₦airaland Forum

Beaf:
So almajiri's should be allowed to run amok if GEJ wins? Dude, they will be toying with the federal might.
Election period is not a time to mock about. Already, word has gone out yesterday for zero tolerance to any form of violence, so from now until the elections, expect to see any perpetrators very robustly handled.

Beaf:
After the massacres in Jos and with the army being 75% Christian? Think again.

Beaf:
If PDP wins and almajiri's go on rampage, the army will come out and by dusk the fools would have paid the ultimate price. . . And life will go on.

Beaf:
You're truly a dim bulb. That is a summary of the politics in Nigeria, not any reason for supporting GEJ (its a good one though).
When you've finally learnt to read, you'll find that the thread is about PDP, not GEJ. Or don't you know the difference?

Donlittle:
u knw am too young, y dont you teach me about it?? but i think the last time i check pdp ruled us for 12 years without anything to show for it, but please i want to learn, tell me what jonathan has done since 1999 to 2007, and since when he became president, i need your view please help me

Beaf:
My sincere apologies, I didn't realise you were young. I'll give a brief overview.

As noblezone has said, there is a set of men who have pulled the strings in Nigeria since the 60's. Some of them are IBB, Buhari and Obj.
Every last one of these men have been involved in every coup and every political party since the 1966 coup and the civil war.

However, the problem is not with the men, but who they front. There has been a shadowy group first known as the Kaduna mafia, and now more simply as the cabal. The only interest of members of these groups, is to steal our oil wealth. This has gone on for decades, before ACN, CPC, PDP etc. They and their yesmen hold strategic positions in all Nigeria's major institutions; NNPC, CBN, Minting and Printing, Agric, fuel importing, PHCN, the army etc
I am sure you would have read about how promising Nigeria's economy was in the past. It has all been run down for oil by the thoughtless corrupt cabal. Indeed, a country like Malaysia got their palm kernel seedlings from Nigeria when we were by far the Worlds top producer of oil palm. Today? Shock, horror! Malaysia is the Worlds number one and our oil palm industry is moribund (Malaysia is also now a developed country).

Last year by a stroke of providence, GEJ rose up and the cabal fought him to a standstill, holding the nation to ransome. The only thing that saved the nation from serious bloodshed, was GEJ's calm, quiet and assured approach. The response of the cabal was to threaten violence, at one point, even threatening to snuff GEJ's life out with snipers (armed forces remembrance day).

Today, the cabals paws have been removed from their most lucrative avenue; the oil industry and petrol is cheap and abundant (a near miracle in Nigera). Their grip on the power sector is also being forcibly loosened. Naturally, they are mad about the way things are going and a putting up a helluva fight with everything from Ciroma's NPLF to the brand new group, Northern Stakeholders.

The natural enmity between the cabal and GEJ makes him a Godsend to free Nigeria once and for all from the grip of the cabal.

After GEJ's actions and especially after the defeat of Atiku, swathes of the PDP moved into CPC, today at least 90% of CPC is ex-PDP (one reason i say political parties do not matter). ACN is no better, yes they have a great governor in Fashola, but thats about it; ACN is financed by a known drug baron in Tinubu.

Beaf:
lol.
My sincere apologies, I didn't realise you were young. I'll give a brief overview.

As noblezone has said, there is a set of men who have pulled the strings in Nigeria since the 60's. Some of them are IBB, Buhari and Obj.
Every last one of these men have been involved in every coup and every political party since the 1966 coup and the civil war.

However, the problem is not with the men, but who they front. There has been a shadowy group first known as the Kaduna mafia, and now more simply as the cabal. The only interest of members of these groups, is to steal our oil wealth. This has gone on for decades, before ACN, CPC, PDP etc. They and their yesmen hold strategic positions in all Nigeria's major institutions; NNPC, CBN, Minting and Printing, Agric, fuel importing, PHCN, the army etc
I am sure you would have read about how promising Nigeria's economy was in the past. It has all been run down for oil by the thoughtless corrupt cabal. Indeed, a country like Malaysia got their palm kernel seedlings from Nigeria when we were by far the Worlds top producer of oil palm. Today? Shock, horror! Malaysia is the Worlds number one and our oil palm industry is moribund (Malaysia is also now a developed country).

Last year by a stroke of providence, GEJ rose up and the cabal fought him to a standstill, holding the nation to ransome. The only thing that saved the nation from serious bloodshed, was GEJ's calm, quiet and assured approach. The response of the cabal was to threaten violence, at one point, even threatening to snuff GEJ's life out with snipers (armed forces remembrance day).

Today, the cabals paws have been removed from their most lucrative avenue; the oil industry and petrol is cheap and abundant (a near miracle in Nigera). Their grip on the power sector is also being forcibly loosened. Naturally, they are mad about the way things are going and a putting up a helluva fight with everything from Ciroma's NPLF to the brand new group, Northern Stakeholders.

The natural enmity between the cabal and GEJ makes him a Godsend to free Nigeria once and for all from the grip of the cabal.

After GEJ's actions and especially after the defeat of Atiku, swathes of the PDP moved into CPC, today at least 90% of CPC is ex-PDP (one reason i say political parties do not matter). ACN is no better, yes they have a great governor in Fashola, but thats about it; ACN is financed by a known drug baron in Tinubu.

Beaf:
Obj is not the press. Even more pertinent, is the calibre of pressman that Obaigbena is, one who could bring the likes of George Bush and Tony Blair into the country.

According to a recent opinion pollin Nigeria, 38.1 percent of  respondents “strongly agree” and 34.9 percent “somewhat agree,” “that Goodluck Jonathan is doing a good job as president.” The poll even shows Jonathan with a one hundred percent positive approval rate in Akwa Ibom state, and an average positive performance rating of about ninety percent in the southern states. His lowest score was in Kano with 22.5 percent, but he had an overall approval rate in the North of sixty percent.

The poll, conducted by Ipsos, an international polling firm, was published in This Day, a Nigerian newspaper sympathetic to the Jonathan administration.

I am skeptical that this poll accurately measures Jonathan’s support. Indeed, an approval rating of one hundred percent anywhere stretches credulity. While opinion polls are not unknown in Nigeria, they are not common, either.

Shortly before the 2007 elections, a government cabinet minister came to see me with polling results that ostensibly showed overwhelming support for the governing People’s Democratic Party. In hindsight, the Obasanjo government’s sharing of poll results with the diplomatic community looks like it was part of an orchestrated campaign to try and give credibility to the electoral outcomes despite the massive PDP rigging of the elections. Friends of Nigeria must hope that polling data is not now being used in a similar way before the April 2011 elections.

Andre Uweh:
He lost in 2003 and 2007 and nothing happened. He will lose again and nothing will happen.
Having said that, Buhari will win in Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara and one or two other sharia states.

All sample surveys are subject to statistical error, depending on sample size, interviewing methodology and response rate. The margin of error for the national figures in this poll is 0.93. This means that in 95 out of every 100 cases, the findings will fall within +/- 0.93% range when looking at the national results. The margin of error for state level figures is +/- 6.3%.

Ipsos initially conducted a face-to-face survey of 11,100 Nigerians. Interviews were conducted in-home by trained interviewers between 25 January 2011 and 8 February 2011. The first poll, covered in this press release, covered a range social and political issues.

The survey comprised only registered voters and those planning to register to vote in time for the elections in April 2011. Respondents were therefore asked at the beginning of the interview if they have registered to vote in the elections in April 2011. Over nine in ten (92%) indicated they were registered to vote, and the remaining 8% indicated that they were still planning to register to vote and so their opinions were included in the results.

Ipsos undertook a stratified, multi-stage probability sampling technique in order to neutralise potential forms of bias that might affect the accuracy and reliability of the data collected. This technique applies random selection methods at every stage of sampling and ensures that all Nigerian adults of voting age (males, females, urban and rural dwellers, and all social classes) are given a known chance of being selected to partake in the polling.

The survey covered all of Nigeria. Within each region the selection of sampling locations – a mix of urban, semi-urban and rural – was generated randomly in order for all locations to be given an equal and known chance of being selected.At least five, but no more than ten, interviews were conducted in each primary sampling unit (PSU) to facilitate spread of interviews and adequate representativeness.

In total 1,730 sampling points were randomly selected across the federation. This was done to ensure the most comprehensive coverage of the population possible.

Interviews were conducted face-to-face in all 36 states of the federation and the FCT (Abuja). This approach ensured that people who do not own or have access to a telephone were given an equal chance of being selected. Regionally and locally based interviewers were used to carry out the interviews (meaning these interviewers will be more familiar with the local region and languages), and interviews were always conducted in the respondent’s preferred language (English, Pidgin, Igbo, Yoruba or Hausa) to ensure congruence with language and ethnicity of the respondents.

All interviewers went through a two-day training program to ensure consistent administration of the questionnaire across the sample, a practice which is in line with internationally recognized research standards.

The data were weighted using 2006 census figures to ensure a match between the survey sample and the Nigerian population.

Fieldwork for the second poll was conducted between 25 February to 16 March 2011 via a mix of face-to-face in-home and telephonic re-contact interviews of the initial sample of 11,100 interviewees. Where respondents could not be re-contacted they were substituted by a face to face interview with a respondent who was matched in terms of age, gender, SEC, education level and area.

All sample surveys are subject to statistical error, depending on sample size, interviewing methodology and response rate. The margin of error for the national figures in this poll is 0.93. This means that in 95 out of every 100 cases, the findings will fall within +/- 0.93% range when looking at the national results. The margin of error for state level figures is +/- 6.3%.

Ipsos fully adheres to the ICC-ESOMAR International Code of Marketing and Social Research.

Ipsos initially conducted a face-to-face survey of 11,100 Nigerians. Interviews were conducted in-home by trained interviewers between  25 January 2011 and 8 February 2011. The first poll, covered in this press release, covered a range social and political issues.

The survey comprised only registered voters and those planning to register to vote in time for the elections in April 2011. Respondents were therefore asked at the beginning of the interview if they have registered to vote in the elections in April 2011. Over nine in ten (92%) indicated they were registered to vote, and the remaining 8% indicated that they were still planning to register to vote and so their opinions were included in the results.

Ipsos undertook a stratified, multi-stage probability sampling technique in order to neutralise potential forms of bias that might affect the accuracy and reliability of the data collected.  This technique applies random selection methods at every stage of sampling and ensures that all Nigerian adults of voting age (males, females, urban and rural dwellers, and all social classes) are given a known chance of being selected to partake in the polling.

The survey covered all of Nigeria. Within each region the selection of sampling locations – a mix of urban, semi-urban and rural – was generated randomly in order for all locations to be given an equal and known chance of being selected.At least five, but no more than ten, interviews were conducted in each primary sampling unit (PSU) to facilitate spread of interviews and adequate representativeness.

In total 1,730 sampling points were randomly selected across the federation. This was done to ensure the most comprehensive coverage of the population possible.

Interviews were conducted face-to-face in all 36 states of the federation and the FCT (Abuja). This approach ensured that people who do not own or have access to a telephone were given an equal chance of being selected. Regionally and locally based interviewers were used to carry out the interviews (meaning these interviewers will be more familiar with the local region and languages), and interviews were always conducted in the respondent’s preferred language (English, Pidgin, Igbo, Yoruba or Hausa) to ensure congruence with language and ethnicity of the respondents.

All interviewers went through a two-day training program to ensure consistent administration of the questionnaire across the sample, a practice which is in line with internationally recognized research standards.

The data were weighted using 2006 census figures to ensure a match between the survey sample and the Nigerian population.

Fieldwork for the second poll was conducted between 25 February to 16 March 2011 via a mix of face-to-face in-home and telephonic re-contact interviews of the initial sample of 11,100 interviewees. Where respondents could not be re-contacted they were substituted by a face to face interview with a respondent who was matched in terms of age, gender, SEC, education level and area.

All sample surveys are subject to statistical error, depending on sample size, interviewing methodology and response rate. The margin of error for the national figures in this poll is 0.93. This means that in 95 out of every 100 cases, the findings will fall within +/- 0.93% range when looking at the national results. The margin of error for state level figures is +/- 6.3%.

Ipsos fully adheres to the ICC-ESOMAR International Code of Marketing and Social Research.

aletheia:
There you go. . .you 've correctly identified the problem. A lot of the people posting on NL are actually ignorant and would rather continuing glorying in that instead of learning.

For the umpteenth time, the Friday night meeting between President Goodluck Jonathan and Northern Political Leaders Forum (NPLF), led by Mallam Adamu Ciroma, was deadlocked. But the two camps might meet again before the end of the month on grey areas.

As part of the continuation of the February 18 dialogue between the two groups, Jonathan had met with top shots of the NPLF in Abuja including ex-President Ibrahim Babangida,  ex-Vice-President Atiku Abubakar and others.

It was gathered that the meeting was essentially at the instance of the President to secure the backing of the Northern leaders for the April 9 presidential election.

The negotiation was however described by a reliable source as “still ding-dong.”

The source, who gave an  insight into Friday’s meeting said: “The report of the seven-man team raised on February 18 was considered with key issues revolving around three areas. These are dumping zoning to back Jonathan; power shift to the North in 2015 with concrete agreement; and concession of key appointments to the North to assuage its grievances.

“The Northern leaders also brought up more issues like the arrest and coercion of some secretariat staff of the NPLF. They protested against abridgment of the freedom of association and expression of these staff.

“The President took time to explain that he would never be a party to the arrest of anyone. He explained that he has kept faith with Nigerians by upholding the rule of law and tenets of democracy.

“There were assurances that such an ugly trend will not repeat itself.

“But after lengthy discussions, the NPLF leaders restated that they carried a burden on zoning policy and may find it difficult to abandon agitation for this as far as 2011 poll is concerned.

“They said they were being careful in making a decision to back Jonathan so that it would not be a precedent that they have dumped zoning for good.

“The Northern leaders however told Jonathan that after 2015, power must return to the North and that he should go and make a pronouncement. They also demanded an agreement to that effect.

“They are demanding agreement so that they will be sure that Jonathan will actually spend a term in office. Some of them also claimed to have noticed that the President had been reneging on some pronouncements and they do not want some sycophants to prevail on him in 2015 to renege on power shift to the North.

“But Jonathan hesitated and said he cannot make the pronouncement before the elections. I think the President was cautious on this commitment because of the agitation by the South-East for presidency in 2015.

“Also, the President wanted the NPLF leaders to make categorical statement to back him for the April poll to lay to rest all doubts about the North’s support. He also pledged to be fair to the North with some appointments.

“Yet, the Northern leaders were also not forthcoming because of the likely backlash from Northerners.

“I think they have made up their mind not to dump zoning. They however sought for more time for consultations. They are going to meet with the President again before the month runs out.

“It is like keeping the President guessing till the last minute. I think the Northern leaders are anticipating a presidential poll run-off to have far-reaching agreement with the President.”

http://thenationonlineng.net/web3/news/31236.html

Ipsos initially conducted a face-to-face survey of 11,100 Nigerians. Interviews were conducted in-home by trained interviewers between 25 January 2011 and 8 February 2011. The first poll, covered in this press release, covered a range social and political issues.

The survey comprised only registered voters and those planning to register to vote in time for the elections in April 2011. Respondents were therefore asked at the beginning of the interview if they have registered to vote in the elections in April 2011. Over nine in ten (92%) indicated they were registered to vote, and the remaining 8% indicated that they were still planning to register to vote and so their opinions were included in the results.

Ipsos undertook a stratified, multi-stage probability sampling technique in order to neutralise potential forms of bias that might affect the accuracy and reliability of the data collected. This technique applies random selection methods at every stage of sampling and ensures that all Nigerian adults of voting age (males, females, urban and rural dwellers, and all social classes) are given a known chance of being selected to partake in the polling.

The survey covered all of Nigeria. Within each region the selection of sampling locations – a mix of urban, semi-urban and rural – was generated randomly in order for all locations to be given an equal and known chance of being selected.At least five, but no more than ten, interviews were conducted in each primary sampling unit (PSU) to facilitate spread of interviews and adequate representativeness.

In total 1,730 sampling points were randomly selected across the federation. This was done to ensure the most comprehensive coverage of the population possible.

Interviews were conducted face-to-face in all 36 states of the federation and the FCT (Abuja). This approach ensured that people who do not own or have access to a telephone were given an equal chance of being selected. Regionally and locally based interviewers were used to carry out the interviews (meaning these interviewers will be more familiar with the local region and languages), and interviews were always conducted in the respondent’s preferred language (English, Pidgin, Igbo, Yoruba or Hausa) to ensure congruence with language and ethnicity of the respondents.

All interviewers went through a two-day training program to ensure consistent administration of the questionnaire across the sample, a practice which is in line with internationally recognized research standards.

The data were weighted using 2006 census figures to ensure a match between the survey sample and the Nigerian population.

Fieldwork for the second poll was conducted between 25 February to 16 March 2011 via a mix of face-to-face in-home and telephonic re-contact interviews of the initial sample of 11,100 interviewees. Where respondents could not be re-contacted they were substituted by a face to face interview with a respondent who was matched in terms of age, gender, SEC, education level and area.

All sample surveys are subject to statistical error, depending on sample size, interviewing methodology and response rate. The margin of error for the national figures in this poll is 0.93. This means that in 95 out of every 100 cases, the findings will fall within +/- 0.93% range when looking at the national results. The margin of error for state level figures is +/- 6.3%.

Ipsos fully adheres to the ICC-ESOMAR International Code of Marketing and Social Research.