Katsumoto:

Nigeria could have attacked Biafra through the North and Mid-west but it only attacked from the North and not mid-west. Why was that? Had the governors of the Mid-west and West not declared neutrality?

How can the west declare neutrality when the head of the government who's a proponent of the war is in their territory. Doesn't that just sound wrong to you? If Gowown was the governor of the Northern region with his office in Kaduna, i would have aligned with your school of thought.

advocate666:

No, they are not igbos.
Their mamas need to tell them the truth of their conception.

Another NL Igbo, because someone has a different opinion from you think he's lesser than you. Shame on you

PointB:

Indeed!

And even so, which Igboman did he consult before the coup? Which Igbo political leader gave him the go ahead to plot a coup on behalf of the Igbo nation?

The Igbo president who was cooling off in the Caribbean while Nigeria was hosting the first commonwealth prime ministers conference. The same one that is allegedly cousins with the leader of the plot. The one whose personal physician, Dr Idehen, left in the Caribbean as he didn't understand why the president didn't want to return to Nigeria.

Katsumoto:

They had been granted partial autonomy in 1954; 1957 was about staying together as one or forming as separate nations.

There wasn't anything political doubleface about that action. If indeed it happened as you described, then it was politicking. After the Tory government failed to get a clear majority in 2010, the liberal democrats opened communications with both Labour and the Tories to form the new government. You negotiate with both parties and try to ascertain the situation that suits you best. But you wouldn't understand that since you don't understand politics and you want to undermine the other guy (Awo)

Again, during the first constitutional conference in 1957 which was chaired by Allen Lennox-Boyd, the three Regional Premiers and Dr. Endeley, leader of Government Business in the Southern Cameroons House of Assembly submitted, at the beginning of the conference, a joint memorandum which demanded that the British Government should undertake to grant independence to the Federation in 1959.

I do not know where you pulled the crap that Zik voted to put off the independence for eastern region, preferring to wait for the North to be ready. It was the chairman of the occasion who rejected the demand from western and eastern region to grant Nigerian independence in 1959 during which he accepted Northern region demanded for self-governing. It must be recall that AG and NCNC have reached agreement in 1956 to forge ahead for independent for Nigerian in 1959.

When Allen Lennox-Boyd rejected the demand from both west and east while granting self-governing request from north, the AG and NCNC delegates walked out of the conference, As result of the walk-out, the conference was postponed to later month in 1957. However, Zik rasied objection to later date due to court issue and conference was postponed to 1958.

You can delude yourself with Tory and British political of transparency, the fact remains Awo and Action Group were caught in the act of double standard in 1959 and were rejected by both NPC and NCNC.

Katsumoto:

Nigeria could have attacked Biafra through the North and Mid-west but it only attacked from the North and not mid-west. Why was that? Had the governors of the Mid-west and West not declared neutrality?

So Governors of Mid-west and West can declare neutrality of the zone during in a conflict, but the governor of the East can not declare he does not want any thing to do with those hypocrites who declare neutrality or war!

Duality, such as yours is classic!

PointB:

So Governors of Mid-west and West can declare neutrality of the zone during in a conflict, but the governor of the East can not declare he does not want any thing to do with those hypocrites who declare neutrality or war!

Duality, such as yours is classic!

I think this just nails it.

How can you be part of a country and be declaring neutrality especially when the capital of the country is in your region.

PointB:

So Governors of Mid-west and West can declare neutrality of the zone during in a conflict, but the governor of the East can not declare he does not want any thing to do with those hypocrites who declare neutrality or war!

Duality, such as yours is classic!

The governor of the East was seceding and the Head of State wasn't going to allow that.

Why must one have to explain all these?

Katsumoto:

Nigeria could have attacked Biafra through the North and Mid-west but it only attacked from the North and not mid-west. Why was that? Had the governors of the Mid-west and West not declared neutrality?

It is very apparent your act of trolling does not know boundaries. Nigeria launched attack on Biafra from north and south flanks using Mid-western region as a launch pad for southern operations. Gowon was still sitting in Lagos when ordered LGO to move to Escrvos, Mid-western region.

Katsumoto:

The governor of the East was seceding and the Head of State wasn't going to allow that.

Why must one have to explain all these?

So, how can the west and mid-west decalare neutrality when the FG is fighting Eastern Nigeria. I just don't get the logic. Mind you the government was banking on soldiers from the west, north and mid-west to be counted among the brave yet they were claiming neutrality.

Dede1:


Again, during the first constitutional conference in 1957 which was chaired by Allen Lennox-Boyd, the three Regional Premiers and Dr. Endeley, leader of Government Business in the Southern Cameroons House of Assembly submitted, at the beginning of the conference, a joint memorandum which demanded that the British Government should undertake to grant independence to the Federation in 1959.

I do not know where you pulled the crap that Zik voted to put off the independence for eastern region, preferring to wait for the North to be ready. It was the chairman of the occasion who rejected the demand from western and eastern region to grant Nigerian independence in 1959 when during which Northern region demanded self-governing. It must be recall that AG and NCNC have reached agreement in 1956 to forge ahead for independent for Nigerian in 1959.

When Allen Lennox-Boyd rejected the demand from both west and east while granting self-governing request from north, the AG and NCNC delegates walked out of the conference, As result of the walk-out, the conference was postponed to later month in 1957. However, Zik rasied objection to later date due to court issue and conference was postponed to 1958.

You can delude yourself with Tory and British political of transparency, the fact remains Awo and Action Group were caught in the act of double standard in 1959 and were rejected by both NPC and NCNC.

See comments from the President of Ohanezee; I guess you are going to say that the Old man is a liar. LMAO

[b]'Again, in 1957 when the British Colonial Government, under intense pressure from Southern politicians pressing for independence, attempted to uncouple the union between the North and South forged through Lord Lugard’s Amalgamation of 1914, with the offer of independence to the three Regions individually provided any two accepted the offer, a political crisis loomed large on the national horizon. The Northern Region, led by the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) took the position that the North was not ready for that level of political and economic independence. The Western Region, led by Chief Awolowo’s Action Group (AG) promptly, declared its readiness to accept the offer. It was the Igbo-led NCNC that held the balance. It was an issue that could make or break Nigeria if the three Regions chose to go their separate ways to independence.

The NCNC leader, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe took the stand that although the Eastern Region was ready to assume the responsibilities of Regional independence, its attainment without the North would lead, in his own words, to the ‘’Baalkanization of the Nigeria Nation’’ and conceivably a break-up of the country. The Eastern Region would rather suppress it’s appetite for independence and the obvious gains it would entail until the Northern Region was ready. That was how Nigeria Independence was delayed until 1960. In short, the Igbo-led Eastern Region would rather forgo the advancement of its own political economic interests than risk the break-up of Nigeria.[/b]

Had the Eastern Region opted for Independence at that time, the territory under its control would have comprised in today’s terms the following nine States with their enormous human and natural resources: Abia, Akwa-Ibom, Anambra, Bayelsa, Cross River, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo, Rivers state. It would also probably include Southern Cameroun with the oil rich Bakassi Peninsula. If not for Zik, by 1960, the three Regions would have become separate sovereign states and there would have been no question of Biafra’s attempted secession in 1967 from a non-existing Nigeria federation and the devastating civil war fought to stop it.
Similary, when Zik moved to the Federal scene as Governor-General and later titular President of Nigeria, the NCNC, under the leadership of Dr. Michael Okpara, of blessed memory, continued faithfully in his giant and indelible footsteps, the political bridge-building and nation building enterprise of the Igbo.'

http://www.nigerianbestforum.com/blog/?p=39715

Dede1:


It is very apparent your act of trolling does not know boundaries. Nigeria launched attack on Biafra from north and south flanks using Mid-western region as a launch pad for southern operations. Gowon was still sitting in Lagos when ordered LGO to move to Escrvos, Mid-western region.

LMAO

PhysicsQED and I have kicked your ar.se severally on this issue. I am not even going to address it.

Any other person wonders how yorobbers are always quick to bring out a tissue of lies called articles to support their senseless claims.
I always say that the foundation of Nigeria is findermentally wrong, the Yoruba media has sold us a pit of lies over the years through news reporting. If you dont have time to embark on your own reseach and take these Yoruba histories they keep dishing out to head, am sorry for you.

Mr. Globe:
Any other person wonders how yorobbers are always quick to bring out a tissue of lies called articles to support their senseless claims.
I always say that the foundation of Nigeria is findermentally wrong, the Yoruba media has s[b]old us a pit of lies over the years through news reporting[/b]. If you dont have time to embark on your own reseach and take these Yoruba histories they keep dishing out to head, am sorry for you.

You would know about that, wouldn't you? Seeing as you have been posting lies all over Nairaland of late.

I do not think the Yoruba and Igbo can ever be united. The two groups only happen to be in a country called Nigeria; there is no other basis for association. Actually, I think the relationship between the two can only get worse by trying to forge an artificial alliance. Therefore, let the status quo be. After all, there are no fatal hostilities yet.

afam4eva:
So, how can the west and mid-west decalare neutrality when the FG is fighting Eastern Nigeria. I just don't get the logic. Mind you the government was banking on soldiers from the west, north and mid-west to be counted among the brave yet they were claiming neutrality.

It was then the middle of September, 1967. The Nigerian Army was now halfway to Enugu from Nsukka. They had taken over the Biafran Brigade Headquarters at Ukehe and were regrouping there. Up until then there was no attempt by the Nigerian Armed Forces to attack Biafra from the Western Sector through the then Mid-Western Region which was governed by Col. David Ejoor. It is not certain whether this was due to Ejoor’s neutral stance (a large chunk of his State is Igbo-speaking and the first Civilian Governor, Dennis Osadebey that Col. Ejoor took over from is an Igbo), or the fact that Gowon believed that it was better to involve mostly the Nigerian Soldiers of Northern Nigerian origin, and so he concentrated on the northern flank (Nsukka and Ogoja). As the pressure mounted on the Nsukka and Ogoja sectors, it became obvious to the Biafran War Cabinet that a major diversionary step had to be taken immediately to ease the pressure on Enugu, the Biafran Capital.

"Satire on the Nigerian Civil War (1967 - 70) and the Aftermath (1970 - 2007) - Prof. Eugene Arene

http://eugenearene..ca/2009/04/chapter-three-july-october-1967-as-soon.html

Katsumoto:

It was then the middle of September, 1967. The Nigerian Army was now halfway to Enugu from Nsukka. They had taken over the Biafran Brigade Headquarters at Ukehe and were regrouping there. Up until then there was no attempt by the Nigerian Armed Forces to attack Biafra from the Western Sector through the then Mid-Western Region which was governed by Col. David Ejoor. It is not certain whether this was due to Ejoor’s neutral stance (a large chunk of his State is Igbo-speaking and the first Civilian Governor, Dennis Osadebey that Col. Ejoor took over from is an Igbo), or the fact that Gowon believed that it was better to involve mostly the Nigerian Soldiers of Northern Nigerian origin, and so he concentrated on the northern flank (Nsukka and Ogoja). As the pressure mounted on the Nsukka and Ogoja sectors, it became obvious to the Biafran War Cabinet that a major diversionary step had to be taken immediately to ease the pressure on Enugu, the Biafran Capital.

"Satire on the Nigerian Civil War (1967 - 70) and the Aftermath (1970 - 2007) - Prof. Eugene Arene

http://eugenearene..ca/2009/04/chapter-three-july-october-1967-as-soon.html

Katsumoto, would you please stop trying to convince these Igbos? We do not owe them anything. They are stuck in their positions and most Yoruba just watch their folly. Notice that they ranted for the first few pages with no single Yoruba comment till you showed up. Igbos have issues and they are dealing with it in their own way; let them do so.

Katsumoto:

The Igbo president who was cooling off in the Caribbean while Nigeria was hosting the first commonwealth prime ministers conference. The same one that is allegedly cousins with the leader of the plot. The one whose personal physician, Dr Idehen, left in the Caribbean as he didn't understand why the president didn't want to return to Nigeria.

And on this silly conjecture you built your warped logic that it was and Igbo coup. Wonder how some of you Yoruba guys reason.

Katsumoto:

The governor of the East was seceding and the Head of State wasn't going to allow that.

Why must one have to explain all these?

Which Head of State? The one that launched an unsuccessful coup? I still wonder how you turn logic upside down.

PointB:

And on this silly conjecture you built your warped logic that it was and Igbo coup. Wonder how some of you Yoruba guys reason.

The answer is that the problem with the January 1966 coup was that there were several factions within it. And different factions had different agendas. As Ojukwu has correctly observed, Nzeogwu was not the leader of the coup. Ifeajuna was the leader. The only reason Nzeogwu made the radio broadcast as an afterthought in Kaduna was because Ademoyega failed to do so in Lagos. While Nzeogwu was dreaming in Kaduna about who and what would be killed in Lagos, Ifeajuna had other ideas and contacts, including many civilians. Some prominent Igbo politicians (like Ajuluchukwu) have since confessed in Nigerian newspapers that even President Nnamdi Azikiwe was tipped off about the plot by his cousin Ifeajuna and that is why he was away from Nigeria – an odd absence for the President during the Commonwealth Prime-Ministers conference hosted by his country. Final decisions about who was to be killed or not killed were left to theater commanders in each region. Nzeogwu had no say outside the northern region.

http://www.nigerdeltacongress.com/oarticles/orizu_ironsi_and_1966.htm

And another

Captain Emmanuel Nwobosi (rtd) who led operations in the West during the coup, holds the opinion that President Nnamdi Azikiwe was briefed about the coup plot by Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna in Lagos - but points out that his own sub-group was not in on Ifeajuna's duplicity. He has also said that one of the intentions of the plotters was to release Chief Awolowo from jail - a somewhat strangely coincident plan to what Prime Minister Balewa was contemplating before he was killed.

http://www.gamji.com/nowa/nowa11.htm

PointB:

Which Head of State? The one that launched an unsuccessful coup? I still wonder how you turn logic upside down.

What are you on about?

Which head of state launched an unsuccessful coup?

Not sure what point you are trying to make but Gowon was Head of State and he was at liberty to prevent secession.

So can we lay a hand on this piece of confession, or we must necessary accept the opinions as fact because they appear online?

lagcity:

Katsumoto, would you please stop trying to convince these Igbos? We do not owe them anything. They are stuck in their positions and most Yoruba just watch their folly. Notice that they ranted for the first few pages with no single Yoruba comment till you showed up. Igbos have issues and they are dealing with it in their own way; let them do so.

I am not trying to convince them; my concern is not to allow lies to be peddled. The Internet is a very powerful medium. I am not actually addressing them; I just providing information for neutral observers.

Katsumoto:

What are you on about?

Which head of state launched an unsuccessful coup?

Not sure what point you are trying to make but Gowon was Head of State and he was at liberty to prevent secession.

Gowon coup was not successful in the East. The civil war was a extension of the coup.

In successful coup, you neutralize all resistance. Failure to neutralize the Governor of the East meant that the coup was not successful. Fact!

While some are saying Igbo and Yoruba can never be united, I have many examples around me that are united doin business together, making money and are happy together. Keep on living in your worlds of Paranoia and delusions.

Katsumoto:

I am not trying to convince them; my concern is not to allow lies to be peddled. The Internet is a very powerful medium. I am not actually addressing them; I just providing information for neutral observers.

Oh I see, keep it up. But I don't envy you for this mission at all. It is a tough mission because the Igbos I know are bloody liars . Their lies can wake up Lazarus.

Katsumoto:

See comments from the President of Ohanezee; I guess you are going to say that the Old man is a liar. LMAO

[b]'Again, in 1957 when the British Colonial Government, under intense pressure from Southern politicians pressing for independence, attempted to uncouple the union between the North and South forged through Lord Lugard’s Amalgamation of 1914, with the offer of independence to the three Regions individually provided any two accepted the offer, a political crisis loomed large on the national horizon. The Northern Region, led by the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) took the position that the North was not ready for that level of political and economic independence. The Western Region, led by Chief Awolowo’s Action Group (AG) promptly, declared its readiness to accept the offer. It was the Igbo-led NCNC that held the balance. It was an issue that could make or break Nigeria if the three Regions chose to go their separate ways to independence.

The NCNC leader, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe took the stand that although the Eastern Region was ready to assume the responsibilities of Regional independence, its attainment without the North would lead, in his own words, to the ‘’Baalkanization of the Nigeria Nation’’ and conceivably a break-up of the country. The Eastern Region would rather suppress it’s appetite for independence and the obvious gains it would entail until the Northern Region was ready. That was how Nigeria Independence was delayed until 1960. In short, the Igbo-led Eastern Region would rather forgo the advancement of its own political economic interests than risk the break-up of Nigeria.[/b]

Had the Eastern Region opted for Independence at that time, the territory under its control would have comprised in today’s terms the following nine States with their enormous human and natural resources: Abia, Akwa-Ibom, Anambra, Bayelsa, Cross River, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo, Rivers state. It would also probably include Southern Cameroun with the oil rich Bakassi Peninsula. If not for Zik, by 1960, the three Regions would have become separate sovereign states and there would have been no question of Biafra’s attempted secession in 1967 from a non-existing Nigeria federation and the devastating civil war fought to stop it.
Similary, when Zik moved to the Federal scene as Governor-General and later titular President of Nigeria, the NCNC, under the leadership of Dr. Michael Okpara, of blessed memory, continued faithfully in his giant and indelible footsteps, the political bridge-building and nation building enterprise of the Igbo.'

http://www.nigerianbestforum.com/blog/?p=39715

The above nonsensical drivel is the reason I urge Nigerians to embark on empirical research and stop relying on the junks floated on the Internet. The Nigerian Constitutional Conference of 1957 was not to decide whether a region should be independence or not. The regional autonomy has been decided during the previous constitutional conference.

The issue of Nigeria independence in 1959 was the major business before the delegates at 1957 conference as evidenced when the three regional premiers submitted joint memorandum which demanded that the British Government should undertake to grant independence to the Federation in 1959. In this event, even Bello, the premier of northern region, was among the leaders that submitted the joint memorandum.

One wonders why Zik would oppose such move in 1957 when Bello of northern region agreed to both self-governing of northern region and independence of Nigeria in 1959.



I hate "copy and paste" but for clarity sake, I add this:


Lancaster House London Conference (May 23 - June 26, 1957)
(Page 29 ff, Ojiako)

From May 23 to June 26, 1957 Nigeria took another step towards nationhood at the London Constitutional Conference held in Lancaster House. The Colonial Secretary, Mr. Lennox-Boyd, was in the chair.....

The three Regional Premiers and Dr. Endeley, leader of Government Business in the Southern Cameroons House of Assembly submitted, at the beginning of the conference, a joint memorandum which demanded that the British Government should undertake to grant independence to the Federation in 1959.

Mr. Lennox-Boyd rejected the demand when he refused to agree in advance to a fixed date for independence. He suggested that the conference should first deal with a number of other important questions.

He put it, “there was much unfinished business to be completed” before he or anyone else could foretell what would be the shape of Nigeria in 1959 the year in which the delegates had asked for independence.

Nevertheless, the conference decided on:

* A senate for the Federal Parliament and the enlargement of the House of Representatives.

* The abolition of the post of Chief Secretary and the creation of the post of Deputy Governor.

* Houses of Chiefs for the Eastern Region and the Southern Cameroons.

* A revised constitution for the Northern Region in view of its stand against regional self-government in 1957.

* An all-African executive council for Western and Eastern Nigeria.

* The retention of the police as a Federal subject, in order to insulate it from the influence of political parties.

* The setting up of independent Civil Service Commissions to protect the service.

* A Premier for the Southern Cameroons.

* Commissions to inquire into fears of the minorities and revenue allocation: a delimitation and electoral commission, in connection with the division of the country into 320 electoral districts and supervision of elections respectively.

Northern Changes

The conference held twenty-one plenary sessions. It accepted the granting of self-government to Western and Eastern Nigeria, with safeguards ensuring that the regional governments would not prejudice the functions of the Federal Government. Since Northern Nigeria did not ask for self-government, interim changes were proposed for the Region.

On the constitution of the self-governing regions, agreement was reached that power to amend the constitution should stay with Her Majesty’s
Government, as also the power of the same government to make laws for Nigeria including power to legislate by order in Council.

Governors were to be appointed by the U.K. Government on the advice of ministers, but the appointments of deputy governors would continue to be made by the Governor.

Governor's Duties

On the powers and duties of the Governors themselves, the executive councils of the regions, the reserved legislative powers of the Governors were also to disappear, and the advice of ministers was to be sought on executive matters.

The appointment of the premiers was however left to the discretion of the Governors, and that of ministers based on recommendations made by premiers. But Governors could still exercise powers of assent
of Bills passed by the self-governing legislatures, with the exception of certain Bills requiring the Royal assent.

The latter Bills concern those impeding the duties of the Federal Government, those which may prejudice the property of subjects outside Nigeria, or the trade or transport or communications of any of Her Majesty’s Dominions, and those affecting stockholders of a loan raised on behalf of a region.

But Governors could not dissolve a House except on the advice of Premier, unless the life of a House had expired, or a vote of no confidence had been passed on the premier and he had not resigned within three days, or if there were no premier and no person to form a government.

But a Governor could reject a premier’s advice to dissolve a House if, in his opinion, the government of the region could continue and dissolution would make its progress suffer. The Governor of the Eastern Region, the conference agreed, could no longer declare the seat of a minister vacant.

Governors of the West and Northern Regions could only intervene in deadlocks between Houses in each region over the passage of a Bill, on the advice of ministers.

Special Members

As regards special members, the conference noted the N.C.N.C. delegation’s wish to have them in the proposed House of Chiefs, but not in the Eastern House of Assembly. Similarly, the Action Group delegation did not want special members in the House of Assembly, but sought to retain them in the House of Chiefs.

The Northern Region wanted to retain the present arrangements.

On the question of Lagos, the conference agreed to let it remain a Federal territory, create a Ministry for Lagos Affairs, grant it proportional representation in the House of Representatives, appoint as Federal territory and allow the Governor-General to consider the transfer of further functions such as primary education from the Federal Government to the Lagos Town Council.

The conference also agreed to scholarships being granted to the children of Lagos residents, representation on all statutory boards for Lagos and on corporations and committees established by the Federal Government; that the Oba of Lagos should continue as ex-officio President of the Town Council; that the Oba, again with another chief and two members of the L.T.C., chosen on party basis, become members of the proposed Senate; that further study be given to representation of chiefs in the Town Council; and finally that both the Federal and Western Government jointly plan the development of the area within and without the Lagos municipality.

Senate Plans

The agreement reached on the composition of the proposed Senate was along these lines:

Twelve members were to be chosen from each Region on a provincial basis apart from the Oba of Lagos — two LT.C. members and another chief, four special members named by the Governor-General, non-voting members from the Council of Ministers, a president and a deputy president.

The Senate was to exist co-terminously with the House of Representatives, but would not be allowed to initiate or delay money Bills, although it might do so to others for more than six months.

Concerning the House of Representatives, the conference agreed that the new one to be set up after the dissolution of the present one, should be enlarged to a membership of 320 elected on a basis of one member for every 100,000 of the population, by universal adult suffrage in the East, West, Lagos and Southern Cameroon and by male adult suffrage in the North.

The present House has 183 members: North 90, West and East 40 each, Cameroons five, Lagos two and six special members.

The Commissions

Commissions to be appointed by the conference were:

* A Commission to propose means of allaying minority fears “whether well or ill-founded"

* a Delimitation Commission to divide the Federation into 320 electoral districts of approximately equal population,

* a permanent Electoral Commission to supervise and direct the preparation of the powers to levy tax, allocation of and functions between the governments of the Federation special problems of indirect tax in the Federal territory and the arrangements most appropriate for the Southern Cameroons.

The conference had to appoint various committees:

(a) to consider questions concerning the public services,

(b) to consider proposals for an electoral law for the Federation

(c) to consider proposals for a House of Chiefs in the Eastern Region, and

(d) the conference undertook to appoint a committee to inquire into the functions of the Central Marketing Boards and make suggestions for changes.

Regarding the public service, the conference endorsed recommendations in respect of lump-sum compensation to be adopted by the Nigerian Governments and special safe-guards for special categories of officers.

Public Servants

A special list of agreements between the U.K. Government and the four Nigerian Governments was signed at Lancaster House on June 2, in respect of officers desiring to leave any self-governing Region. The compensation was calculated according to age, length of service and pension.

The conference stressed the importance of protecting the Public Service Commission from politics. Appointments, promotions and dismissals were to be subject to the commission’s recommendations to the Governor. Similarly, it was resolved to maintain the independence of the Audit Service, through the Public Service Commission.

Regarding the judiciary, the conference insisted on the importance of ensuring its independence by protecting it from political interference. It was therefore decided that the Chief Justice of a self-governing Region could only be appointed by the Governor in consultation with the Chief Justice of the Federal Supreme Court. It ruled also that a Judicial Service Commission be set up, that the present High Court Judges be protected and that their removal could only be effected by an inquiry carried out by a judicial committee of the Privy Council.

Finally, the appointment, dismissal and promotion of magistrates were left with the Governor acting on the advice of the Judicial Service Commission. The office of Attorney-General was made political and provision was made for an office of Director of Public Prosecutions as a civil service appointment.

North Constitution

On the constitution of the Northern Region, since the North did not wish to be self-governing before 1959, it was recommended that the House of Chiefs should comprise all first class chiefs and forty-seven others, chosen from among themselves. Other recommendations were for the creation of a Council of Chiefs to approve appointments and depositions, the abolition of the posts of Civil Secretary and Financial Secretary, the composition of a House of Assembly of 170 elected members with five special members to be named by the Governor.

Regarding the proposed Eastern House of Chiefs, the conference took decisions that it should comprise sixty members, that a formula be adopted for the classification of chiefs before the House was created, that there should be five special members with special qualifications of benefit to the House, and that not more than two members should be on the Executive Council of the Region.

Regarding the Federal Council of Ministers, the conference created a Deputy Governor-General, abolished the post of Chief Secretary and decided that the Financial Secretary, who was to be replaced by a Minister of Finance, and the Attorney-General should both cease to be members of the council. It was also approved that not less than ten members should be on the Council of Ministers. It was placed on record that until independence, the Governor-General or his deputy should preside over the meetings of the council.

Federal Subjects

Concerning the division of functions between the Federal and regional governments, the conference made a number of changes and concluded, among other things that naturalization of aliens should be a Federal subject, as well as banking and allied matters, but pointed out that the Regions could own or participate in commercial banking concerns. On the pressing issue of the police, it was thought wise for it to remain a Federal responsibility in view of the need to check misuse by politicians.

Other matters on the exclusive list are marriage and matrimonial cases other than those under Moslem or customary laws, and commissions of inquiry arising out of the exclusive Federal list.

Placed on the concurrent list were administration of estates, dangerous drugs, electricity, gas industrial development, insurance, sanctioning of films and trustees. Commissions of inquiry emanating from subjects on the concurrent list were also placed in this section. Another important ruling was that in the event of inconsistencies between Federal and Regional laws, Federal laws should prevail.


Armed Forces

The conference also tackled the future of the Armed Forces.

A major decision was taken that as from April 1, 1958, the right of control at present exercised by the United Kingdom Army Council should end. It was deemed important that with the progress of Nigeria towards self-government, the country should gain the necessary experience in the administration of the nation’s defence forces.

Such a transfer of power means that the Federal Government will have to assume primary financial responsibility for the Forces. And so within its terms of reference, the Fiscal Commission was to take this additional item into consideration. The United Kingdom Government gave the assurance, however, that it would be willing to consider financial aid on a diminishing basis, after the transfer of control. It also expressed its readiness to discuss the secondment of British officers and N.C.Os to the Nigerian Army, as well as the provision of training facilities in the United Kingdom.

The conference also agreed that the Governor-General should set up a defence committee, comprising the deputy Governor-General as chairman, the Prime Minister, two other ministers, the General Officer Commanding the Nigerian military forces, the Regional Premiers or their representatives.

The conference dealt in detail with the future position of the Southern Cameroons in the event of Nigerian independence.

Southern Cameroons

On the constitution of the territory, it was decided that the term — “quasi-Federal territory” should cease and that it should instead become known as the Southern Cameroons.

The Governor-General of the Federation would be styled High Commissioner for the Southern Cameroons in view of Britain’s trusteeship agreement. The Commissioner of the Cameroons, who would be the representative at the United Nations, would remain responsible to the High Commissioner.

The elected membership of the House of Assembly was increased from thirteen to twenty-six.

The three ex-officio members were to remain and provisions were made for two special members for communities of interests not adequately represented. No provisions were made for the representation of Native Authority members.

The commissioner could, after consultations, with the Premier, appoint a Speaker either from the House or outside it.

He would continue to preside until the Speaker was appointed.

On the issue of the proposed House of Chiefs, the conference agreed on a membership of twenty, on a basis of not more than three members for any division. The functions of the House would be to consider Bills, advise on any matter, and to advise on any question referred to it by the commissioner.

It would also consider legislation passed through the House of Assembly. Members of the Executive Council would be entitled to sit in the House but not to vote. The Executive Council itself would consist of the Commissioner as president, three ex-officio members, and five unofficial members, one of whom would be styled Premier and the others Ministers. The High Commissioner could increase the number of ministers following recommendation from the Commissioner after consulting the Executive Council.

Sub-Committees

Public officers would remain members of the Federal Public Service, but provisions would be made for the setting up of sub-committees in the Southern Cameroons to advise on certain appointments provided for by the territory’s estimates.

Although the conference agreed to the representation of the Southern Cameroons in the Senate, it resolved that the whole question of representation in the Senate would be subject to review if new states were created.

The delegate from the Northern Cameroons reaffirmed the decision taken by the territory in 1953 to remain part of the Northern Region.

On June 23, 1957, Mr. Lennox Boyd reopened further discussion on independence when he said:

“I understand that it is proposed that some time about January 1960 the new Nigerian Parliament will debate a resolution asking HM. Government to agree to full self-government within the Commonwealth by a date in l960 which will be mentioned in the resolution. In any case, the constitutional machinery would take time, and you (the Nigerian delegates) would no doubt bear this very much in mind in coming to a conclusion as to what date you should ask for.

It might therefore be (as many of you have urged) a good thing for there to be some informal consultation with us as to what sort of date was realistic. On receipt of your resolution H.M. Government will consider it with sympathy, and will then be prepared to fix a date when they would accede to the request. We could not at this stage give any undertaking that the date would be the same date as asked for in the resolution, though we would do our utmost to meet the resolution in a reasonable and practicable manner. Delegates, I hope, know H.M. Government well enough to be sure that they would not invent reasons for artificially extending the date. H. M. Government would, of course, be very much guided in their choice of a date by the way everything was going, by how the two Regions now about to enjoy self-government had taken the strain of this great step forward, and by how the country as a whole had faced up to the problem of minorities, on which a commission would already have reported.”

The Regional Premiers and Dr. Endeley replied on June 24 in the following joint statement:

"We feel bound to express our disappointment that it has not been possible
for H. M. Government to give an undertaking to grant independence to Nigeria on a date to be named in 1960 by the new Nigerian Parliament. The year 1959 has been unanimously proposed by the people of Nigeria, and we have given consideration to a date in 1960 only because we appreciate that the solution to the various problems that must be disposed of before independence will take longer than we had thought. Having gone thus far on the path of reason and realism, we had thought that the Secretary of State would accede to our united wishes. In the circumstances, we can do no more than take note of the Secretary of State’s statement, while reserving to ourselves the right to pursue the issue further with a view to impressing upon H. M. Government the
necessity for granting independence to the Federation of Nigeria not later than April 2, 1960."

END

Katsumoto:

Apart from the Yorubas who were already in the Army, when did large scale recruiting of Yorubas and others from the mid-west start?

Kats, I don't know how old are you or your nationality but your knowledge on history of events is excellent. Two of my uncles enlisted into the Nigerian army a day after ore was invaded by biafran forces. This were men who were neutral all along. They enlisted because they were only interested in protecting the SW region after hearing of the horrors at Ore.

ba7man: While some are saying Igbo and Yoruba can never be united, I have many examples around me that are united doin business together, making money and are happy together. Keep on living in your worlds of Paranoia and delusions.

Don't be carried away. They are only doing business together. During war, they will be in opposite trenches as they should be

PointB:

Gowon coup was not successful in the East. The civil war was a extension of the coup.

In successful coup, you neutralize all resistance. Failure to neutralize the Governor of the East meant that the coup was not successful. Fact!

This chap is very funny.

The coup was not successful in the East yet Ojukwu ran from Enugu while telling Ogundipe to keep fighting. LMAO

So Ojukwu refuses to accept Gowon

Gowon says you will accept me

Ojukwu says never; meet me on the battleground

Gowon proceeds to kick Ojukwu's ar.se and Ojukwu flees into exile.

Did Gowon not have his way?

The way you chap bend truths and logic is baffling.

Dede1:


The above nonsensical drivel is the reason I urge Nigerians to embark on empirical research and stop relying on the junks floated on the Internet. The Nigerian Constitutional Conference of 1957 was not to decide whether a region should be independence or not. The regional autonomy has been decided during the previous constitutional conference.

The issue of Nigeria independence in 1959 was the major business before the delegates at 1957 conference as evidenced when the three regional premiers submitted joint memorandum which demanded that the British Government should undertake to grant independence to the Federation in 1959. In this event, even Bello, the premier of northern region, was among the leaders that submitted the joint memorandum.

One wonders why Zik would oppose such move in 1957 when Bello of northern region agreed to both self-governing of northern region and independence of Nigeria in 1959.

So where is your own empirical research to support your position? Or we should believe you because you said so.

Katsumoto:

See comments from the President of Ohanezee; I guess you are going to say that the Old man is a liar. LMAO

[b]'Again, in 1957 when the British Colonial Government, under intense pressure from Southern politicians pressing for independence, attempted to uncouple the union between the North and South forged through Lord Lugard’s Amalgamation of 1914, with the offer of independence to the three Regions individually provided any two accepted the offer, a political crisis loomed large on the national horizon. The Northern Region, led by the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) took the position that the North was not ready for that level of political and economic independence. The Western Region, led by Chief Awolowo’s Action Group (AG) promptly, declared its readiness to accept the offer. It was the Igbo-led NCNC that held the balance. It was an issue that could make or break Nigeria if the three Regions chose to go their separate ways to independence.

The NCNC leader, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe took the stand that although the Eastern Region was ready to assume the responsibilities of Regional independence, its attainment without the North would lead, in his own words, to the ‘’Baalkanization of the Nigeria Nation’’ and conceivably a break-up of the country. The Eastern Region would rather suppress it’s appetite for independence and the obvious gains it would entail until the Northern Region was ready. That was how Nigeria Independence was delayed until 1960. In short, the Igbo-led Eastern Region would rather forgo the advancement of its own political economic interests than risk the break-up of Nigeria.[/b]

Had the Eastern Region opted for Independence at that time, the territory under its control would have comprised in today’s terms the following nine States with their enormous human and natural resources: Abia, Akwa-Ibom, Anambra, Bayelsa, Cross River, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo, Rivers state. It would also probably include Southern Cameroun with the oil rich Bakassi Peninsula. If not for Zik, by 1960, the three Regions would have become separate sovereign states and there would have been no question of Biafra’s attempted secession in 1967 from a non-existing Nigeria federation and the devastating civil war fought to stop it.
Similary, when Zik moved to the Federal scene as Governor-General and later titular President of Nigeria, the NCNC, under the leadership of Dr. Michael Okpara, of blessed memory, continued faithfully in his giant and indelible footsteps, the political bridge-building and nation building enterprise of the Igbo.'

http://www.nigerianbestforum.com/blog/?p=39715

The rumours of the impending coup of Jan 1966 was relayed to Bello and Balewa. They knew about it so were other govt officials.
It is an outright stupidity to claim that Azikiwe and Ifeajuna are cousins. As Azkiwe and Ifeajuna are not cousins so was there no discussion between then about a coup.
Can someone claim that Obasanjo and Abiola are cousins because they are both Egbas.
Dude is always quoting the wrong articles, what a shame.

lagcity:
Oh I see, keep it up. But I don't envy you for this mission at all. It is a tough mission because the Igbos I know are bloody liars . Their lies can wake up Lazarus.

Its not an easy task but one mustn't be tired.

They used to lie about the 1951 regional elections but have since abandoned that lie when actual results were provided to them. Of course some of them will still tell the same lies when they think I am not around.