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A two-year-old is set to spend his entire life in a prison camp after his Christian parents were found with a Bible in their homes, according to a report by the US State Department A toddler is said to have been sentenced to life in a North Korean prison camp after his parents were discovered with a Bible in their home.

The shocking tale was revealed by the US State Department’s International Religious Freedom Report.

It claimed the two-year-old and his entire family were locked up for their religious beliefs.

Several other cases of North Koreans being killed for being Christian were also included in the report, including the firing squad execution of a woman and her grandchild in 2011.

Other believers faced "pigeon torture", where they were suspended with their hands tied behind their backs, unable to sit or stand for days on end.

One victim said: “It was the most painful of all tortures.

“It was so painful I felt it was better to die.” A toddler is said to have been sentenced to life in a North Korean prison camp after his parents were discovered with a Bible in their home.

The shocking tale was revealed by the US State Department’s International Religious Freedom Report.

It claimed the two-year-old and his entire family were locked up for their religious beliefs.

Several other cases of North Koreans being killed for being Christian were also included in the report, including the firing squad execution of a woman and her grandchild in 2011.

Other believers faced "pigeon torture", where they were suspended with their hands tied behind their backs, unable to sit or stand for days on end.

One victim said: “It was the most painful of all tortures.

“It was so painful I felt it was better to die.” It cited the finding of one NGO, Open Doors USA (ODUSA), which said: “A Christian is never safe.

“Children are encouraged to tell their teachers about any sign of faith in their parents’ home.”

Another NGO, Korea Future, said children were taught in school about the “evil deeds” of Christian missionaries, including “ rape, blood sucking, organ harvesting, murder, and espionage”.

The report said: “One defector told Korea Future the government published graphic novels in which Christians coaxed children into churches and took them to the basement to draw their blood.”

And while most of the cases of religious persecution documented by Korea Future targeted those practising shamanism, it was Christians who normally received the harshest punishments. It’s because they’re perceived as a “hostile class” and a “serious threat to loyalty to the state” the report said.

Officially, North Korea guarantees its people religious freedom in its constitution and the regime highlights the churches it has built in Pyongyang as proof.

But the publication said these churches operated only as “showpieces for foreigners”.

It cited the testimony of one defector, who said people could be arrested for lingering too long outside the churches and listening to music from within, or even consistently driving past them.

Ray Cunningham, from Illinois, US, visited Chilgol Protestant Church in Pyongyang during a service.

He told Pen News: “I came away wondering just how real this is.

“Are the services regular? The church seems maintained but is it a regular event? In the society you see no evidence of religious activity – except for Buddhism.

“It feels real but like many things indeed it may be somewhat a show for tourists. In this case it might be a mixture of showmanship and a few elderly Christians in the area.”


He also noted something that was highlighted in the report – no children attend the services.

He added: “The congregation was made up of older men – all seemingly over 65 – and women over 40. “What you did not see were children or young working-age people.”

For followers of shamanism, punishments range from six months in a forced labour camp to three or more years in a reeducation facility.

Christians, meanwhile, can be executed, or face anything from 15 years to life in a prison camp, imposed on up to three generations of the immediate family of the person found guilty.

So how did these differences occur?
As explained earlier, all the polling station sheets are collated at local government (LGA) headquarters.

We found an official election document with these collated votes for the Oyigbo area, signed by an election official and some of the party agents.
Several different photographs had been taken of it and uploaded on social media accounts.

The numbers in this document closely matched our own tallies for the two leading candidates (Obi and Tinubu).

This would have been one of the 23 collation sheets from LGAs in Rivers state taken to the state capital, Port Harcourt, for the official declaration.

Broadcast live on television on 27 February, in front of a bank of microphones, Oyigbo election official, Dr Dickson Ariaga, announced his name and that he worked for the Federal College of Education in Omoku.

On the recording, the word "Omoku" is indistinct, but there is only one Federal College of Education in Rivers state.

Dr Ariaga then read out the results for each party in alphabetical order, including for all the smaller parties.
They all matched those on the collation sheet the BBC had obtained. But when he reached Mr Tinubu's APC, instead of saying 2,731 as written on our photograph of the sheet, he read out "16,630".

Then for Mr Obi's party (LP) the figure changed again - instead of the 22,289 seen on the sheet, he announced "10,784", more than halving his vote.

The mystery surrounding Dickson Ariaga
We asked the electoral commission if we could speak to Dr Ariaga, but they would not give us his details or reach out to him for us.

We spoke to the election official seated next to Dr Ariaga, but she told us she wasn't authorised to talk to the press.

So we sent a reporter to the Federal College of Education in Omoku, about two hours drive north of Port Harcourt, where he'd said he worked when introducing himself.

The Deputy Provost Moses Ekpa told the BBC: "From our records, both from our payroll and from our human resources, there is no such a name in our system and we don't know such a person."
We tried tracking him down on social media and eventually came across another Facebook account for someone in Port Harcourt, whose profile details had the name Dickson Ariaga.

When we compared an image from this account to the television pictures of Dr Ariaga using Amazon Rekognition software, we achieved a match of 97.2%, indicating a very high probability they're the same man.

Dr Ariaga did not respond to messages sent by us to this account.

By reaching out to his Facebook friends we did finally manage to speak to a man who said he was a relative, who was at first willing to help us but then didn't return our calls.

What have the authorities said?
We put these findings to Nigeria's Independent National Electoral Commission (Inec).

Johnson Sinikiem, Inec's regional spokesman in Port Harcourt, told us that due to a "gross shortage of time and personnel" they had needed to take on some people without verifying their identity documents.

Referring to Dr Ariaga, he said: "If he had presented himself as a lecturer from [the college in Omoku] and it's otherwise, then he is dishonest."

We also approached Inec's headquarters in Abuja for a response to our findings of discrepancies in the results in Rivers state. We were told that they were unable to comment due to ongoing legal challenges.

This is just one case in one state in southern Nigeria where the evidence points to the results having been manipulated.

On their own, these altered results would not have decisively swayed the outcome of the presidential election. Bola Tinubu won the national presidential vote by 1.8m votes over his nearest rival, Atiku Abubakar of the PDP.

We're still looking for Dr Ariaga to respond to the findings in this report.

Where were the biggest discrepancies?
Two areas stood out.

The first was the Oyigbo local government area, where we found:

The vote for Bola Tinubu was six times larger in the officially announced results compared with the BBC's polling station count
Peter Obi's votes had been cut in half
The second local government area where we found major discrepancies was in nearby Obio/Akpor:

The official result for Mr Tinubu was 80,239 votes, but we counted just 17,293 votes from polling station tallies
The count for Mr Obi was announced officially as just 3,829 votes, but the BBC counted 74,033 votes for him on the tally sheets

What we found in Rivers state
We added up the voting tally sheets from over 6,000 polling stations in Rivers state, where many of the opposition complaints had been made.

While the official result in this state gave a clear majority to Bola Tinubu of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), our tally suggested that Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) had actually received most votes in the state by a wide margin.
We found an increase of just over 106,000 in Mr Tinubu's vote in the official declaration when compared with our polling station tally - almost doubling his total in the state.

In contrast, Mr Obi's vote had fallen by over 50,000.

It's important to make clear that although we searched through the election website for every single one of the 6,866 polling stations in Rivers state, we were not able to obtain results from all of them.

Some were incorrectly uploaded, others were missing, even after a month from the date of polling.

For about 5% of polling stations, the photos of tally sheets were too blurred for us to read. It's reasonable to assume that the official count would have included these as they would have had the original documents.

In another 17%, there were no results at all. Many of these would have been places where no voting took place due to security issues or the non-arrival of voting materials. Others had technical problems preventing officials uploading the documents.

So there clearly would have been more polling stations included in the final official results that weren't included in the BBC investigation.

However, these additional tally sheets would have increased the totals for each party, not decreased them. And what we found was that the votes for Peter Obi's Labour Party had decreased sharply in Rivers state.

So how can the sharp fall in votes for Peter Obi - in the official result - be explained?

A BBC investigation has found evidence suggesting some results from Nigeria's presidential election may have been manipulated.

The winner Bola Tinubu is due to be inaugurated on 29 May but the opposition is challenging this.

The BBC has uncovered significant anomalies in Rivers state, a key battleground, although not sufficient to change the overall national outcome of the election, which took place in February.

There are also questions over the identity of an election official who read out some of the unexplained results.

How votes are counted in Nigeria
On 25 February, Nigerians cast their votes at thousands of polling stations across the country.

At each polling station, the votes for the party of each candidate were publicly announced and the results sheets taken for collation first at the ward level, then at local government (LGA) centres.

An election official from each LGA then travelled to the state capital, where these results were officially declared.
For the first time in a Nigerian election, photographs of the polling station results sheets were published online by the electoral commission.

This made it possible to add up all the polling station sheets and to compare them with the results declared at the state level.

A 13 year old girl was mistakenly shot by an arrow which pierce deep into her heart and abdomen. She was successfully operated and the arrow was removed by a consultant Cardio-thoracic surgeon in UMTH maiduguri.
Viewers discretion is adviced.

1: the girl lying with the arrow deep in her chest
2: xray showing the arrow in her abdomen
3. Xray showing the arrow in her heart