softwerk:


I don't know I always feel a tingling sensation in my V-jay whenever I read or hear the name Atiku!

I love Atiku more than my boyfriend

softwerk:


I don't know I always feel a tingling sensation in my V-jay whenever I read or hear the name Atiku!

I love Atiku more than my boyfriend

DonFreshmoney:
I trust Atiku more than I trust my wife.

Sai Atiku

sogodihno:
Your Boss(OBJ) has said u are corruption sir. so I stand with OBJ. Am not voting for a thief.

proudevil:
let me help you.....he is more than a disgrace if there is another word to qualify that.

KillTheZombies:
They say Atiku is corrupt but there is no where he has a pending court case. No single document to show an indictment anywhere!

But Ganduje was caught on video stuffing dollar bundles in his pants and under his hat, yet the dullard of Daura was raising his hands in Kano.

Movic1:


Saying rubbish just because of likes. You trust a politician more than your wife. I won't say you are a disgrace to your family...

DonFreshmoney:
I trust Atiku more than I trust my wife.

Sai Atiku

DonFreshmoney:
I trust Atiku more than I trust my wife.

Sai Atiku

DonFreshmoney:
I trust Atiku more than I trust my wife.

Sai Atiku

frankman365:

OBJ will recount his statement once El rufai denies all he said against buhari before 2011 election. Let me remind you some of the things he said.
That buhari is a bunch of unelectable old man.

TIGRITIS:
But how will obj expunge his description of you from his My Watch?

softwerk:


I don't know I always feel a tingling sensation in my V-jay whenever I read or hear the name Atiku!

I love Atiku more than my boyfriend

chriskosherbal:
CNN even dey ready for this our election pass our own NTA. Mtcheeeeeew

Pekele007:


OBJ is now the court



How old are you again?

sogodihno:
Your Boss(OBJ) has said u are corruption sir. so I stand with OBJ. Am not voting for a thief.

omooba969:


... and this just for Likes.

softwerk:


I don't know I always feel a tingling sensation in my V-jay whenever I read or hear the name Atiku!

I love Atiku more than my boyfriend

TIGRITIS:
But how will obj expunge his description of you from his My Watch?

DonFreshmoney:
I trust Atiku more than I trust my wife.

Sai Atiku

DonFreshmoney:
I trust Atiku more than I trust my wife.

Sai Atiku

DonFreshmoney:
I trust Atiku more than I trust my wife.

Sai Atiku

Butoneday2:
another word to qualify him is a bombocrat

Bluecurtain:
Like someone said the other day :

Atiku is our best option not the best candidate.

If we vote Buhari out ,Nigerians will be establishing a strong message that's "the power truly belongs to the Masses,if you under perform you're gone ".... let's not miss the chance to make that established.

I guess they've seen the handwriting on the wall,, consider this:

When Buhari won the presidency in 2015, the Shiites were part of the 15,424,921 that made the victory possible. Before the election, Kaduna State governor, Nasir el-Rufai, led Buhari to visit the leader of the group, Sheikh Ibrahim Zakzaky, at his Kaduna lair to seek support. He was obliged.

A lot has happened since then. In 2015, the Zaria massacre occurred during which 348 Shiites (some accounts put the number at over 1000) were killed by Nigerian soldiers and buried in mass graves. The dead included three children of Zakzaky. Since then, he has been locked up together with his wife even when the courts have granted them bail.

In April 2018, clashes broke out as the Nigeria Police fired teargas at Shiites protesters who were demanding the release of Zakzaky. The clashes left many dead and several others injured. The police detained at least 115 of the protesters. In October 2018, Nigerian military again killed at least 45 peaceful Shiites protesters.

Today, el-Rufai, the President’s Man Friday has exacerbated the distrust between Christians of Southern Kaduna and Muslims in the state.

Benue, a stronghold of the PDP had no IDP camps before 2015. They voted for Buhari, elected an APC governor. Today, thousands of indigenes live in IDP camps in Makurdi, afraid to go to their ancestral homes that have been taken over and effectively occupied by armed herdsmen.

In 2015, the ubiquitous and very powerful college of retired generals that have determined how the political pendulum swung since the first military coup of January 15, 1966 were in Buhari’s column.

Today, many of them, including Olusegun Obasanjo, Ibrahim Babangida, Theophilus Danjuma, Aliyu Gusau, are not.

And some people say it does not matter. Really?

In 2015, the all-powerful Lagos-Ibadan wing of the human and civil rights community were behind Buhari. Today, some of them, including Nobel Laureate, Prof. Wole Soyinka, have distanced themselves from him

In 2015, some of the country’s most prolific and powerful columnists were with Buhari. Today, the likes of Farooq Kperogi, Sonala Olumhense and Dele Momodu have openly rebelled against him.

In 2015, the international community, particularly the U.S. under President Barack Obama’s watch and Britain with David Cameron as Prime Minister, overtly supported Buhari. I doubt if those countries are still queuing behind him today.

In 2015, Buhari contested against Jonathan, a Southern minority Christian with no political base. Today, he is running against one of the most formidable politicians in this dispensation, a man with a solid political base, clout and deep pocket, a Fulani Moslem, from a region – North East – that last held power when Alhaji Tafawa Balewa from Bauchi State was the Prime Minister in the First Republic.

In 2015, APC went into the elections as a united, pragmatic and determined party hungry for power, eager to make a resounding political statement against a highly fractious, disorganised and disoriented PDP. Today, the reverse is the case. A strong, rejuvenated and virile PDP is going into Saturday’s election with a highly fractured, hemorrhaging APC where some governors are not in talking terms with the national chairman, Adams Oshiomhole.

In 2015, it was the PDP presidential campaign convoys that were stoned, booed and jeered. Today, it is the APC. On Monday, President Buhari nearly took a stone meant for Oshiomhole at a campaign rally in Abeokuta.

Yet, some people insist that Buhari still has his fabled 11 million votes locked up somewhere.

PDP has been able to dramatically reinvent itself and stage a remarkable comeback, APC cannot because of its inherent contradictions.

Bluecurtain:
Like someone said the other day :

Atiku is our best option not the best candidate.

If we vote Buhari out ,Nigerians will be establishing a strong message that's "the power truly belongs to the Masses,if you under perform you're gone ".... let's not miss the chance to make that established.

I guess they've seen the handwriting on the wall,, consider this:

When Buhari won the presidency in 2015, the Shiites were part of the 15,424,921 that made the victory possible. Before the election, Kaduna State governor, Nasir el-Rufai, led Buhari to visit the leader of the group, Sheikh Ibrahim Zakzaky, at his Kaduna lair to seek support. He was obliged.

A lot has happened since then. In 2015, the Zaria massacre occurred during which 348 Shiites (some accounts put the number at over 1000) were killed by Nigerian soldiers and buried in mass graves. The dead included three children of Zakzaky. Since then, he has been locked up together with his wife even when the courts have granted them bail.

In April 2018, clashes broke out as the Nigeria Police fired teargas at Shiites protesters who were demanding the release of Zakzaky. The clashes left many dead and several others injured. The police detained at least 115 of the protesters. In October 2018, Nigerian military again killed at least 45 peaceful Shiites protesters.

Today, el-Rufai, the President’s Man Friday has exacerbated the distrust between Christians of Southern Kaduna and Muslims in the state.

Benue, a stronghold of the PDP had no IDP camps before 2015. They voted for Buhari, elected an APC governor. Today, thousands of indigenes live in IDP camps in Makurdi, afraid to go to their ancestral homes that have been taken over and effectively occupied by armed herdsmen.

In 2015, the ubiquitous and very powerful college of retired generals that have determined how the political pendulum swung since the first military coup of January 15, 1966 were in Buhari’s column.

Today, many of them, including Olusegun Obasanjo, Ibrahim Babangida, Theophilus Danjuma, Aliyu Gusau, are not.

And some people say it does not matter. Really?

In 2015, the all-powerful Lagos-Ibadan wing of the human and civil rights community were behind Buhari. Today, some of them, including Nobel Laureate, Prof. Wole Soyinka, have distanced themselves from him

In 2015, some of the country’s most prolific and powerful columnists were with Buhari. Today, the likes of Farooq Kperogi, Sonala Olumhense and Dele Momodu have openly rebelled against him.

In 2015, the international community, particularly the U.S. under President Barack Obama’s watch and Britain with David Cameron as Prime Minister, overtly supported Buhari. I doubt if those countries are still queuing behind him today.

In 2015, Buhari contested against Jonathan, a Southern minority Christian with no political base. Today, he is running against one of the most formidable politicians in this dispensation, a man with a solid political base, clout and deep pocket, a Fulani Moslem, from a region – North East – that last held power when Alhaji Tafawa Balewa from Bauchi State was the Prime Minister in the First Republic.

In 2015, APC went into the elections as a united, pragmatic and determined party hungry for power, eager to make a resounding political statement against a highly fractious, disorganised and disoriented PDP. Today, the reverse is the case. A strong, rejuvenated and virile PDP is going into Saturday’s election with a highly fractured, hemorrhaging APC where some governors are not in talking terms with the national chairman, Adams Oshiomhole.

In 2015, it was the PDP presidential campaign convoys that were stoned, booed and jeered. Today, it is the APC. On Monday, President Buhari nearly took a stone meant for Oshiomhole at a campaign rally in Abeokuta.

Yet, some people insist that Buhari still has his fabled 11 million votes locked up somewhere.

PDP has been able to dramatically reinvent itself and stage a remarkable comeback, APC cannot because of its inherent contradictions.