power sector, over a decade after privatisation, remains hamstrung by severe liquidity challenges. It is a fact that GenCos, who are entitled to about 60 per cent of the market receivables following their invoiced energy bills, face the greatest risk in the electricity value chain, with outstanding unpaid invoices now over six trillion (N6tn) naira.”

The power firms insisted that they were open to scrutiny, stressing that their financial records could be subjected to a forensic audit if necessary. “If the NLC and any other institution find it necessary, let it be known that GenCo books are ready for any forensic examination. But the facts must be established and the real causes of the sector’s challenges identified,” the statement added.

The association also dismissed insinuations that government support for the sector was a covert political arrangement ahead of elections, describing such claims as “baseless and offensive to professionals working tirelessly in the industry.” It further warned that persistent misrepresentation of the sector’s financial realities could discourage investment and worsen power shortages.

“We also strongly refute the insinuation that proposed government support for the sector is a clandestine plan to settle the boys ahead of elections. Such claims undermine the critical liquidity interventions needed to keep the lights on.

“GenCos deserve pity and not castigation, ridicule, and victimisation. Trying to smear their image with such baseless and unfounded allegations is not only unfair but misleading to the Nigerian populace, giving the impression that the sector is not regulated and that electricity market participants can do as they please unchecked,” the association said.

The GenCos urged labour to engage constructively with industry stakeholders rather than escalate tensions, noting that the sector required coordinated reforms to address longstanding structural weaknesses.

The latest row follows recent comments by the President of the Nigeria Labour Congress, Joe Ajaero, who accused electricity firms of exploiting Nigerians through tariff adjustments and alleged hidden subsidies. The labour union had also threatened industrial action, raising fresh concerns over the stability of the country’s fragile power sector.

President of the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, NSCIA, Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar III, has confirmed that the crescent signalling the start of Ramadan 2026 has been sighted.

According to a statement by Sambo Junaidu, chairman of the Advisory Committee on Religious Affairs of the Sultanate Council, yesterday, the leader of Muslims in Nigeria said verified reports of moon sightings were received from various parts of the country and were carefully authenticated.

Represented by Shehu Abubakar Ibn Garbai El-Kanemi, the Shehu of Borno, the Sultan said Muslims across the country would begin the Ramadan fast today.

“After due verification and authentication of the reports received from across the country, the Sultanate Council has accepted the sighting of the new moon.

‘’Consequently, Wednesday, February 18, 2026, marks the first day of Ramadan 1447AH,” the statement read.

Similarly, the Lenten season for Christians begins today, as Catholic faithful observe Ash Wednesday.

Protests by Koropé drivers have brought Ajah Road in Lagos State to a standstill, with major routes blocked and traffic congestion escalating.

Watch 👇🏿 pic.twitter.com/9kDN4MDG0R

— News Central TV (@NewsCentralTV) February 17, 2026

A coalition of concerned residents in Ogun State has announced plans to hold a one-day, non-partisan prayer summit aimed at addressing hardship and governance challenges in the state.

The organisers, in a statement on Monday, said the event, themed “Make Ogun State Great Again,” would serve as a platform for citizens, religious leaders, and community stakeholders to seek divine intervention over what they described as pressing socio-economic and leadership concerns.

The lead convener, Kayode Olawoye, said the gathering was “a clarion call” to residents across the state to seek God’s intervention over the challenges facing the state.

Olawoye stressed that the programme was not affiliated with any political party.


Olawoye stated, “The event is a clarion call to all residents, especially religious and community leaders, to seek divine intervention for the state’s pressing challenges and future direction.

“The gathering is not affiliated with any political party and is focused entirely on the welfare and future of Ogun State.”

He noted that the prayer summit would focus on four primary goals, including seeking relief from hardship, equitable governance, spiritual renewal, and divine intervention.

On hardship, he said, “We will pray for an end to the untold suffering of our people, who have been subjected to hardship and pain due to bad governance. We seek God’s intervention to bring comfort and relief to those affected.”

The group also said prayers would be offered for the equitable distribution of resources.

“We will pray for the willingness of our political leaders to share the dividends of democracy evenly among all citizens.

Obasa urges Muslim faithful on good governance

We ask God to guide our leaders to prioritise the needs of the people and ensure that everyone benefits from the state’s resources,” the statement read.

On spiritual renewal, the group said, “We will ask God for forgiveness of our sins, both individually and collectively, and seek spiritual renewal for our state. We recognise that our actions have consequences and that we must seek God’s mercy and pardon.”

He further stated that prayers would be offered for what they described as divine justice.

While encouraging participation, the group expressed optimism that collective prayers could bring positive change to the many challenges facing the state.

“We will pray for divine judgment on political leaders who are bent on making life unbearable for grassroots people. We ask God to bring them to justice and to protect the vulnerable from their evil plans.

“We believe that with fervent prayers and a united front, we can birth a new era of prosperity, peace, and progress in our state. We encourage all citizens to participate in this call for a greater Ogun State,” the statement concluded.

The summit is scheduled to be held at 2 pm on Sunday, February 22, 2026, at St Saviour Anglican School field, Ogba Iyo, Ijoko.

Olawoye, an Ogun State-based cleric and good governance advocate, became an internet sensation following his exposé on the poor condition of several roads in Ogun State, which he had repeatedly brought to the attention of the state government.

His advocacy drew the government’s attention, and he was recently grilled by the Department of State Services over his campaign for improved roads.