₦airaland Forum

Tydies:
Truth24, you just said dumb?? Someone took his time to give you some useful Tips that will save your life and all you can say is dumb? Next time if you dnt have something to say, stay mute. Its better to remain silent and be assumed as a fool than to open your mouth and clear all doubt.

So u mean u people don't have Transformer in ur area to go and hug?

Makes sense

LOVE
LUST
WIN

MrPresident1:
stupi..d story.

I tell u, I still dey imagine how I take read am finish

Reporting from uyo

.

APC, una no dey rest?

kinglekan:
When u render quality Service to your Self

Chikena!!!

*grins*

God bless u

Some of these questions or something similar MIGHT be asked from d text The Last Days At Forcados Highschool ....
1. Mrs. Kemi Solade died of
A. cancer B. shock C. ovarian cancer D. hypertension
2. ________is the principal of Sy. Catherine School
A. Mr Mallum B. Mrs Obanje C. Mr Vann D. Mr Tade
3. Efua can be described as
A. arrogant B. liar B. unfortunate and victim of circumstances D. spoilt child
4. ________ is fond of Jimi and called him by his full name Akinjimi
A. Risikat B. Mama Silifat C. Funmi D. Aunt Moni
5. ________ violated and intimately harassed Efua
A. Jimi Solade B. Jolly Stephens C. Efua’s stepfather D. Ansa Izaegbegbe
6. _______ is nicknamed cane by the student
A. Mr Bade B. Mr Vann C. Miss Agbenenovi D. Mr. Mallum
7. The rhymers are
A. the choir of St. Catherine School B. Jimi, Ansa and Nene C. group of five boys at Forcados high school D. Some girls at Forcados High School
8. Why did the Principal of Forcados High School choose to reinvestigate the theft of the laboratory equipment?
A. He knows Jimi Solade couldn’t do such things
B. He knows some bad gangs must have influenced Jimi Solade
C. Efua challenge at him during Jimi’s public apology
D. intervention of uncle Kazeem
9. ___________ arrived from United Kingdom for the burial of Kemi
A. Femi B. Wole C. Uncle Kazeem D. Aunt Memunat
10. One of these suffered from child abuse
A. Wole Solade B. Jolly Stephens C. Efua Coker D. Ansa Izaegbegbe
11. Mr Vann is the
A. Mathemaatics Teacher B. English teacher C. Chemistry teacher D. Physics teacher
12. Funmi’s reason for remarry is
A. for better life B. to have a man assist her in upbringing her only daughter C. to have more assistance D. for financial assistance
13. Unlike Jimi, Efua is
A. not close to her mother B. is good in all subject C. close to her mother D. none
14. The principal of Forcados high school is
A. Mrs Obanje B. Mr Mallum C. Mr Vann D. Mr Salami
15. According to the principal Miss. Agbenenovi is to occasionally fill in for?
16. Efua’s attitude to people must have been influenced by
A. lack of motherly trust B. lack of motherly attention C. memory of intimate harassment and violation D. all of the above
17. One of these do not attend the same primary school with with Jimi Solade
A. Nene Ekpo B. Jolly Stephens C. Efua Coker D. Ansa Izaegbegbe
18. _______ is the head boy of Forcados High School
A. Seyi Lawal B. Jimi Solade C. Ansa Izaegbegbe D. Jolly Stephens
19. _______ has unspoken contest will Jimi over chemistry result
A. Ansa B. Seyi C. Eze D. Jolly
20. Aunti Moni is
A. Mrs Solade B. Mrs Alli C. Mrs Ekpo D. Mrs. Izaegbegbe
21. Efua’s was expelled from St. Catherine School because
A. she ran away from school without notice B. her defiant reply to the principal C. she perform woefully at the last exam D. she is sick
22. Ansa wants to study
A. Electrical Engineering B. Architecture C. Medicine D. Fine art
23. __________ photocopy Efua’s letter to Miss, Novi and circulate it in the school
A. Nene Ekpo B. Jolly Stephens C. Ansa Izaegbegbe D. Seyi Lawal
24. Efua danced with _________ at Mid-term dinner of Forcados high School
A. Jolly B. Jide C. Jimi D. Ansa
25. Efua shared her life experience with
A. Nene Ekpo B. Mrs Tanimoro, the guidance counsellor C. Mr Mallum D. Mrs Ekpo
26. The head girl of Forcados high school is
A. Efua B. Nene C. Ada D. Caro
.
#Anyone who knows d correct answer to each of these questions can as well write it here for d benefit of others...
#Goodluck Jambites

Just incase

I hate maths

Who cares

Ontop only one kiss Tell me more!

Maisuya1:
Kevin A. Lees

Though he's not the candidate with the name "Goodluck," Muhammadu Buhari, the challenger in Nigeria's now-delayed presidential election, must be feeling lucky.

As the race shapes up to be the closest election since the return of “civilian” government in 1999, it also promises to be the most important test of Nigeria's nascent and imperfect democracy. Unlike the previous four elections, there's a real chance that the dominant People's Democratic Party (PDP) could fall from power. If it does, Nigeria's incumbent president Goodluck Jonathan will be judged by history on the basis of how he left office as much as what he did in power

Jonathan today is as embattled as African heads of state typically get. Struggling in his fight to halt Boko Haram's rise in northeastern Nigeria as a growing international threat, and reeling from a collapse in global oil prices that's left his government staggering to slash a national budget already inadequate to address the dual challenges of Nigerian security and development, the country's nominally independent national election commission postponed its general election for six weeks—from February 14 to March 28—ostensibly to register more voters in areas affected by the Boko Haram insurgency and to give the Nigerian military a chance for one last offensive against the group.

The six-week delay initially felt like a suspicious opportunity for Jonathan to rally his chiefly southern, chiefly Christian supporters to win reelection. But it is already turning out quite differently. Jonathan is increasingly sidelined by economic and security problems, and last week brought a long-time-coming defection from his former patron, former president Olusegun Obasanjo, who tore up his PDP membership card last week, the latest chapter in an increasingly vocal turn away from Jonathan and toward Buhari.

Far from rallying Jonathan, the current six-week extension period is something like a triumph for Buhari, who's so comfortable about the state of the race that he spent over a week in London on a charm offensive in the United Kingdom, which has retained close postcolonial ties with Nigeria. Buhari quietly met with former prime minister Tony Blair, and he spoke at Chatham House, a leading London think tank, on February 26. Opponents, most notably Ekiti governor Ayodelse Fayose, claim that Buhari's trip is related to ill health, and Buhari himself said upon his return to Nigeria that he used the trip in part as a rest from the campaign trail, but there's no indication that the seventy-two-year-old candidate was seeking medical treatment abroad.

Notwithstanding his overseas trip, Buhari is no unfamiliar face to Western policy makers. Buhari is waging a compelling and credible campaign on two joint rationales—first, that he can reduce the extent of Nigeria's massive corruption and second, that he is better suited for thwarting Boko Haram than Jonathan.


But Buhari would arrive at the presidency with considerable baggage.

Three decades ago, Buhari led a coup against the civilian government of former president Shehu Shagari. Though the military coup was widely popular and Shagari despised for perpetrating corruption on a previously unseen scale, Buhari has a decidedly mixed record during his own tenure as Nigeria's military head of state between December 1983 and August 1985. Among the most egregious excesses involved the enactment of “Decree 4,” a repressive measure that curtailed press freedom by punishing the publication of anything that brought Nigeria's government into “ridicule or disrepute” with a two-year prison sentence. Several prominent journalists at the time were tried before military tribunals and imprisoned.

Nevertheless, Buhari led the most committed campaign in Nigerian history to eliminate graft and corruption, and his ambitious “war against indiscipline” sought to instill a sense of professionalism within the civil service and civic pride among the Nigerian population. It was Buhari's intolerance for corruption that probably brought his government to an overhasty conclusion. Terrified elites, in both Nigeria's north and south, breathed a sigh of relief when another military leader, Ibrahim Babangida, came to power in yet another coup. Babangida, who remained a powerful Nigerian political boss in the north after his own fall from power, has even endorsed Buhari in 2015, thirty years after deposing him.

Though he's not the candidate with the name "Goodluck," Muhammadu Buhari, the challenger in Nigeria's now-delayed presidential election, must be feeling lucky.

As the race shapes up to be the closest election since the return of “civilian” government in 1999, it also promises to be the most important test of Nigeria's nascent and imperfect democracy. Unlike the previous four elections, there's a real chance that the dominant People's Democratic Party (PDP) could fall from power. If it does, Nigeria's incumbent president Goodluck Jonathan will be judged by history on the basis of how he left office as much as what he did in power

Jonathan today is as embattled as African heads of state typically get. Struggling in his fight to halt Boko Haram's rise in northeastern Nigeria as a growing international threat, and reeling from a collapse in global oil prices that's left his government staggering to slash a national budget already inadequate to address the dual challenges of Nigerian security and development, the country's nominally independent national election commission postponed its general election for six weeks—from February 14 to March 28—ostensibly to register more voters in areas affected by the Boko Haram insurgency and to give the Nigerian military a chance for one last offensive against the group.

The six-week delay initially felt like a suspicious opportunity for Jonathan to rally his chiefly southern, chiefly Christian supporters to win reelection. But it is already turning out quite differently. Jonathan is increasingly sidelined by economic and security problems, and last week brought a long-time-coming defection from his former patron, former president Olusegun Obasanjo, who tore up his PDP membership card last week, the latest chapter in an increasingly vocal turn away from Jonathan and toward Buhari.

Far from rallying Jonathan, the current six-week extension period is something like a triumph for Buhari, who's so comfortable about the state of the race that he spent over a week in London on a charm offensive in the United Kingdom, which has retained close postcolonial ties with Nigeria. Buhari quietly met with former prime minister Tony Blair, and he spoke at Chatham House, a leading London think tank, on February 26. Opponents, most notably Ekiti governor Ayodelse Fayose, claim that Buhari's trip is related to ill health, and Buhari himself said upon his return to Nigeria that he used the trip in part as a rest from the campaign trail, but there's no indication that the seventy-two-year-old candidate was seeking medical treatment abroad.

Notwithstanding his overseas trip, Buhari is no unfamiliar face to Western policy makers. Buhari is waging a compelling and credible campaign on two joint rationales—first, that he can reduce the extent of Nigeria's massive corruption and second, that he is better suited for thwarting Boko Haram than Jonathan.


But Buhari would arrive at the presidency with considerable baggage.

Three decades ago, Buhari led a coup against the civilian government of former president Shehu Shagari. Though the military coup was widely popular and Shagari despised for perpetrating corruption on a previously unseen scale, Buhari has a decidedly mixed record during his own tenure as Nigeria's military head of state between December 1983 and August 1985. Among the most egregious excesses involved the enactment of “Decree 4,” a repressive measure that curtailed press freedom by punishing the publication of anything that brought Nigeria's government into “ridicule or disrepute” with a two-year prison sentence. Several prominent journalists at the time were tried before military tribunals and imprisoned.

Nevertheless, Buhari led the most committed campaign in Nigerian history to eliminate graft and corruption, and his ambitious “war against indiscipline” sought to instill a sense of professionalism within the civil service and civic pride among the Nigerian population. It was Buhari's intolerance for corruption that probably brought his government to an overhasty conclusion. Terrified elites, in both Nigeria's north and south, breathed a sigh of relief when another military leader, Ibrahim Babangida, came to power in yet another coup. Babangida, who remained a powerful Nigerian political boss in the north after his own fall from power, has even endorsed Buhari in 2015, thirty years after deposing him.
Though he's not the candidate with the name "Goodluck," Muhammadu Buhari, the challenger in Nigeria's now-delayed presidential election, must be feeling lucky.

As the race shapes up to be the closest election since the return of “civilian” government in 1999, it also promises to be the most important test of Nigeria's nascent and imperfect democracy. Unlike the previous four elections, there's a real chance that the dominant People's Democratic Party (PDP) could fall from power. If it does, Nigeria's incumbent president Goodluck Jonathan will be judged by history on the basis of how he left office as much as what he did in power

Jonathan today is as embattled as African heads of state typically get. Struggling in his fight to halt Boko Haram's rise in northeastern Nigeria as a growing international threat, and reeling from a collapse in global oil prices that's left his government staggering to slash a national budget already inadequate to address the dual challenges of Nigerian security and development, the country's nominally independent national election commission postponed its general election for six weeks—from February 14 to March 28—ostensibly to register more voters in areas affected by the Boko Haram insurgency and to give the Nigerian military a chance for one last offensive against the group.

The six-week delay initially felt like a suspicious opportunity for Jonathan to rally his chiefly southern, chiefly Christian supporters to win reelection. But it is already turning out quite differently. Jonathan is increasingly sidelined by economic and security problems, and last week brought a long-time-coming defection from his former patron, former president Olusegun Obasanjo, who tore up his PDP membership card last week, the latest chapter in an increasingly vocal turn away from Jonathan and toward Buhari.

Far from rallying Jonathan, the current six-week extension period is something like a triumph for Buhari, who's so comfortable about the state of the race that he spent over a week in London on a charm offensive in the United Kingdom, which has retained close postcolonial ties with Nigeria. Buhari quietly met with former prime minister Tony Blair, and he spoke at Chatham House, a leading London think tank, on February 26. Opponents, most notably Ekiti governor Ayodelse Fayose, claim that Buhari's trip is related to ill health, and Buhari himself said upon his return to Nigeria that he used the trip in part as a rest from the campaign trail, but there's no indication that the seventy-two-year-old candidate was seeking medical treatment abroad.

Notwithstanding his overseas trip, Buhari is no unfamiliar face to Western policy makers. Buhari is waging a compelling and credible campaign on two joint rationales—first, that he can reduce the extent of Nigeria's massive corruption and second, that he is better suited for thwarting Boko Haram than Jonathan.


But Buhari would arrive at the presidency with considerable baggage.

Three decades ago, Buhari led a coup against the civilian government of former president Shehu Shagari. Though the military coup was widely popular and Shagari despised for perpetrating corruption on a previously unseen scale, Buhari has a decidedly mixed record during his own tenure as Nigeria's military head of state between December 1983 and August 1985. Among the most egregious excesses involved the enactment of “Decree 4,” a repressive measure that curtailed press freedom by punishing the publication of anything that brought Nigeria's government into “ridicule or disrepute” with a two-year prison sentence. Several prominent journalists at the time were tried before military tribunals and imprisoned.

Nevertheless, Buhari led the most committed campaign in Nigerian history to eliminate graft and corruption, and his ambitious “war against indiscipline” sought to instill a sense of professionalism within the civil service and civic pride among the Nigerian population. It was Buhari's intolerance for corruption that probably brought his government to an overhasty conclusion. Terrified elites, in both Nigeria's north and south, breathed a sigh of relief when another military leader, Ibrahim Babangida, came to power in yet another coup. Babangida, who remained a powerful Nigerian political boss in the north after his own fall from power, has even endorsed Buhari in 2015, thirty years after deposing him.

Western fears run high that Buhari's victory would
restore to office a figure who first rose to power by
deposing Nigeria's first elected leader and who,
while in office, evinced little regard for human
rights. But a Buhari victory could, under the right
circumstances, actually strengthen Nigerian
democracy. It demonstrates quite a bit of
confidence on Buhari's part that he is spending so
much time wooing Western officials before any
votes have even been cast. It also underlines just
how cozy relations between the Jonathan
government and Western governments are,
especially during U.S. president Barack Obama's
administration.
But the knee-jerk distaste for Buhari might be too
pessimistic.
As John Campbell, George W. Bush's former
ambassador to Nigeria, writes in his memoirs,
Nigeria: Dancing on the Brink, "Buhari's reputation
at home was that he, almost alone among the rulers
of Nigeria, tried to address the problems of the
country. The popular view was, and largely remains,
that Buhari's anti-corruption campaign was waged
against the oga networks on behalf of the
'everyman' . . . at present, Buhari is probably the
only national political figure with genuine popularity,
at least in the North. . . . for those who have
benefited from Nigeria's current political economy,
Buhari is high risk."
Since the return of professedly civilian rule under
Obasanjo in 1999, Buhari has tried (and failed) three
times to win the presidency. He lost to Obasanjo in
2003 by the lopsided margin of 61.9 percent to 32.2
percent. In 2007, he lost to Obasanjo's hand-picked
successor, northerner Umaru Yar'Adua, by an even
more lopsided official tally. Jonathan, an ethnic Ijaw
who comes from the oil-rich Niger Delta, assumed
the presidency upon Yar'Adua's death in 2010, and
he, too, defeated Buhari when he ran for election in
his own right in 2011.
But those margins coincide with reports of
widespread voter fraud, and so they likely
understate the level of Buhari's true support. In
2011, many members of Nigeria's northern Muslim
political establishment cautiously backed Jonathan,
notwithstanding Jonathan's decision to reverse a
pledge to stand down in 2011, which would have
restored the balance of alternating the Nigerian
presidency between the Muslim north and the
Christian south. In 2015, virtually the entire northern
establishment backs Buhari. Nigeria's opposition
movement is stronger than at any time since 1999,
with several political parties and a handful of PDP
stalwarts defecting to form the All Progressives
Congress (APC), united chiefly in their desire to
wrest power back from Jonathan.
For sixteen years, the PDP's rule has made Nigeria
an effectively one-party state. Buhari's victory
would change that, and the APC's strength,
especially in the north, could deliver it a firm
majority in Nigeria's National Assembly. But the
country has yet to experience a peaceful transfer of
power from one democratically elected president to
an opposition figure, and in 2010, there were fears
that the uncertainty surrounding Yar'Adua's
incapacitation and death could invite the kind of
military intervention all too familiar prior to 1999.
National elections are marred by commingling of
campaign and government coffers, with rife
examples of vote-buying and outright vote-stealing.
In the best-case scenario, Jonathan's reelection
would be tainted by suspicion of an unfair and
unfree vote. In a worst-case scenario, Nigeria's
military might even intervene to keep Jonathan in
power. Ironically, despite Buhari's military past, top
army officials are sympathetic to Jonathan and PDP
rule, under which they are much likelier to maintain
their economic and political interests.
The election is of paramount importance to global
interests in sub-Saharan Africa. As the most
populous country in sub-Saharan Africa, and as of
last year, its largest economy, Nigeria represents a
particularly strategic U.S. ally. Even as the country
cycled from military to civilian leaders, and between
less corrupt and more corrupt governments,
Nigeria consistently partnered with the United
States. That makes it an important anchor for
regional stability in west Africa, even when Nigeria
is itself in danger of rupturing chaotically. Nigeria
today faces many of the same problems, in
miniature, as greater sub-Saharan Africa, making it
a template as well as a touchstone for how twenty-
first-century Africa might either progress or
stagnate in the decades ahead.
Its oil production brings with it the same
“resources-curse” issues of overvalued currency,
corruption and the crowding-out of other export
industries, such as Angola, Sudan (and perhaps in
the future) Ghana and other countries. A renewed
effort by a Buhari administration to, at a minimum,
reduce corruption would divert more oil funds to the
Nigerian treasury to boost education, welfare,
agriculture and other economic sectors.

Badgers14:
sai GMB 2015

Ah swear u didn't read anything up there

Lol true oio

Cut it off if truly she had seen it or ain't u embarrassed she saw it?
#Mtcheewwe yeye story

Who go borrow me mb?

Welbeck killed us yesternyt....But I won't blame him sha, even our own C.Ronaldo do score against us on various occasions (though doesn't celebrate)....All my blames goes to dat big ass Valencia, d HIV look alike Di Maria and to dat mumu coach we once considered our saviour, Van Gaal, who sticks to d his seat without adding any form of ginger and morale to his players on d field.....
We shall be great again ye thee Uniteds, but until den let's keep hope alive
#RedorDead
#United

kelvine:
Smiling Mama has turned a new leaf.

New leaf kwa?

Op I would feel just d same way as u...
Saii Gej
Sai Aso Rock
Sai Continuity
#GejTill2019

#5naira

Op are u trying to expose dis lady or wat.....

Reporting from where?

I was here.... I know dis thread will have more pages dan dis, so lemme pitch my tent here....
Congrats Seun Osewa! Nairaland is a decade!

I don't understand

Sanchez still has his face.....
Balotelli, wow cute kid

Airforce1:
enjoy your life dude
It's your sweat

See u guys at the top

Album Loading.....

Na today...Carry ur album komot here jor

OMG.... This crazy Mehn.....

k

Troops have not carried out aerial bombardment of Boko Haram leader Abubakar Shekau’s hideout because the sect is using the Chibok girls as shield, it was learnt yesterday.

Chief of Defence Staff, Air Marshal Alex Badeh, on Wednesday visited Chad to seek clarifications on some issues and map out plans with multi-national force on what a source described as the final onslaught against Boko Haram.

The military source, who spoke in confidence with our correspondent, said Shekau and some members of his Shura Committee – the sect’s highest policy making body - had been shuttling between Sambisa Forest and strategic locations, such as Gwoza and Bama.

The Chadian President, Idris Deby said Shekau’s convoy was sighted in Dikwa on Tuesday.

But the military source explained that Shekau has a strong base in Gwoza with a special armoured tank.

The source said: “Troops have located what I may call Shekau’s bunker but they cannot strike because some of the Chibok girls are being used as shield by the leaders of Boko Haram.

“We want to do a clinical job with limited damage because the whole world is awaiting the safe return of the Chibok girls.



“ The ability of the troops to rescue some of the girls will earn more credit to the success of Nigerian military against the insurgents.

“We are also being extremely careful to avoid any military assault which may force Shekau to turn against the Chibok girls and other hostages in Boko Haram’s camps in the Northeast.

According to the source, intelligence report has indicated that recent bombings in Jos and other cities were borne out of anger against the military for reclaiming over 40 occupied territories and killing more than 300 insurgents.”

Air Marshal Badeh on Wednesday met with the Chadian military hierarchy.

A source, who spoke in confidence, said: “ The session was used to iron out alleged claims by Chadian military that Nigerian troops were frustrating its collaborating troops in the Northeast.

“At the meeting, the Chadian military denied issuing such statement. Instead, it restated its commitment to collaboration with Nigeria to rout out the insurgents from the Northeast and the sub-region.

“After ironing out the misgivings, the CDS and Chadian counterpart later mapped out plans with the multi-national force on the final onslaught against Boko Haram.

“We are likely to see enhanced synergy between Nigerian troops and their Chadian counterparts in the next few days.”


http://thenationonlineng.net/new/boko-haram-using-chibok-girls-as-shekaus-shield/