₦airaland Forum

E don dey set small small....

.Ego tripping morons....

Sorry guys, thatz all for now. Anything comes up again we splash it.
Cheers....

Your 50mb loading...

simijimi:
08159225067

*Sent. It'll be nice if you acknowledge receipt....

1st spotted. Your 75mb loading.....

Teebouye995:
jes a minute

here, 08059944438

*Sent. It'll be nice if you acknowledge receipt....

For those who's Glo connection is good, I got some mb to give out. 1st gets 75mb while 2nd gets 50mb.

Drop your number....

Lol. Your rebuttals so laced with sanctimonous drivels.
North versus South, which of the two is the classic pathetic case for widespread impoverishment and illiteracy?

No need to answer that....



[quote author=fulanmafia post=57081086]Only failures and the mentally impoverished blame others for their weaknesses.[/quojte]u

The reason predates us all, goes way back in history. The brutish colonialists created an undue advantage in vesting so much powers to the North, politically and militarily, for reasons we all know. Its a well documented and open secret, but trust me, all that nonsense will change for good anytime soon. Watch it as it loads......

fulanmafia:
Oh really?

Now tell me how mentally poor and lazy southern Nigeria is to have been dominated politically and militarily for donkey years (till today) by these "mentally poorest" Northerners?

I'm waiting if you have an answer.

The reason predates us all, goes way back in history. The brutish colonialists created an undue advantage in vesting so much powers to the North, politically and militarily, its a well documented and open secret, but trust me, all that nonsense will change for good anytime soon. Watch it as it loads......

fulanmafia:
Oh really?

Now tell me how mentally poor and lazy southern Nigeria is to have been dominated politically and militarily for donkey years (till today) by these "mentally poorest" Northerners?

I'm waiting if you have an answer.

And I can tell you without any fear of contradiction that a large chunk of the igr emanates from the SEasterners you mentioned, after the fg refused to develop their region which makes a Kano and KD a more attractive destination for business endeavour. So what I'm I saying in effect. that the generated igr ain't a direct effect of the hard or smart work of the Northerners. I'll stop at this for now....

fulanmafia:
You don't know what you're saying, no offence.

Are you aware that the NW has now overtaken the SE in revenue generated internally?

Do you know Kano and Kaduna's IGR alone is now more than the entire IGR of the 5 South Eastern states COMBINED?

So which region is now more dependent on FG allocations for survival among these two?

Now you see why I said you made the above statement out of ignorance.

^^^^^^wealthy Nigerians (Northerners), that stole the Nigerian common wealth blind. Its on good record the North cannot survive without clawing their filthy paws around the corridors of power, the cookie jar. Northerners are the biggest and grandest thieves in Nigeria.


The North is also poor in human capital, infact very very poor. Now thats one huge poor there, lazy both mentally and physically, only good at relying on free government money and patrimony......

Do yourselves a huge favour and stop wallowing in delusion and denial....

But there lies the tragedy. The reprobates who thinks political power belongs to them, who can make this thing happen without protraction has refused to let go, so theres no other alternative to asking for balkanization of this damned useless contraption.

omoharry:
Nigeria under true federalism is far better than a split up Nigeria...but anything outside from this is, then it would be better the country split between the north and south..the south can now decide if they wish to establish their true federalism where all regions will be responsible for to manage their affair and pay tax to the centre...that is a better picture.

But the countries you mentioned have somehow been able to hold their diverse ethnicities together. Same cant be said of this contraption of ours cos of the disgusting gaggle of our reprobate political monsters in the saddle of her destiny....

hillsiderfak:
I believe Nigeria's strength ls in her large population and sieze, like countries India and China.

...Nigeria is damaged beyond repairs on the UNITY front. Hold those reprobates called politicians responsible.

United Nigeria my bottom....

Tragedy of leadership on the African continent in full steam....
....a pity indeed!

....more tweets

A young man, who was allegedly assaulted by some policemen, who made failed attempts to frame him, narrated how quick thinking saved him from being exploited at Jibowu, Yaba, Lagos. His tweets....

Why the emphasis on the SHA? That's a yoruba word and you don't even look like one, so hope you didnt misconstrue my intent ther :<(

I'm about to ram into your pm.... , How about that. Green light?

Sensual:
lol I cute SHA??
yeah, we can be friends.

Buhari/ APC governments performance self-explanatory....

Only acknowledged your contribution bro

Blue3k:
You forgot to say something.

Amazing write-up. Exactly the way I feel....



By Chude Jideonwo

Two years ago to this day, you brought me to tears.
You were in our nation’s capital, being inaugurated as the first Nigerian in our nation’s history to win the presidency from an opposition party. I was far away, in Lagos; but I had a cherished privilege: to be the one to publish the very first tweet on your account as President of the Federal of Nigeria.

And as my colleague, Oluwatobi Soyombo watched, I threw my head back on the chair, and I began to weep.
I couldn’t help myself. This moment was too big, was too strong; was too much.

They were tears of joy. But they were also tears of relief, personal and collective. Personal relief from the fear of the consequences of my decision – after having readied myself for four years of repercussion for supporting so publicly a man who was hardly likely to win; collective relief that we would not be facing four more years of the triumphal leadership of the corrupt and the reprobate; relief that we had just dodged a bullet.

Barely six months before I had never met you, never stayed in the same space you, didn’t even believe in you. The one thing I knew was that, for this young man, it was anybody but Goodluck Jonathan. But then you filled me with such hope, because you appeared to finally carry on your shoulders the burdens of an exhausted, furious generation.

I was as furious as anyone. Actually, I was more furious than most. Furious enough to burn bridges, risk backlash, annoy friends and family; to cross the divide to vote and work passionately for a man I had voted for reluctantly, even bitterly, only four years before.
It was like a miracle. I never believed this was going to happen. I never believed an opposition leader could win an election in our country; I never believed that citizens could make this change happen in my lifetime.
It was so hard to believe that I continued to argue with my team, right up to time that the incumbent president conceded. Our data already projected your win, but I refused to be seduced, memories of Karl Rove making a fool of himself on Fox News over a quixotic Mitt Romney win in 2012 haunting me. “Push all the votes from the South-East and the South-South to Jonathan’s column,” I said to my colleague Joachim MacEbong. “Assume Buhari gets zero votes there. What we have now is too deceptive. An opposition candidate can’t win with such a margin.”

I couldn’t believe it, until it happened. Some days, even now, I wake up and I almost still can’t believe it.
From 2010, when I became active in civic spaces, this had been the dream: to have a citizen-led movement that could put the fear of God into the political establishment.

I had spent days on the streets, in protest, at risk to life and business. I had sat in countless meetings and strategy sessions. I had spent millions of my own money invested in this vision. I had spent time in private and group prayer, shouting in pain, sobbing in frustration, crying out for all of this to not be for nothing, for some intervention, for some sign from God that our country would be better, even in our lifetimes. I didn’t believe it could be this dramatic, I didn’t believe it could come to pass.

But it did. And when it did, it was enough to overturn my theology of God’s agenda for politics. Because it certainly felt like an answer to our prayers. It certainly felt like divine intervention. It absolutely felt like the heavens had heard Nigeria’s heart cry. It had to be. This was a miracle. You were a miracle. You were a change, desperately sought. A change, desperately won.

But it wasn’t really about you, Mr. President. This was never about you.

You were a symbol of our aspiration, you were an expression of a democratic ideal: that the citizen is the most powerful force in any democracy. You were a symbol that we mattered, that our voices mattered. That if we organised, we could defeat powerful forces. That if we came together, nothing was truly beyond our grasp, no possibility beyond the reach of a determined population. That we, truly, are the ones that we have been waiting for.

For me, after 10 years of nation building aspirations and five years of activist engagement, you presented the unique opportunity for to all come together. For the networks, and the platforms and the reputation and the skills and the creativity that I had to come to a head, to join the effort to make change happen. And there were many Nigerians who took that risk also, because we saw a ray of sunlight.
We thought this was worth the risk. This had to be worth the risk.

The many people who worked incredibly hard to get you into office, but then stayed aside and asked for no benefit in return thought it was worth that risk. It was the reason I said no to an offer to join this administration in its first two years, same as many that I know. We couldn’t dare corrupt this one sacrifice – this gift – with the appearance of self-interest.

But it’s not just about those who can afford to keep their distance. It’s more about the many whom your inchoate policies hurt the most – the people you told us you were running for.

Remember that woman who wrapped up her entire savings and donated to your campaign? Do you remember her, sir?

What would you say to her, if you saw her today?
I write this today because I don’t know what happens next.

I don’t know if you are well, or how well you are. You haven’t treated us, your citizens, your voters, with the respect of telling us what ails you, how it ails you and how it affects your ability to do your job. Instead you treat us with the scorn and contempt that Aso Rock seems to breed – the contempt of silence.

Look at the nation you left behind, as you duck for cover in the United Kingdom: Healthcare so shabby even you can’t rely on it for your own well being. Schools still exactly in the state at which you met them 24 months ago. An economy in shambles. An anti-corruption fight running around in circles. A nation fragmented, with the one time since the 1960s where Biafra has become a dominant narrative – courtesy of tone-deaf ethnic-coloured politics. Businesses attacked by a combination of violent tax authorities and ham-fisted fiscal policies, which seem to punish citizens for the failings of past governments and inadequacies of this one. Indeed, the anecdotal stories of businesses folded up, investments dried up jobs lost and dreams shattered have become the defining testimony of your leadership.

You have taken the hopes and the dreams and the faith that we invested in you, and you have shattered them into many tiny pieces.

Is this fair? Is this right? Is this why you ran? Is this what those four attempts were about? Is this the plan you had? Is this the vision you shared? Is this what this was all about – just being president?

It is easy for us to hide under the shadow of your acting president, Yemi Osinbajo, who makes it easy to prove citizens right, that we made the proper choice to vote for change and to upset the old system in 2015. It is convenient to turn to him as justification for our wisdom.

But the truth is that, for me, it isn’t. You are the man with the mandate. You are the man with the ultimate responsibility.

To be honest, there is no regret in voting for you. Even if everything failed, even if your acting president had been a failure, there would be no regret in voting for you.

We had a choice between the devil and the deep blue sea. As it turns out, we chose the deep blue sea.
If that time came again, I would make no other choice, even with everything I know now. With everything I have, and everything I believe and everything I hold dear, I am passionate about the fact that, despite the disappointment you have presented to us, voting what you represented for president was a crucial step in re-making Nigeria, in the long term.

I just wish you had made it easier, with your performance, with visionary leadership, with actions and decisions, to justify that choice. I wish we could point to the short term as well as the long term as the vindication of that choice. I wish you had risen up to the occasion, Mr. President.

Yes, you care for Nigeria. I know that. Or at least I think I do. But that doesn’t matter. It’s neither here nor there. Love is not just something you say, love is something you do. And there is no evidence, today, of your love.
We didn’t vote for you to try your best; we didn’t vote for you to complain to no end, no. We voted for you to make change happen.

And no matter what your remaining rabid supporters, either blinded still by anger at Dr. Jonathan, blinded by the comfort of denial or blinded by proximity to power, say, this is the truth: we are disappointed in you. This is not the change we voted for.

Of course, there is still a year to make it happen before the politicking fully kicks in, but not today.
Instead, disappointment, shame, sadness – that has become your legacy.

And it breaks my heart sir.

It breaks so many hearts, home and abroad. Those who believed passionately in you. Those who didn’t believe but decided to give you a chance. Those who couldn’t bring themselves to vote for you but still celebrated the possibility of change. Those who rolled the dice and hoped for the best.

Your performance, your failings, the ineptitude, it has severely broken their hearts. It has severely broken my heart.

I sincerely hope, in your quiet moments of truth, that it breaks your heart too.
—
*Jideonwo is co-founder and managing partner of RED (www.redafrica.xyz), which brands including Y!/YNaija.com and governance consulting firm, StateCraft Inc (www.statecraftinc.com). Office of the Citizen (OOTC) is his latest essay series.

... You cute sha. Don't normally do this, but any chance to make your acquiantance?

Sensual:
looool

I concur. Civilian politicians as we have now, in all ramifications are too crooked to bring about any Change or development. Its like they have a blanket dna of ineptitude and crookedness they are cursed with.

As for hope, iv lost that a long time ago, same rendition from over thirty years iv been nurtured through life....

pressplay411:
That what we practise is anything but Democracy, you're right. But still you sound too pessimistic, which is not a good state to live in. Lets keep hope alive and eventually I believe we'll get it right.
I'm a strong proponent of Military govt cos the problem of this country has indeed gone beyond Democratic solution. Even though military govt has failed in the past, it still commands some level of Call to Duty and zero tolerance for the indiscriminate malpractices of various arms of government especially the legislators.

Looks more like the man has already started sipping from the sour kunu they give them at that Aso Villa that makes any President forget his purpose in that office....

Sensual:
Yes we've seen tremendous one.
NEGATIVE one tho!!

I actually like you, osy, but sometimes I wonder if buhari's spirit is talking tru you

This man sef don join the bandwagon, typical political gibberish from typical Nigerian politicians.... they'll never admit things are not the way they oughta be. smh

mzirawo:
.
“He assured that 2017 would be the year in which you would begin to see tangible benefits of all the planning and preparation work.
“It is my pleasure to note that in the five months since he delivered that speech, we have seen tremendous progress as promised.’’

This man sef don join the bandwagon, typical political gibberish from typical Nigerian politicians.... they'll never admit things are not the way they oughta be. smh

mzirawo:
.
“He assured that 2017 would be the year in which you would begin to see tangible benefits of all the planning and preparation work.
“It is my pleasure to note that in the five months since he delivered that speech, we have seen tremendous progress as promised.’’

Point of correction. There's nothing like democracy in Nigeria. Not even the caricature of it.

What we've always had is an oligarchy, government of evil, corrupt, selfish and utterly fiendish elements for the good of themselves and their acolytes. The more we continue to hope they'll change and give value for our little trust, the more evil they become and treat us as one in same vein.

Conclusion, is unless the docile, sleeping, aloof citizenry are prepared to confront these malevolent urchins that has practically and effectively laid our past, present and whatever future we have left bare, we can just continue to rant, vent and cuss on NL, LIB, metrogist and such other platforms like the bars, beer parlours and newspaper joints in our various hoods.

Summary; Nigeria still remains a zoo that's unfit for human purpose, will remain for a long long time until we all see fit to take mass action....

#imyorubanotipob (in case someone thinks these are the rants from an anti-apc element)

By Douglas Anele

Unfortunately, but not surprisingly, the dominant political parties that emerged in Nigeria before independence and played prominent roles in defining the direction of her future political evolution were largely regional parties. For instance, in northern Nigeria, the political landscape was dominated by the Northern People’s Congress (NPC), whose catchphrase “One North, One People,” accurately encapsulates its core agenda.

It was unabashedly a political organisation specifically set up to cater for the concerns of northern region alone, particularly the interests of the domineering feudalist conservative elite, to the extent that it refused to present candidates for elections in the south. Interestingly, NPC leaders were surprised that its gesture of separateness was not reciprocated by political parties in the south.

Consequently, they strongly resisted efforts by parties in southern Nigeria to field candidates in the north, which Balewa saw as appropriate to response to the “invasion” of northern region by southerners, and considered southern politicians campaigning in northern Nigeria an unwelcome challenge to north’s territorial sovereignty. Action Group (AG) was the major party in western Nigeria, whereas the first truly national political party was the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), although it eventually mutated into a regional party called the National Council of Nigerian Citizens dominated by the Igbo.

Given this tripartite regional political configuration, two scenarios were inevitable. One, although the NPC was dominant because of British preferential treatment and the north’s huge land mass compared to the other two regions in the south, none of the parties could govern Nigeria without forming a coalition with at least one other party. Two, because the three main parties were established along ethnic lines (except for NCNC which in its earlier stages was truly nationalistic in outlook) ethnic rivalries and mutual suspicion created a fertile soil for inter-ethnic conflicts.

The first indication that post-independent Nigeria would be problematic was in 1953 when, through Anthony Enahoro, the AG and NCNC tabled a motion in the federal House of Representatives calling for Nigeria’s independence in 1956. But the NPC led by Ahmadu Bello, for whom independence on that date was “an invitation [for the north] to commit suicide,” objected, claiming, correctly, that the north did not have adequate administrative machinery and educated personnel to run a modern democratic government independently of Britain.

That was why, when northerners who were majority in the House diluted Enahoro’s motion by recommending that independence should be attained when it is practicable to do so, they were heckled and jeered at by crowds in Lagos for foot-dragging on the independence issue. Some key members of the northern establishment and a broad section of northerners neither forgot nor forgave the south for that embarrassment.

Most Nigerians do not know that Britain had already made up her mind to hand over power to northerners by October 1, 1960, thereby laying the foundation for caliphate colonialism, despite the huge educational gap between the north and the south, the economic dependence of the former on the latter, and reluctance of prominent northern leaders to key into the quest for self governance.

That was why the British colonial office abruptly brought Sir James Robertson from Sudan as the last expatriate governor-general of Nigeria to conduct the 1959 elections, which he manipulated to favour the NPC. Ordinarily, in the interest of merit, fairness and justice, Sir Robertson and his cohorts ought to have worked hard to ensure that the first set of leaders for indepemdent Nigeria emerged from a
free and fair election.

Of course, that is wishful thinking: the colonial master was not interested in transferring power to the most competent Nigerians or in building a strong and viable black nation that would eventually explode the white supremacist myth that black peoples are incapable of managing their own affairs without the guidance of whitemen. Besides, northerners preferred British rule to what they imagined as the dangers of being dominated by the south. Their leader, Sir Ahmadu Bello, expressed this fear: “A sudden grouping of the eastern and western parties (with a few members from the north opposed to our party) might take power and so endanger the north.”

Thus, aside from wanting to reward the north for its pro-British stance, Britain rigged Nigeria’s independence elections so that its compliant friends in the north, such as Ahmadu Bello and Tafawa Balewa, would win power, dominate the country and serve British interests after independence. This is in line with the psychology of oppressors and colonilalists identified by the psychiatrist and poli
tical political philosopher, Frantz Fanon, who posits that colonial masters invariably prefer stooges as their successors, those who would depend on them and who they can easily manipulate.

Chinweizu reports that Sir Robertson named Balewa as Prime Minister in 1957 inspite of the fact that the NPC controlled only one region and a third of the ministers in the federal executive council whereas the NCNC members were dominant in the east and west and had two-thirds of the ministers at the federal level. There is a personal angle to this brazen unfairness as well: the British Man Friday confessed that he became “very close” to Sir Tafawa Balewa to the extent that they could discuss virtually everything, including Balewa’s “difficulties with noisy southerners who seemed to take all their squabbles and troubles to him.”

As I pointed out earlier, Sir James Robertson was seconded to Nigeria from Sudan, a country dominated by muslims. Therefore, since like old soldiers old habits die hard, he was more comfortable handing over power to a muslim school teacher who the western world had hyperbolically and cynically propped up as a great statesman rather than to Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, leader of the NCNC and a brilliant political philosopher with a doctorate degree from Lincoln University, United States.

At independence, the incendiary plan of British colonial administrators was successful. Sir Balewa became Prime Minister while Sir Ahmadu Bello decided to remain Premier of northern Nigeria. Aside from Britain’s complicity in the process of northern entrenchment at the centre, two critical observations must be made at this point. First, before independence most prominent northern politicians preferred the north to the entire country, and they did not change their obsessive fixation with the region even after independence.

Sir Ahmadu Bello’s arrogant and insensitive remark that “I would rather be called Sultan of Sokoto than President of Nigeria” sums up the attitude of key members of the northern ruling elite to the idea of a united Nigeria as a sovereign geopolitical entity. Therefore, when Nigerian leaders from the north claim that Nigeria’s unity is not negotiable, as if notherners are more patriotic than their southern compatriots, theyujnn must be reminded that Ahmadu Bello, Tafawa Balewa and most of the prominent northerne unjnrs assassinated in the first military coup of January 15, 1966, and whose deaths were avenged by northern soldiers and civilians who murdered and maimed tens of thousands of Ndigbo, including many senior Igbo military officers, never really believed in or worked for Nigerian unity.

Instead, they used threats of separation and violence to armtwist wily British colonial j and squabbling disunited southern politicians to get concessions favourable to the conservative ruling elements in the north. The change from threats of secession by Ahmadu Bello and his cohorts to morbid obsession with Nigerian unity by successive northern military dicatators and prominent politicians was motivated by the ideology of caliphate colonialism set forth shortly after independence by Sir Ahmadu Bello himself: “The new called Nigerina should be an estate of our great-grandfather, Uthman Dan Fodio. We must ruthlessly prevent a change of power. We use minorities of the north as willing tools and the south as a conquered territory and never allow them to rule over us, and never allow them to have control over their own future.”

In other words, Sir Ahmadu Bello proposed that external colonisation by Britain should be replaced after independence with internal caliphate colonialism by muslim northerners so that Nigeria would remain perpetually the inheritance of the arch jihadist, Uthman Dan Fodio. In my opinion, no single pronouncement by any Nigerian explains better the fixation of the dominant faction of the northern ruling power bloc to our feudalistic federalism and irrational quest for political power at the centre.