Threathened Ideological Intelligence
Bane of African Policy

Ref: Prof. Femi Osofisan’s Twingle Twangle

SECTION I
There can never be a more noble call than a call for Africa to strategically position itself in the 21st century given the vagaries of globalization. The fact that Africa is unlikely to meet any of the ‘poverty-busting goals’ as well as the benchmarks on education, health, and women's empowerment is the rationale behind such a call. Africa does not need a rhetoric of development but the practice of development. Africa does not need some delusional epistemological or ontological revolution of paradigms but practical and pragmatic approaches to both economics and politics.
While endemic, pervasive and persistent poverty continues to disfigure the face of our continent and compromise the dignity of our African people the Eastern Countries (particularly the Asian Tigers and China) have seen decades of tremendous economic growth that have catapulted their masses from the doldrums of poverty. Most African economies have been shrinking and regressing despite a declared commitment to do the opposite and decades of preoccupation with development.
China has set an example internationally for reducing poverty and raising hundreds of millions of people out of poverty in 20 years. China ’s celebrated success in rural poverty alleviation was premised on a powerful vision of a developmental State. After carrying out a well thought out, comprehensive and coherent poverty alleviation strategy the number of persons living in poverty in China was reduced from 250 million at the start of its reform process in 1978, to 80 million by the end of 1993 and to 29.27 million in 2001.
While China has achieved such a feat, The efficient and effective alignment, integration, and coordination of policy actions continues to be one of the major challenges that have frustrated Post colonial African governments in their quest to eradicate poverty and as well as progressively advance the quality of life and opportunities for all Africans.
The ‘policy crisis’, therefore, over the last decade has been manifest in a range of Acts, policies, strategies, development planning instruments, integration mechanisms and structures which did not necessarily yield meaningful results on the ground. Ideally a plethora of these policies coupled with their noble objectives would have been foundation stones in the fight against poverty if they were premised on efficiency, effectiveness, equitability and sustainability of governmental resource allocation all of which epitomize a developmental state.

SECTION II
African policy on development is not supposed to and cannot be a ruling political party slogan but a meaningful and purposeful statement of intent with a coherent, consistent and commensurate set of well thought out and achievable objectives and instruments to ameliorate a properly diagnosed policy problem. The policy process should neither be sacrificed on the altar of political expediency as is often the case with many policies in Africa nor be a journalistic or newspaper story. A developmental policy for Africa must be predicated on a vision to transform the economy and society at large.
The Chinese government has carried out a full-scale fight against poverty in an organized and planned manner over the past two decades, having amassed human, material and financial strength and mobilized all sectors of society for this purpose. While increasing investment to improve production and living conditions in poverty-stricken areas,
China has also paid more attention to ecological and environmental protection and for sustainable development. This was all attributable to broad participation in subsequent reform drive economic growth and a well funded national poverty reduction program.
In order to fight poverty in Africa therefore, there is need for a comprehensive and multifaceted national strategy powered by a sublime vision of a typical developmental state. Otherwise, the fight against poverty will be reduced to moribund efforts and ‘paper tigers.’Currently, what poverty is to Africa seems to be like what spots are to a leopard. Endemic, pervasive and persistent poverty continues to disfigure the face of our continent and compromise the dignity of our African people.
Africa is a continent not only of great potential but of great promise and hope as well due to the abundance of human and natural resources. However the socio-economic and political conditions on the ground portray post colonial Africa as a continent of despair, war, disease, poverty and hunger.
Therefore, a triumph over poverty in and for Africa is not necessarily a symbol of goodwill nor an end in itself, but rather a fundamental and monumental act of justice as well as the protection of fundamental and inalienable human rights, including the right to self esteem, the right to a decent life and dignity. The dignity of Africa ’s people cannot be said to be fully restored as long as the African masses remain trapped in the vicious circle of poverty.

Bane of African Policy on Petroleum

The petroleum-based economy of Nigeria, long hobbled by political instability, corruption, and poor macroeconomic management, is undergoing substantial economic reform under the new civilian administration. Nigeria's former military rulers failed to diversify the economy. The economy has overdependence on the capital-intensive oil sector, which provides 20% of GDP, 95% of foreign exchange earnings, and about 65% of government revenues.
The largely subsistence agricultural sector has not kept up with rapid population growth, and Nigeria, once a large net exporter of food, now imports some of its food products. In 2006, Nigeria successfully convinced the Paris Club to let it buy back the bulk of its debts owed to the Paris Club for a cash payment of roughly $12 billion (USD)

Bane of African Policy on Agriculture
Nigeria ranks fifty fifth worldwide and first in Africa in farm output.
Agriculture has suffered from years of mismanagement, inconsistent and poorly conceived government policies, and the lack of basic infrastructure. Still, the sector accounts for over 26.8% of GDP [1] and two-thirds of employment. Nigeria is no longer a major exporter of cocoa, groundnuts (peanuts), rubber, and palm oil. Cocoa production, mostly from obsolete varieties and overage trees, is stagnant at around 180,000 tons annually; 25 years ago it was 300,000 tons.
An even more dramatic decline in groundnut and palm oil production also has taken place. Once the biggest poultry producer in Africa, corporate poultry output has been slashed from 40 million birds annually to about 18 million. Import constraints limit the availability of many agricultural and food processing inputs for poultry and other sectors.
Fisheries are poorly managed. Most critical for the country's future, Nigeria's land tenure system does not encourage long-term investment in technology or modern production methods and does not inspire the availability of rural credit.
Agricultural products include cassava (tapioca), corn, cocoa, millet, palm oil, peanuts, rice, rubber, sorghum, and yams. In 2003 livestock production, in order of metric tonnage, featured eggs, milk, beef and veal, poultry, and pork, respectively. In the same year, the total fishing catch was 505.8 metric tons. Roundwood removals totaled slightly less than 70 million cubic meters, and sawnwood production was estimated at 2 million cubic meters.
The agricultural sector suffers from extremely low productivity, reflecting reliance on antiquated methods. Although overall agricultural production rose by 28 percent during the 1990s, per capita output rose by only 8.5 percent during the same decade. Agriculture has failed to keep pace with Nigeria’s rapid population growth, so that the country, which once exported food, now relies on imports to sustain itself.

Bane of African Policy on Industry
Nigeria ranks 44th worldwide and third in Africa in factory output. The oil boom of the 1970s led Nigeria to neglect its strong agricultural and light manufacturing bases in favor of an unhealthy dependence on crude oil. In 2000 oil and gas exports accounted for more than 98% of export earnings and about 83% of federal government revenue. New oil wealth, the concurrent decline of other economic sectors, and a lurch toward a statist economic model fueled massive migration to the cities and led to increasingly widespread poverty, especially in rural areas.
A collapse of basic infrastructure and social services since the early 1980s accompanied this trend. By 2000 Nigeria's per capita income had plunged to about one-quarter of its mid-1970s high, below the level at independence. Along with the endemic malaise of Nigeria's non-oil sectors, the economy continues to witness massive growth of "informal sector" economic activities, estimated by some to be as high as 75% of the total economy.
In the light of highly expansionary public sector fiscal policies during 2001, the government has sought ways to head off higher inflation, leading to the implementation of stronger monetary policies by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and underspending of budgeted amounts. As a result of the CBN's efforts, the official exchange rate for the Naira has stabilized at about 112 Naira to the dollar.
The combination of CBN's efforts to prop up the value of the Naira and excess liquidity resulting from government spending led the currency to be discounted by around 20% on the parallel (nonofficial) market. A key condition of the Stand-by Arrangement has been closure of the gap between the official and parallel market exchange rates. The Inter Bank Foreign Exchange Market (IFEM) is closely tied to the official rate.
Under IFEM, banks, oil companies, and the CBN can buy or sell their foreign exchange at government influenced rates. Much of the informal economy,however, can only access foreign exchange through the parallel market. Companies can hold domiciliary accounts in private banks, and account holders have unfettered use of the funds.
Expanded government spending also has led to upward pressure on consumer prices. Inflation which had fallen to 0% in April 2000 reached 14.5% by the end of the year and 18.7% in August 2001. In 2000 high world oil prices resulted in government revenue of over $16 billion, about double the 1999 level.
State and local governmental bodies demand access to this "windfall" revenue, creating a tug-of-war between the federal government, which seeks to control spending, and state governments desirous of augmented budgets preventing the government from making provision for periods of lower oil prices.

Bane of African Policy on Services
Nigeria ranks 63rd worldwide and fifth in Africa in services' output. Low power and telecom density has crippled the growth of this sector.
Since undergoing severe distress in the mid-1990s, Nigeria's banking sector has witnessed significant growth over the last few years as new banks enter the financial market. Harsh monetary policies implemented by the Central Bank of Nigeria to absorb excess Naira liquidity in the economy has made life more difficult for banks, some of whom engage in currency arbitrage (round-tripping) activities that generally fall outside legal banking mechanisms.
Private sector-led economic growth remains stymied by the high cost of doing business in Nigeria, including the need to duplicate essential infrastructure, the threat of crime and associated need for security counter measures, the lack of effective due process, and nontransparent economic decisionmaking, especially in government contracting. As of 2007, 29% of Nigerians in urban areas did not own bank accounts.
While corrupt practices are endemic, they are generally less flagrant than during military rule, and there are signs of improvement. Meanwhile, since 1999 the Nigerian Stock Exchange has enjoyed strong performance, although equity as a means to foster corporate growth remains underutilized by Nigeria's private sector.
Bane of African Policy on Transportation
Nigeria's publicly owned transportation infrastructure is a major constraint to economic development. Principal ports are at Lagos (Apapa and Tin Can Island), Port Harcourt, and Calabar. Docking fees for freighters are among the highest in the world. Of the 80,500 kilometers (50,000 mi.) of roads, more than 15,000 kilometers (10,000 mi.) are officially paved, but many remain in poor shape.
Extensive road repairs and new construction activities are gradually being implemented as state governments, in particular, spend their portions of enhanced government revenue allocations. The government implementation of 100% destination inspection of all goods entering Nigeria has resulted in long delays in clearing goods for importers and created new sources of corruption, since the ports lack adequate facilities to carry out the inspection.
Four of Nigeria's airports--Lagos, Kano, Port Harcourt and Abuja--currently receive international flights. Government-owned Nigeria Airways ceased operations in December 2002.
Virgin Nigeria Airways started operations in 2005 as a replacement and serves domestic and international routes. There are several domestic private Nigerian carriers, and air service among Nigeria's cities is generally dependable. The maintenance culture of Nigeria's domestic airlines is not up to U.S. standards.

Bane of African Policy on Labour Force
In 2005 Nigeria had a labor force of 57.2 million. In 2003 the unemployment rate was 10.8 percent overall; urban unemployment of 12.3 percent exceeded rural unemployment of 7.4 percent. According to the latest available information from 1999, labor force employment by sector was as follows: 70 percent in agriculture, 20 percent in services, and 10 percent in industry.
Labor unions, which have undergone periods of militancy and quiescence, reemerged as a force in 1998 when they regained independence from the government. Since 1999 the Nigerian Labor Congress (NLC), a union umbrella organization, has called six general strikes to protest domestic fuel price increases.
However, in March 2005 the government introduced legislation ending the NLC’s monopoly over union organizing. In December 2005, the NLC was lobbying for an increase in the minimum wage for federal workers. The existing minimum wage, which was introduced six years earlier but has not been adjusted since, has been whittled away by inflation to only US$42.80 per month.
Bane of African Policy on Gradual Reforms
The Obasanjo government supports "private-sector" led, "market oriented" economic growth and has begun extensive economic reform efforts. Although the government's anti-corruption campaign has so far been disappointing, progress in injecting transparency and accountability into economic decisionmaking is notable. The dual exchange rate mechanism formally abolished in the 1999 budget remains in place in actuality.
During 2000 the government's privatization program showed signs of life and real promise with successful turnover to the private sector of state-owned banks, fuel distribution companies, and cement plants. However, the privatization process has slowed somewhat as the government confronts key parastatals such as the state telephone company NITEL and Nigerian Airways. The successful auction of GSM telecommunications licenses in January 2001 has encouraged investment in this vital sector.
Although the government has been stymied so far in its desire to deregulate downstream petroleum prices, state refineries, almost paralyzed in 2000, are producing at much higher capacities; by August 2001 gasoline lines disappeared throughout much of the country. The government still intends to pursue deregulation despite significant internal opposition, particularly from the Nigeria Labour Congress. To meet market demand the government incurs large losses importing gasoline to sell at subsidized prices.
Bane of African Policy on Diversification
In 2007, mining and hydrocarbon industries accounted for well over 95 per cent of the Nigerian economy. Diversification of the economy into manufacturing industries remain a long-term issue.

Bane of African Policy on Investment
Although Nigeria must grapple with its decaying infrastructure and a poor regulatory environment, the country possesses many positive attributes for carefully targeted investment and will expand as both a regional and international market player.
Profitable niche markets outside the energy sector, like specialized telecommunication providers, have developed under the government's reform program. There is a growing Nigerian consensus that foreign investment is essential to realizing Nigeria's vast but squandered potential. European investments are increasing, especially since Belgian consultancy companies such as Genco are exploring the Nigerian market.
Companies interested in long-term investment and joint ventures, especially those that use locally available raw materials, will find opportunities in the large national market. However, to improve prospects for success, potential investors must educate themselves extensively on local conditions and business practices, establish a local presence, and choose their partners carefully.
The Nigerian Government is keenly aware that sustaining democratic principles, enhancing security for life and property, and rebuilding and maintaining infrastructure are necessary for the country to attract foreign investment. The stock market capitalisation of listed companies in Nigeria was valued at $97.75 million in February 15 2008 by the Nigerian stock exchange.

Bane of African Policy on Foreign economic relations
Nigeria’s foreign economic relations revolve around its role in supplying the world economy with oil and natural gas, even as the country seeks to diversify its exports, harmonize tariffs in line with a potential customs union sought by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and encourage inflows of foreign portfolio and direct investment.
In October 2005, Nigeria implemented the ECOWAS Common External Tariff, which reduced the number of tariff bands. Prior to this revision, tariffs constituted Nigeria’s second largest source of revenue after oil exports. In 2005 Nigeria achieved a major breakthrough when it reached an agreement with the Paris Club to eliminate its bilateral debt through a combination of write-downs and buybacks. Nigeria joined the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries in July 1971 and the World Trade Organization in January 1995.

Bane of African Policy on The Global Institutions of Globalization
The heart of the major crises of capitalism in recent times clearly reveals how the IMF appallingly mismanaged each case, demonstrating their lack of reform. Stiglitz also uncovers the hidden agenda behind the IMF as he strongly depicts the structural problems with global financial governance and the manner in which its institutions are deeply complicit with the main objectives of Wall Street and the US Treasury Department.
He consistently highlights the fact that the IMF is working in a manner that directly contradicts its original objective of providing economic stability in times of crises. Furthermore, he calls our attention to the consistent gap between rhetoric and reality by exposing how the IMF instead of being accountable to the societies they impinge often behave as the apparatus of American principal. Stiglitz complains that the IMF has done great damage through the economic policies it has prescribed to countries.

Bane of African Policy on The role of politics in South Africa's educational system.
A "civilization" policy was introduced to educate and "Christianize" the "natives1. Mission stations were provided educational grant to train Africans in basic industrial and domestic skills to serve the needs of the white settlers. However, in the Natal reserves of Zululand, black resistance to the government's educational and "civilizing" plans led to a series of rebellions. It is hardly surprising that racist political forces were the cause of continuing rebellions for the next half century.
After the World War I, two important acts were passed: Act #5 of 1922 and Act #41 of 1925 in which two principles were created: Taxation for African education was to be centralized, and expansion beyond any level attained after 1922 would be financed directly by African taxes2. These principles remained in force for the next 25 years. In 1936 the government, after bowing to pressure from representatives of native education.


Bane of African Policy on world population crisis it
Where agricultural foodstuffs is necessary to the survival of man, increased in an arithmetical fashion. This observation lead Malthus to form the hypothesis that "the power of population is indefinitely greater than the power in the earth to produce subsistence for man"; hence proposing that if there isn't a population crisis now, there very shortly will be.
Malthus's hypothesis can be supported by tracing back population growth over the years. In 1750, shortly before Malthus published his first essay, the worlds population was 0.8 billion people ("Population Geography", Huw Jones). Since then the world has experienced a population explosion that has taken its total to 5.3 billion in 1990, an increase of 4.5 billion people in 240 years. This population increase is even more rapid than these figures suggest, with a growth rate of 0.5% between 1750 and 1900 increasing to 1.7%

Bane of African Policy on Women of the World: Laws and Policies Affecting Their Reproductive Lives

Reproductive rights are internationally recognized as critical both to advancing women's human rights and to promoting development. Governments from all over the world have, in recent years, both acknowledged and pledged to advance reproductive rights to an unprecedented degree. But for governments, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and concerned advocates to work towards reforming laws and policies so as to implement the mandates of these international conferences, they must be informed about the current state of national level formal laws and policies affecting reproductive rights.
The Center for Reproductive Rights and NGOs in Africa have surveyed laws and policies in Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe with respect to the following issues:
• Governmental health and population policies with an emphasis on general issues relating to women's status;
• Laws and policies regarding contraception, abortion, sterilization, FGM, HIV/AIDS, and other sexually-transmitted diseases;
• Women's status as it relates to: marriage (including divorce and custody), property rights, labor rights, credit, education, and the right to physical integrity;
• Reproductive health and rights of adolescents, including segments on female genital mutilation, marriage, sex education, and sexual offenses against minors;
• Customary and religious laws regarding women's status.