Okay

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NIGERIANS?

Where are the time stamps that prove this was an ongoing trend?

Please be authentic and stop curating posts to suit a narrative.


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Okay

Okay

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Na una type dey allow make dem dey drag jollof rice wit us!

APC consistently keeping us back and making their logo relevant

https://www.modernghana.com/news/837757/modern-toilets-commissioned-in-tamale.html

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Ladies and gentlemen, young boys and girls, PDP have a history of corruption and ineptitude.

However, over the last 4 years PDP more than any other party has learnt its lesson. (does not mean they are now perfect though)

PDP has witnessed a huge purge. Many patently corrupt persons have now abandoned the party. PDP is witnessing an internal restructuring.

Atiku and Obi have committed to ceding 40% appointments to youth.

This is your opportunity to change Nigeria for good forever.

Stand up and be counted! And after the win on Saturday hold your leaders feet to the fire. They must deliver a better Nigeria for us all (even those who do not vote PDP, all Nigerians deserve better governance).

WILL YOU DIE IF YOU VOTE PDP?


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This is why we are AIR we are....

Air Nigeria = Power Point + Logo + face cap

Total spent = N1B plus


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Normal

So, in 2015 APC through Hon. Gbajabiamila took Jonathan to Court...


March 23, 2015 Ben Ezeamalu

President Goodluck Jonathan lacks the power to deploy soldiers for the conduct of election without the approval of the National Assembly, a federal court ruled Monday.

Justice Ibrahim Buba of the Federal High Court in Lagos held that the practice of deploying troops of the Nigerian Armed Forces in the conduct of elections when there is no uprising is “anti-democratic” and not in tandem with civil rule and constitutional democracy.

“The armed forces have no role in elections,” the judge said.

“The time has come for us to establish the culture of democratic rule in the country and to start to do the right thing particularly when it has to do with dealing with the electoral process which is one of the pillars of democracy.

“In spite of the behaviour of the political class, we should by all means try to keep armed personnel and military from being a part and parcel of the electoral process.

“The state is obligated to confine the military to their very demanding assignment, especially in this time of insurgencies by keeping them out of elections. The state is also obligated to ensure that citizens exercise their franchise freely and unmolested.”

Femi Gbajabiamila (APC, Lagos), a member of the House of Representatives, had filed the suit before the court seeking a declaration that deployment of soldiers during elections in illegal and unconstitutional.

Joined as respondents in the suit were Mr. Jonathan; the Chief of Defence Staff; the Chief of Army Staff; the Chief of Air Staff; the Chief of Naval Staff; and the Attorney-General of the Federation.

The deployment of soldiers during previous elections held in Ondo, Anambra, Ekiti, and Osun were contrary to the Nigerian Constitution, Mr. Gbajabiamila’s lawyer, Seni Adio, told the court.

The judge backed the lawyer’s arguments, noting that the president lacks the powers to deploy soldiers any time he wants.

Mr. Buba dismissed the respondents’ arguments that Mr. Gbajabiamila did not have the legal right to institute the suit and that the court lacked jurisdiction to entertain the suit.

He also dismissed their arguments that the soldiers are needed to ensure peaceful polls, noting that the military was not needed for such civil duties.

Recently, a Court of Appeal in Abuja barred the use of soldiers in the conduct of elections, stating that it was a violation of Section 217(2)(c) of the Constitution and Section 1 of the Armed Forces Act.

The appellate court had relied on a judgment by a Federal High Court in Sokoto last January also barring the use of armed forces in the conduct of elections.

Mr. Buba said that he was bound by the appellate court’s decision and quoted copiously from its ruling.

The judge said that the law does not make provision for the military to be involved in civil activities, and if soldiers must vote, it must be in their barracks.

He also said the appellate court directly interpreted the Constitution when it held that Sections 215 and 217 jointly limit the president’s power to deploy soldiers to the suppression of insurrection and to aid the police to restore order when it has broken down.

“I am bound by the decision of the Court of Appeal and equally persuaded by the decision of Federal High Court, Sokoto, which also persuaded the Court of Appeal.

“It is in this regard that the court will say that its duty in interpreting the constitution has been simplified and made easy by the decisions I have referred to extensively.”

https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/178977-update-jonathan-lacks-powers-to-deploy-troops-for-elections-court.html

HT @Abulmahmud01

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Aka (also known as) EVERYBODY BEAR YOUR NAME (as per your papa ma go disown you when the evidence show)


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Hypocrisy on fleek

Or....

D report too comprehensive....

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THE ARMY HAS NO CONSTITUTIONAL ROLE IN ELECTIONS.
Where there is a need to mobilise the army outside its extant functions, the President must get approval from the National Assembly.

Anything outside this is unconstitutional.

http://www.nigeria-law.org/ConstitutionOfTheFederalRepublicOfNigeria.htm

Before some people start frothing at the mouth "determine operational use" is as constrained by the purpose as outlined in subsections a-e.

The functions of the armed forces are spelt out ab initio THEN the manner in which the president can direct this functions is described.

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http://saharareporters.com/2018/05/07/murder-ballot-snatching-bloody-violence-full-story-apcs-nationwide-ward-congresses


The just-concluded — or maybe not — nationwide ward congress of the All Progressives Congress (APC), held on Saturday, May 5, can be summarized in many phrases and adjectives but “peaceful” does not come anywhere close. Apart from few states where relative decorum ensued, the ward elections in many states remained inconclusive, as they were marred by killing, harassment, manipulations, harassments, internal dispute among other irregularities.

Here are few highlights across the states:

Abia: Election inconclusive

But for lapses in some Local Government Areas in Abia state, APC members in the state are yet to know those who will take the baton of leaderships in various wards, as the exercise remained inconclusive.

Donatus Nwankpa, Chairman of the party in the state, told journalists in Umuahia, capital of the state, that it became important for the exercise to be extended because congresses were still going on in some parts.

“The ward congress is ongoing in some places in the state but it has been extended. The Abia congresses have officially been extended to Sunday” he said. However, regardless of the ‘lapses’ claimed by the chairman, APC members in the state went about their party business calmly.

Adamawa: Babachair, Ribadu, senior party members hold party to ransom

While other congresses were ongoing in some states, senior stakeholders in Adamawa APC — including Babachair Lawal, sacked secretary to the Government of the Federation, Nuhu Ribadu, former Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commision; Abdulaziz Nyako, the senator representing Adamawa central — were protesting.

According to Musa Mahmud, Chairman of the congress committee, some of the party stakeholders protested that many of the candidates who would participate in the election were yet to obtain forms.

Consequently, Adamawa congress was also postponed to Sunday.

Akwa Ibom: LGA Chairman suffers fractured skull

The APC ward congress in Akwa Ibom might have ended with every interest united, Iniobong Akan, the Local Government Chairman of Etim Epko, had his skull 'disunited' by angry mobs who allegedly blocked the entrance into the party secretariat to prevent members from gaining access.

It is not clear what thugs wanted or why they attacked party members but no fewer than 10 persons were beaten by the thugs.

However, the timely intervention of Senator Ita Enang pacified all aggrieved persons.

Similarly, party stakeholders resolved all differences in favour of the overriding interest of the party.

“As leaders of the party, we have come together to acknowledge that what is paramount is the interest of the party. We are committed to building a strong and formidable APC” Nsima Ekere, Managing Director of Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), said after a marathon meeting of the stakeholders.

Anambra: Nwoye disagrees with Ngige

Chris Ngige, Minister of Labour and Productivity, had on Saturday, described the delegate election in Anambra state a success, adding that it portends even more success for the party come 2019, but Tony Nwoye, disagreed, instead accusing Ngige of hijacking the APC in Anambra.

He accused the minister of lying that the congress held on Saturday whereas the congress committee came to the state on Sunday.

“I will not let Ngige take the function of the panel. We have a panel that is supposed to conduct that congress, and they just came here today (Sunday), whereas you are trying to tell us that elections have been held yesterday. How can Ngige be the one to conduct the congress when there is a committee?," he asked.

As at 7pm on Saturday, people were being denied the forms because they wanted to contest for positions, and what that means is that the forms have been given out to those they like. We will not let that happen.”

With the blame-gaming between Ngige and Nwoye, it is unclear if it was election or selection that happened in Anambra State.

Bauchi, Rivers: Secretariats destroyed amidst factional tussle

The drama in APC Bauchi started with a petition written by the faction led by Yakubu Dogara, Speaker of the House of Representatives. The faction had petitioned the Chairman of the congress committee ahead of the congress, warning him to abide strictly by the party rules in conducting congress.

The petition, signed by Mohammed Aminu, lawmaker representing Lere/Bula constituency in Bauchi, stated that the directive of Alhaji Uba Ahmed Nana, Chairman Bauchi APC, as regards purchase of forms by candidates was in contravention of the national guideline for congresses.

Aminu, in the petition, said the state chapter of APC had directed that only forms sold by the state would be valid for the ward election, a position he argued was contrary to national rules.

“Forms are given to state committees on the directives of the national leadership of the party to be sold to candidates/aspirants who may be denied such forms on the instructions of some sitting governors as applied in Bauchi state,” the petition read.

Dogara also accused the state governor, Mohammed Abubakar, of plotting to disenfranchise members not loyal to him — a position that was further stated by Nazif Gamawa, Bauchi North senator.

Gamawa said: “Everybody prepared for the elections. We were fully ready. We paid about N13m to purchase the forms but to our greatest surprise we haven’t got the forms.”

While all of this was going on, the Ningi Local Government Area secretariat was set ablaze by suspected hoodlums.

Similarly, the secretariat of APC in Port Harcourt in Rivers was vandalized by aggrieved younger members of the party.

The protesting group also carted away materials meant for the ward election. Rotimi Ameachi, Minister of Transportation; and Magus Abe, senator representing Rivers South East senatorial district, have been pointing fingers at each other over the vandalized secretariat.

Bayelsa: Peaceful despite 'inappropriate' court injunction

One would have thought that the court injunction reinstating suspended Tiwei Orunimigbe as Chairman of APC in Bayelsa just few days to the congress would scuttle the election, at least in some parts, but the exercise went on peacefully in all 105 wards, according to multiple reports.

This week, Justice E. G. Omukoro, sitting in a Bayelsa State High Court, had in a ruling on ex-parte motion reinstated Orunimighe, who was expelled from the party on August 4, 2017.

Speaking while the ward congress was ongoing on Saturday, Timipre Sylva described the injunction as inappropriate, adding that it had no effect on the ward congress.

“The honourable Judge restrained the chairman from acting as chairman and that another chairman that has been suspended from the party should act as chairman and preside over the congress as chairman," he said.

“Therefore, if you direct the chairman to conduct the congress, the party constitution does not give any role to that chairman to conduct congresses. Article 12 of the APC constitution is very clear; the state chairman of the party has no role."

Cross River: Vote of no confidence on congress committee

The ward congress could not hold in Cross River State on Saturday because the congress committee sent from Abuja did not arrive at the state until midday on Saturday.

This obviously angered some APC stakeholders in the state who, after meeting at the party secretariat, passed a vote of no confidence on the panel.

Delta: Murder, ballot snatching

Delta State was perhaps the most volatile state during the ward congress of the APC. One of the aspirants, Jeremiah Oghoveta, in ward 10, Out-Jeremi, Ugheli South, was stabbed by a thug identified as Tete Pippa.

Oghoveta was reportedly stabbed to death on his way home to make a formal complaint about the conduct of the election.

There were also reports of snatching and hijack of electoral materials in some wards in Delta central allegedly by persons suspected to be loyalists of Great Ogboru, 2015 Labour Party governorship candidate and Ovie Omo-Agege, suspended senator representing Delta central senatorial district. The two APC members were absent at the congress.

Two groups of party leaders Emerged in Ebonyi, Enugu, Kano

Parallel leaders emerged in the just concluded ward congress held in Ebonyi state, contrary to the assurance of the Ajayi Nicholas-led congress committee to ensure synergy of the two factions.

Ebonyi: One state, two congresses

APC in Ebonyi had since 2014 had two factions: one led by Ben Nwaobasi and the other by Eze Nwachukwu.

While the congress committee was coordinating the ward congress, Nwaobasi allegedly carried out a separate ward congress in the state.

He accused the committee of conniving with the Nwachukwu’s faction, saying: “The committee arrived and went to the factional secretariat, anchored by the state vice chairman, Eze Nwachukwu who elevated himself as the acting state chairman who was foisted on the Party by the National Secretariat to please the minister."

Nwachukwu, however, denied any of this, insisting that he is the legitimate chairman of the state, hence the reason congress committee aligned with him.

Enugu: Just like Delta!

Similarly, in Enugu, two factional heads of APC in the state led Geoffery Onyeama, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Osita Okechukwu, Director General of Voice of Nigeria, held parallel congresses.

While speaking to his loyalists after his election, Onyeama accused the congress committee of sidelining him and other prominent members of the party.

“Our problem is that we were excluded from the process," he said. "I spoke to all the party leaders that this is what is happening. I personally went to a number of wards to ensure there was a transparent process. So, we carried out those elections and they were peaceful and transparent."

election, Onyeama accused the congress committee of sidelining him and other prominent members of the party.

“Our problem is that we were excluded from the process," he said. "I spoke to all the party leaders that this is what is happening. I personally went to a number of wards to ensure there was a transparent process. So, we carried out those elections and they were peaceful and transparent."

Kano State was also not different, as both Rabiu Kwankwaso, former Governor of the state, and the Bashir Karaye-led faction held parallel congresses.

Gombe: Factions give way to party interest

The various factional leaders in Gombe buried their hatchet after a long meeting with the congress committee chairman, Sulaiman Abdurrahaman Sumaila who assured all parties that the exercise would be free and fair.

Although the congress started late, the party stakeholders were able to resolve differences and pledge support for whoever gets the ticket to unseat the ruling Peoples Democratic Party.

Abubakar Habu Mu’azu, a gubernatorial aspirant in the state, said: ”We cannot allow ourselves to be in rancour and have problems after the congresses, we hope that the results of the congresses will go smoothly with all of us."

Deputy Governor, Deputy Speaker Escape Attack in Imo, Oyo state respectively

Imo, Oyo: Leaders scuttle to safety

Imo and Oyo states, although in different geographical zones, had their leaders scuttling to safety after bloody violence erupted just before the ward congress in the states.

Uche Nwosu, Governor Rochas okorocha’s son-in-law, claimed that the congress committee delegated to Imo was swapped and sent to Anambra instead. It was not clear if this was what prompted the violence in the state but thugs attacked Prince Eze Madumere, who was also vying against Okorocha’s anointed son-in-law for the state’s governorship seat.

“We are trying to sought out some issues," Nwosu said. "There was a swap. The people that suppose to conduct the congress in Imo were moved to Anambra and the Anambra people moved to Imo. And we want them to properly hand over."

Okorocha had since ordered the arrest of the congress committee members.

Oyo state ward congress was suspended following the attack at the APC secretariat in Oke-Ado. Although the deputy speaker escaped the attack, it was not without some injuries. Report has it that some local government commenced congress in Oyo state, on Sunday.

Kastina: Party leaders threaten court action

A group led by Abdulkadir Damale and Hassan Isah has threatened to drag Kastina APC to court if result of the election was released, claiming there was no congress in the state.

We wish to draw the attention of the national leadership of the APC that no ward congress was conducted in Katsina State.

The statement of the group alleged: “In Katsina State, the electoral officials sent from the national headquarters of the party were hijacked by officials of the state government. These state government officials sat in the government house and other undesignated venues and filled the result sheets with the names of people selected by government officials. We, therefore, reject any purported release of result as an outcome of the ward congress. We are prepared to proceed to the court if any result is announced."

President Muhammadu Buhari had earlier commended the congress committee for the conduct of party elections and charged elected leaders in his ward on diligence and fear of God.

Kebbi: Candidates reject 'false consensus'

“We are watching them and we would take appropriate action against any foul play or irregularities as soon as possible,” Junaidu Haruna Jega said while condemning the consensus arrangement in some local government areas in the state.

He also accused the state government of stage-managing the process, just as some other members of APC in Kebbi described the consensus as “false” and called for primaries to be held in the local government areas...... (the report too long abeg... Check the link to continue reading)

Meanwhile, these accounts on various news media covering other incidents...


https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2018/05/12/ekiti-apc-primary-voting-commences-security-chiefs-guard-ballot-boxes/?amp

http://dailypost.ng/2018/10/05/apc-primaries-oshiomhole-reveals-next-line-action-zamfara/amp/

https://www.vanguardngr.com/2018/10/apc-cancels-zamfara-guber-primaries-says-yaris-aides-snatched-materials/amp/

Many APC folk are simply unaware of reality

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And the Vile Person that sent them has immunity!


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Really, and you kept it to yourself as per Monday morning quarterback.

Wehdon

APC is scare mongering as a final result (staggered Osun election template busted)

They are trying to scare people from voting so that the turnout will be more 'manageable'.

THEY HAVE ALREADY FAILED!!!

Na who dey carry ballot box pass?

Answer: APC

...Simple


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Redundant programs are uninstalled.

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DINO (the Dancer) APPEARS TO HAVE A FIRMER GRASP OF THE RUBRICS OF JURISPRUDENCE THAN A WHOLE 'SAN'


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Hmmm...


MISTAKENLY?!!


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APC like blood

This is sad...

But understandable....

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Silly people

APC IS A PLAGUE


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Lol!

The Buharists trending #ThisIsGMB egging him on are simply playing DIRECTLY into the hands of xxxxx!

They gave you an out by saying - "if anyone tells you Buhari said do something bad, don't do it.." basically trying to give Buhari a cover for the crimes that may have been committed or may still be committed, only for him by himself to come out and say to the whole world - "I have told the security personnel to be RUTHLESS!..."

BUHARI DON BUY JOB!

Simple

When the world starts making undiplomatic statements know that its time to shut down your computer and log out. Happy retirement (or not - it's down to you).

Meanwhile, he still will come out of all this way better than the minions egging him on on social media.

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DO THESE PEOPLE REALISE THAT THE ALTERCATION WAS CAUGHT ON VIDEO!!!

What is all this "He is a friend of the Customs"

IF THIS IS HOW YOU TREAT FRIENDS THEN....




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Before....

APC like blood
APC symbol is broom


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APC IN DISSARAY. (as usual)

APC was designed to unseat Jonathan and since achieving that aim by hook and crook, Jonathan the rope that ties their broom is gone and they have now scattered!

Help them rediscover their purpose as opposition and vote them out!


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dhuthraki:
She is not wrong. Prof. Okechukwu Ibeanu actually wrote a book on restoration of Biafra. For someone who doesn't believe in this country, should not hold a sensitive position.

Where in this research did he state that he doesn't believe in this country? And how can you term someone like this a 'Biafra Apologist'

BIAFRA SEPARATISM CAUSES, CONSEQUENCES AND REMEDIES / OKECHUKWU IBEANU, NKWACHUKWU ORJICHIJIOKE, K. IWUAMADI

EXECUTIVE SUMMARYere is a gap in the narrative around the renewed agitation for Biafra. Most analyses of the issue are mono-dimensional, reecting one bias or the other. Furthermore, many studies on the subject are historically selective, placing overwhelming emphasis on the period since 1999, thereby presenting an incomplete picture which neglects the links between the current agitation for Biafra and the previous experiences dating to colonial times. Moreover, there has not been a satisfactory attention paid to discussion of the governance issues that are at the heart of the renewed separatist agitation. ere is therefore the need for a systematic inquiry to understand why the agitation has persisted, nearly 50 years after the end of the Nigerian civil war, the implications of the agitation, and ways it can be addressed. is study is designed as a knowledge building eort to analyze the various elements and dynamics driving the uprising, its potential risks, and possible intervention to address them. e main objectives of this study are: a) to explain why there is a resurgence of the agitation for an independent Biafran state; b) to analyze the elements driving the renewed agitation; c) to explore the role of Igbo leaders in the agitation; d) to examine the consequences of the recurrent agitation for Biafra; and e) to suggest measures and actors that could help in addressing the agitation.e data used in this study were collected from four dierent sources, namely documentary sources (desk review), opinion survey using a questionnaire, interviews, and reports in newspapers. Data collection from documentary sources involved mapping and evaluation of the relevant literature on Nigerian politics and society particularly those relating directly to the Biafran war, its onset, termination, and post-war peace building. Documentary data were complemented by questionnaire-based survey of 121 respondents, purposively selected to reect the various sections of the society such as Biafra supporters, community leaders, community members, and professionals. e survey was carried out in ten locations across the South East, namely Aba, Asaba, Awka, Enugu, Mbano, Nsukka, Owerri, Okigwe, Onitsha, and Umuahia (ten copies of questionnaire were sent by email to some Biafra supporters residing in Finland). Additional data were derived from interviews with key informants, drawn from among former Biafran soldiers, Biafra supporters, academics, security agents, and media practitioners. Finally, a content analysis of reports of three daily newspapers for the period – January 2010 to June 2015 was conducted.To understand why agitation for a separate state of Biafra has been persistent, this study reviewed existing analyses. It found that extant explanations for the recurrent agitation for Biafra fall into three main strands: 1) those that focus on ethnic divisions and competition, 2) those that focus on economic frustrations, and 3) those that focus on state-society relations. Ethnicity based explanations perceive agitation for Biafra as a response to the failure of the Igbo elite to capture federal power, and “a bid for re-inclusion by political actors excluded from power.” Analyses focusing on economic frustration see the agitation as a struggle by young people expressing resentment over their deteriorating material condition. Lastly, the state-society relations perspective interprets the agitation as a “confrontation between state-led nationalism and state-seeking nationalism.”
iiWhile existing explanations for the recurring agitation for Biafra are not necessarily wrong, this study notes that they are limited in three important ways. Firstly, by placing overwhelming emphasis on the period since 1999, they present an incomplete picture of Biafra separatism that neglects the links between the current agitation for Biafra and the previous experiences dating to colonial times. Secondly, the ethnic competition argument, in particular, is overly elite-driven, neglecting the perspectives and autonomous actions of the masses. irdly, as much as the economic frustration explanation of Biafran separatism appears interesting, its claims are not necessarily supported by empirical data.Drawing on the evidence from the literature, this study suggests that what ties all the existing explanations together is the level of feeling of collective victimization in separatist movements. e study conceptualizes the Biafra separatist agitation as interactions between inclusion and collective victimization. It proposes that during periods when there is a high feeling of collective victimization and low sense of inclusion, separatist agitation tends to be high. Conversely, periods of high sense of inclusion and low feelings of collective victimization see low levels of separatist agitations. e study further suggests that what can be called Critical Moments (CM) constitute the nodal points for understanding this constantly swinging balance between inclusion and victimization. CM could be social events or actions of “historic” individuals or groups. Elections stand out among Critical Moments in separatist agitations, especially in a state-dominant, ethnically divided country like Nigeria because they congeal all the hopes and fears of group that perceive themselves as collectively victimized. Other Critical Moments would include recurrent events in which members of a group suer personal loss or death, even if isolated.To further elucidate its theoretical framework, this study make a distinction between “Push Separatism” and “Pull Separatism”. e former is associated with a feeling of not being wanted, while the latter is related to a feeling of being dierent. e study notes that the desire for exit in the two are quite dierent - while push separatism is driven by a feeling of necessity, pull separatism is driven by a feeling of freedom. In other words, push separatism arises from a sense of being expelled, while pull separatism arises from internal propulsion to leave. e study therefore argues that push separatism is highest in situations of high feelings of collective victimhood and each Critical Moment conrms the perception of being unwanted.Based on available evidence in the literature, this study argues that feelings of collective victimization is critical in the Biafra separatist agitations. e study presents evidence which connects recurring separatist agitation to the Biafran war of 1967-1970, especially, to the following: 1) the grievances that led to the outbreak of the war, 2) grievances arising from how the war was fought, and 3) grievances emanating from how post-war settlement was implemented. at body of evidence strongly suggests that developments that occurred before, during and after the Biafran war engendered particularly deep grievances which have created a sense of communal suering and collective victimhood among the Igbo. As the study shows, three major factors have helped to sustain and reinforce this sense of victimhood, namely: 1) certain policies and actions of the Nigerian government which are perceived to disadvantage the group, 2) acts of violence seen to be targeting the group, and 3) the rhetoric of the Igbo elites as well as those of other Nigerians.
iiiIn analyzing the response of the Igbo to alleged victimization, this study argues that the Igbo elite have historically responded to the perceived victimization of the group in two principal ways: by advocating for either more inclusion or for more separation. e inclusivist approach represents the attitude of the Igbo elite who see greater political, economic and social inclusion of the group as the most eective way of addressing the group’s victimization. By contrast, radical-separatists hold that a sovereign, independent state of Biafra is the only solution to the victimization of the Igbo. While separatists agree on secession as is the only solution to Igbo victimization, they dier on how this is to be achieved. ey propound three possible routes to sovereignty namely, armed secession, civil disobedience and more lately, referendum.How then has the increasing tendency towards radical-separatism in the South East zone impacted on the region and the Nigerian society, in general? is study proposes several fundamental consequences of recurring Biafra agitation. Firstly, because of the frequent demonstrations by pro-Biafra activists and the clashes between them and the security agencies, economic activities are often disrupted in locations where these protests frequently occur. In addition to disruption of economic activities, pro-Biafra protests have a tendency to discourage investments in the South East. irdly, the recurring agitation for Biafra has specic regional and national security implications, including the chances that mobilization of potential protesters could escalate armed violence and worsen the existing levels of insecurity. At the national level, recurring agitation for Biafra can intensify existing security challenges, such as attacks on Igbos in Northern Nigeria and clashes between Igbo communities and Fulani herdsmen in the South. Fourthly, as the activities of the pro-Biafra movement intensify and widen, the capacity of the security agencies to handle the movement in a peaceful and professional manner might tend to decline, resulting in serious human rights violations. Fifthly, the intensication of the activities of radical-separatist groups such as MASSOB and IPOB has a cultural dimension which involves an increasing break down of existing forms of inter-generational relationships. One immediate consequence of this development might be further fragmentation of the Igbo society, which could make social consensus and cohesion dicult to achieve. Finally, the recurring agitation for Biafra has serious implications for political stability and democratic consolidation. With separatist agitations simmering in other parts of Nigeria, the persistence of the agitation for Biafra could become a rallying point for groups questioning the Nigerian project. Biafran separatism can produce a snowball eect – motivating group after group to demand for greater autonomy or separation.is study maintains that mitigating the negative consequences of the recurring agitation for Biafra requires well thought conict resolution strategy. However, the current government’s strategy for dealing with the Biafra separatist movement which focuses mainly on police action has not been very useful in addressing the problem. Against this backdrop, this study proposes the following measures to address the agitation:1. e Nigerian government should establish an independent commission of inquiry to conduct a transparent, comprehensive, and impartial investigation into alleged unlawful killings and other human rights abuses of Biafra supporters.
iv2. e Nigerian government should prosecute without delay and in accordance with international fair trial standards all those implicated in the killing and abuse of Biafran supporters.3. e Nigerian government should conduct quick, open and fair trial of Biafra agitators in detention.4. e Nigerian government should set up a high-level Peace and Reconciliation Commission to engage with pro-Biafra groups with a view to devising an eective approach to the resolution of the agitation for Biafra.5. To support the process of reconciliation, the Nigerian government should tone down its threats of use of force against pro-Biafra protesters, apply force with utmost restraint and only in extreme situations, and prosecute violent protesters according to the due process of law.6. Igbo leaders who support separation should tone down their rhetoric.7. e governments and leaders of the ve South East states should establish an economic revitalization scheme that would complement the interventions by the federal government and other stakeholders. As a rst step in this direction, platforms on which South East leaders could meet and undertake consultation, such as the South East Governors’ Forum, South East Legislators’ Forum, and the South East Traditional Rulers Council, should be established, revived or strengthened. Furthermore, promising economic initiatives, such as the South East Nigeria Economic Commission (SENEC), should be revisited and actualized. e governments of the South East states should as a matter of urgency come up with realistic job creation plans, including measures geared towards improving the investment climate of the region to attract private sector enterprises.8. Nigeria’s development partners should issue public and private statements denouncing excessive use of force against and human rights abuses of Biafra supporters, and call on the Nigeria government to hold abusive security agents accountable.9. Nigeria’s development partners should provide targeted funding and technical assistance to support initiatives aimed at improving the economic conditions in the South East and addressing the grievances of pro-Biafra groups

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/312129707_Biafra_Separatism_Causes_Consequences_and_Remedies