CharlesCNG's Posts
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IJAYA001:**EKITI ELECTION LIVE UPDATE** So far, 809 Form EC8A results out of 2,445 polling units** have been uploaded. These results are currently being collated on our system, and the scoreboard will be updated shortly as verified figures come in. Please stay tuned to this page for live updates. **Smart ElectionGuard Pro — tracking results, enhancing transparency.**
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CharlesCNG:at as 6.26 p.m POLLING UNIT COVERAGE ──────────────────────────────────────────────────────────── Total PUs in Ekiti : 2,392 Discovered (contest) : 0 Downloaded (this run) : 809 Uploaded (this run) : 0 Uploaded (cumulative) : 809 Remaining : 1,583 Completion : 33.82% FROM EKITI TO OSUN: What If Election Night Became Evidence Night? BY CharlesCNG. Something interesting happened during the June 20 Ekiti governorship election. At 4:48 p.m., I opened a Nairaland Live Ekiti Election Update Thread with one objective: follow documentary evidence instead of rumours and projections. As polling-unit Form EC8As appeared on INEC's IReV, they were processed into a live scoreboard and snapshots posted periodically. Readers watched the election build: Polling Unit → Ward → LGA → State. At 5:48 p.m., 335 EC8As were being processed. By 6:08 p.m., 700. By 6:35 p.m., over 800. At 6:41 p.m., IReV had uploaded more than 2,000 of Ekiti's 2,445 polling-unit results. That points towards something bigger. American election nights feature continuously updating votes, maps and reporting percentages. Nigeria can develop its own version—but with something powerful underneath: the actual polling-unit result sheets. Citizens should be able to ask: Where did these totals come from? Which polling units have reported? Which EC8As produced them? As Osun approaches August 15—and Nigeria looks towards 2027—the conversation should move from "Who says he's winning?" to "Show us the evidence." Not replacing INEC. Not declaring winners. Simply providing another window into the evidence. Don't just show me the score. Show me the polling units. Show me the EC8As. Show me the evidence. That is how Election Night becomes Evidence Night. |
CharlesCNG:
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SmartEnergyng:EKITI ELECTION LIVE UPDATE So far, **335 Form EC8A results out of 2,445 polling units** have been uploaded. These results are currently being collated on our system, and the scoreboard will be updated shortly as verified figures come in. Please stay tuned to this page for live updates. **Smart ElectionGuard Pro — tracking results, enhancing transparency.**
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muykem:I just want to see if ADC will score up to 5 % of total votes cast!! |
This page will be providing live updates on the **electronic transmission of results for the Ekiti Governorship Election** as polling unit results are uploaded to the **INEC IReV portal**. As of **4:40 p.m.**, **over 500 polling unit results have already been uploaded to IReV, and the electronic transmission process is expected to gather pace shortly. From this point, this thread will monitor the uploads as they come in and follow the result trail in real time. Stay here for updates as the figures begin to build from: **Polling Unit → Ward → LGA → State** This is where the real test begins — not rumours, not speculation, but the published result sheets as they appear on IReV. |
esnbrutality:Insults are not evidence. You said Nigerians have rejected APC. Good. Today is the test. Let the ballot speak, not your bitterness. As for the bread sermon, it sounds like you came prepared with hunger and anger, but not with facts. When the votes are counted, we’ll know whether it was APC Nigerians rejected or just your self-confidence that got ahead of the results. |
yarimo:Unfortunately, that excuse will not hold unless there is proof. Today, a number of anti-rigging and election transparency technologies are being deployed, and I will be highlighting some of them on this thread as the election progresses. Channels Television will be deploying its own version of election-tracking technology. An Abuja-based company, Softsmart, will also be showcasing its platform, Smart ElectionGuard Pro. Smart ElectionGuard Pro is a software platform designed to help people see election results more clearly, more quickly, and with evidence attached. In many elections, results come from thousands of polling units. The challenge is that these results are often scattered, hard to track, difficult to verify, and easy to misunderstand. Smart ElectionGuard Pro helps solve that by taking result sheets such as Form EC8A, reading them, organizing them, and turning them into a live, structured scoreboard that users can follow from: Polling Unit → Ward → LGA → State So instead of confusion, delay, and guesswork, users get a system that helps them follow the result trail in an organized, transparent, and evidence-based way. |
AMINDA:My brother, anti-incumbency is not a manifesto. 😁 Whenever the opposition loses, suddenly the voters become hungry people collecting bread. Fine. What exactly is the opposition offering besides anger, hashtags and conspiracy theories? If bread is all it takes, why didn't your own superior ideas and candidates outperform a loaf? The joke, indeed, writes itself. And for future reference, "they shared bread" is not a campaign strategy. It is an excuse strategy. Of all the people you could use to buttress your point, Isaac Fayose? My brother, that is like a lawyer citing a beer parlour argument as Supreme Court authority. You are not strengthening your case; you are merely advertising your desperation. Students who prepare for exams discuss answers. Students who fail discuss invigilators. Shikena. 😂 |
adeiza4u:My brother, if being physically present in the North is enough to predict elections, then I too was in the North before the 2023 election. If you had asked many people then, they would have told you Tinubu had no chance. We know how that ended. Second, Atiku has indeed been contesting elections for decades. But unlike Buhari, he has never built that kind of emotional, almost cult-like following. His support has always depended more on elite alliances than mass movements. Third, the North is not one voting unit. The vote is fragmented. The real battle in the North-West is not Tinubu versus the North. It is between APC governors and Atiku. And many core northern voters do not even see Atiku as the embodiment of northern interests. Besides, Tinubu does not need to sweep the North-West. He simply needs to remain competitive and secure about 35–40% of the vote while maintaining his strengths elsewhere. Finally, I agree with you on one thing: Tinubu must improve the welfare of Nigerians. Elections are not won by strategy alone. |
[quote author=AMINDA post=139775193]Off-cycle elections almost always go the incumbent due to their ability to concentrate resources and literally throw bread at the citizens that they have impoverished. This was Ekiti yesterday. The opposition is not expecting much from the by-elections but will use it to gauge their strengths and weaknesses. is exactly the excuse-making I predicted. Before the election, they told us Nigerians had rejected APC. After the election, suddenly voters were “impoverished people collecting bread.” So which is it? If the people can be persuaded with bread, what did the opposition offer them besides anger, slogans and social media noise? Did they campaign seriously? Did they organise? Did they mobilise voters? Did they present a superior local alternative? You cannot neglect preparation, lose an election, then insult the electorate as hungry people who were bought. That is arrogance, not analysis. And please, are all Ekiti voters impoverished? Or does that label only apply when they vote against your expectation? If this election was a referendum, then the result is part of that referendum. The incumbent campaigned, organised and delivered. The opposition prepared excuses. As usual, when they win, it is democracy. When they lose, it is bread. |
NgeneUkwenu:Did you just say What do we expect from the [b]NDC, PDP and ADC today? i tell you for free! Like students who have neglected their books, they appear more prepared to explain failure than to prevent it. Already, one can predict the script. If they win, democracy worked. If they lose, it was rigging. If they perform poorly, it will be because of INEC, judiciary, BVAS, Tinubu, Wike, CIA, Mossad and perhaps even the weather. But elections have a cruel habit of exposing illusion. Politics is not content creation. It is organisation. And no amount of YouTube,nairaland, social media prophecy can substitute for grassroots preparation. By the time the votes are counted, we shall know who truly has support and who merely mistook applause from social media echo chambers for the voice of the people. As always, examinations reveal preparation. And results expose excuses. |
NgeneUkwenu:Today’s Elections Are the First Real Referendum on 2027 For months, Nigerians have been bombarded with grand claims. We have been told that “Nigerians have rejected APC,” that “the masses are angry,” and that “2027 is already settled.” Well, today, rhetoric meets reality. The Ekiti governorship election and the bye-elections across Kano, Kebbi, Ondo, Rivers, Nasarawa and Enugu represent the first real political test ahead of the 2027 general election. Unlike social media polls, YouTube channels and comment sections where everyone conveniently speaks on behalf of “Nigerians,” elections provide something far more valuable: actual votes. Those who routinely and fraudulently ascribe their personal feelings to 200 million Nigerians now have an opportunity to test their assumptions. Those who insist that APC has been totally rejected can demonstrate it at the ballot box. Likewise, the opposition, which has spent the last three years feeding on outrage and declaring victory in advance, now has a chance to convert online enthusiasm into electoral reality. Democracy does not operate on hashtags. It operates on votes. The ballot box remains the only credible opinion poll. By the time the results start coming in, all parties — APC included — will have fresh data on where they stand and what work remains to be done. This is why today's elections matter. Not because they will determine 2027. But because they will expose who truly has popular support and who has merely mistaken noise for numbers. As always, votes speak louder than vibes. |
shortgun:My brother, click the video properly. It is not a news item. It is fake-news content dressed up as political breaking news. That is the point. Instead of verifying the source, you rushed into abuse, spit and “AI nonsense.” Typical Obidient response: when the argument becomes uncomfortable, insult becomes the manifesto. A video exists, yes. But a video is not automatically journalism. A thumbnail is not evidence. YouTube propaganda is not news. Click, verify, then argue. Until then, your anger is louder than your evidence. I asked people to click the link and verify. You responded with insults and bodily fluids. And thank you once again for proving my point about the intellectual poverty that often accompanies emotional investment. Truth has nothing to fear from scrutiny. Propaganda does. |
Brother Kenneth Okonkwo’s political journey is beginning to look less like conviction and more like serial matrimony. He has moved from PDP to APC, from APC to Labour, from Labour to ADC, and at every station he arrives like a disappointed husband explaining why the last marriage failed. The bride is always the problem. The house is always sinking. The leadership is always weak. The platform is always no longer fit for purpose. Yet somehow, Brother Kenneth is always innocent, always principled, always relocating to the next political altar. In APC, he once defended the party. Then the Muslim-Muslim ticket came, and he left in righteous thunder. In Labour, he became one of Peter Obi’s loudest apostles, selling Obi as the face of a new Nigeria. Then Labour developed crisis, Obi failed his leadership test, and suddenly Kenneth could no longer speak for a leader whose direction he did not know. Now in ADC, the same man who recently warned that a vote for Obi in 2027 is a vote for Tinubu has opened another chapter. After reports that Atiku may have picked Rotimi Amaechi from the South-South as running mate, Kenneth now says he is not favourably disposed to campaigning for any ticket without a South-East person as president or vice-president. So yesterday, Obi was not viable. Today, Atiku is not fair. Tomorrow, ADC may not be principled enough. At this rate, Brother Kenneth may need not a party card, but a political transit visa. This is the comedy of permanent relocation. He is like a man who has married four wives and insists each divorce proves his moral purity. At some point, the village must ask whether the problem is always the wives or the man who keeps arriving with wedding clothes in one hand and resignation letter in the other. Politics requires evolution, yes. But when evolution becomes endless migration, principle begins to look like tourism. Brother Kenneth has mastered the art of leaving loudly. The only thing he has not mastered is staying long enough to build anything. |
treesun:The North Did Not Vote as One Bloc in 2023 and will not in 2027 The second mistake is to talk about “the North” as if it votes like one man. The 2023 presidential election shattered that myth. In the North East, Atiku led strongly. But in the North West, Tinubu actually came first, while Kwankwaso still pulled a very substantial bloc. In the North Central, Tinubu also led, while Obi performed strongly and Atiku came third. That is not one northern vote. That is three different northern political theatres. So when Dele Momodu or anyone else talks as if Atiku can simply gather the North into one bag and carry it to the ballot box, they are ignoring the most basic evidence from the last election: the North was already fragmented. The North East is not the North West. The North West is not the North Central. Each zone has its own political mood, rival ambitions, and local calculations. And that is why the old phrase “the northern vote” is often more political propaganda than political science. The real truth is this: There is no single northern vote waiting in one purse. There are northern votes, spread across zones, interests, religions, local structures, and competing leaders. That is the point many commentators refuse to accept. They keep speaking of “the North” as if it is a barracks taking one command. But the 2023 results already showed that the North is not one electoral choir singing one anthem. |
treesun:Atiku Is Not Buhari and can never be One of the laziest assumptions in Nigerian politics, which Dele momodu is foolishly invested, is that Atiku Abubakar can simply inherit “the northern vote” in 2027. That claim is weak for one basic reason: Atiku is not Buhari. Buhari was not just another northern politician. He had a rare personal cult following, especially in parts of the North West, built over several election cycles. His appeal was deeper than party. His name itself carried emotional and political weight in ways very few northern politicians have ever matched. Atiku does not command that kind of automatic loyalty. He may have influence, relevance, and recognition, but influence is not the same thing as mystique. Recognition is not the same thing as inherited mass followership. That is the first weakness in the Dele Momodu-style theory that Atiku controls the North. It confuses Buhari’s personal political capital with Atiku’s ordinary northern relevance. Those are not the same thing. The North did not become one man’s private estate under Buhari, and it certainly does not become Atiku’s inheritance now. Buhari built a following over years of repeated contests, strong emotional appeal, and a very particular northern image. Atiku has never commanded that same near-messianic standing. So the first point is simple: Atiku cannot be treated as Buhari’s automatic heir in the North. That assumption is not strategy. It is lazy political storytelling. |
shortgun:Please click the link before reacting. This is not a credible news report. It is YouTube propaganda dressed up with AI graphics and emotional narration. That is the new desperate playbook: manufacture content, make it look like breaking news, push it into forums, then hope people react before verifying. The fact that they have resorted to this shows how badly the Obi project is struggling under scrutiny. As Peter Obi’s unfitness becomes more obvious, propaganda has become the substitute for persuasion. So I invite everyone: click the link, check the source, and ask yourself whether this is journalism or political desperation wearing makeup. If your candidate is truly superior, why rely on fake-news theatre? Truth does not need AI graphics to survive. |
shortgun:Tinubu 2027: Pain Is Real, But Progress Is Also Real The argument that Tinubu cannot win in 2027 is built more on anger than analysis. 1. Economic pain is real, but so was the mess inherited. Tinubu met fuel subsidy fraud, multiple exchange rates, weak reserves, fiscal deficits and a distorted economy. Removing subsidy and unifying FX were painful, but what credible alternative existed? Continue borrowing to subsidise consumption? 2. Inflation hurts, but reforms are beginning to stabilise the economy. The World Bank says Nigeria has made meaningful progress in restoring macroeconomic stability, with stronger fiscal and external positions. Reuters also reports World Bank growth projection of about 4.2% in 2026. 3. Reserves have improved. Nigeria’s net FX reserves reportedly rose from $3.99bn two years earlier to $34.8bn by end-2025, while gross reserves reached $50.45bn by mid-February 2026. That is not economic collapse. 4. Borrowing must be put in context. Nigeria’s debt rise partly reflects exchange-rate adjustments and greater transparency, not simply reckless new borrowing. Even the finance minister made this point while forecasting stronger 2026 growth. 5. Social interventions are expanding. NELFUND says over 1.5 million students have benefited, with more than ₦282bn disbursed. That is a concrete intervention, not propaganda. 6. The opposition has no serious alternative. They condemn subsidy removal but admit they would remove it. They attack FX reform but offer no credible path back to artificial rates. Tinubu should be judged by what he met, what he changed, and what is beginning to improve. A lot remains to be done. But progress is not cancelled because pain still exists. |
Kanwuliajeje:Most people reacting to this have not fact-checked anything. They did not click the link. They did not verify the source. They simply saw anti-Tinubu material and rushed to celebrate. That is the problem. This is not credible news. It is YouTube propaganda dressed up as reporting — the kind of content increasingly manufactured because Peter Obi is facing serious political and intellectual pushback. But even assuming, for argument’s sake, that such an incident happened, the principle must be clear: political violence is wrong. Full stop. Those celebrating attacks on one candidate should not cry tomorrow if their own candidate is harassed elsewhere. If it is wrong for Peter Obi to be attacked in Ekiti or for Obidients to be assaulted in Adamawa, then it is also wrong for Tinubu supporters to be attacked anywhere. Democracy is not thuggery. You cannot condemn violence only when your side is the victim. That is not principle. That is hypocrisy. |
Morizo:Thank you for making your points in such a civil manner. This is the kind of conversation we should be having. I accept your broader concern: Nigeria’s judiciary must not only be independent; it must be seen to be independent. Perception matters greatly, especially in a country where public trust is already fragile. I also agree that judges should avoid unnecessary political socialising, partisan optics and any conduct that creates suspicion. Where we differ is in the conclusion that official accommodation automatically equals bribery. To me, the stronger argument is this: judicial welfare is necessary, but the process must be transparent, institutionally clean and insulated from political theatre. So yes, if the concern is that housing should be routed through clearer judiciary-controlled budgetary processes, that is a legitimate reform argument. But if the argument is that judges should not be well housed because Nigerians are poor, I disagree. Poverty for judges will not solve poverty for citizens. On “welfare for all,” I agree completely. Doctors, teachers, soldiers, police officers and ordinary citizens deserve dignity too. But we should not build equality by weakening institutions. We should build a country where judges are protected, workers are respected, citizens have opportunity, and public officials are accountable. So perhaps our disagreement is not on the destination. It is on how we describe the road. You call it bribery. I call it welfare needing better institutional safeguards. |
Kalulu44:First, let me commend you. You have stated your position passionately and without a single insult. That is increasingly rare. It is refreshing to disagree without descending into abuse. Second, I think we are now discussing something much deeper than judges' houses. We are discussing the constitutional concentration of executive power. On doctors and soldiers, I agree they deserve much better. But equality does not mean identical treatment. Judges are not soldiers, and soldiers are not judges. Different institutions have different welfare requirements. Improving one should not require neglecting another. On the bigger issue, I partly agree with you. The Presidency in Nigeria is too powerful. The power to appoint heads of institutions, influence budgets and shape the bureaucracy deserves serious constitutional reform. But that is precisely my point: the problem is not houses. The problem is constitutional design. You say "he who pays the piper dictates the tune." But the Constitution itself provides for presidential appointments, Senate confirmation and appropriations. If those powers are excessive, then let us debate constitutional amendments, not confuse welfare with bribery. And I must respectfully disagree that no judge can rule against the government. History and recent cases show governments and powerful politicians losing in court. In the end, we may agree on the disease but disagree on the symptom. The concentration of executive power is a constitutional issue. Judges' houses are merely the latest battlefield in a much older debate. Shikena. 🙂 |
sucess001:My brother, thank you for the prayer. May God also punish defective reasoning wherever it is found. 😁 Now to your point. Controlling a budget does not automatically mean an institution must personally execute every specialized project. That is why governments create specialized agencies. The Central Bank controls monetary policy; it does not print every naira note by hand. The Ministry of Health controls health policy; it does not manufacture syringes. Likewise, the NJC may control and disburse judicial funds without directly handling complex construction and procurement projects. Not every institution has architects, engineers, quantity surveyors and project managers sitting around waiting to build houses. That is precisely why agencies like the FCDA/FCTA exist. You are confusing control of funds with execution of projects. Those are two different things. And please spare me the "APC boys calling white black and black white" sermon. It is ironic coming from someone trying to prove that procurement architecture equals bribery. "He who mistakes the cook for the farmer will soon blame the pot for the harvest". The issue is transparency and due process. Not whether every institution must become its own construction company. 😂 |
Reference:My brother, that is not the position of the Constitution. Yes, Sections 81(3) and 84 of the Constitution provide for financial autonomy of the judiciary. But autonomy does not mean the judiciary runs a parallel treasury or becomes a real estate developer. Money still comes from the Consolidated Revenue Fund. The three arms do not each collect taxes separately. Second, not every institution handles procurement directly. Governments all over the world use specialized agencies to design, procure and build infrastructure. That is precisely why entities like the FCDA/FCTA exist. You speak as though every agency must maintain its own architects, engineers, quantity surveyors and procurement departments. That would create needless duplication and inefficiency. Third, this is not the first time the FCDA has built houses for judges or legislators. The Abuja Master Plan has long involved the FCDA providing infrastructure and institutional accommodation for various arms and agencies of government. Finally, if your argument is that judicial allocations should directly fund procurement under a revised framework, fine. That is a respectable process argument. But do not pretend that using the FCDA to construct houses automatically converts welfare into bribery. As the proverb says: "A man does not buy three hoes when one blacksmith can make them all." The Constitution guarantees autonomy, not architectural self-sufficiency. And separation of powers was never intended to mean separation of construction companies. 😁 |
SecurityNgr:Falana's Process Argument Does Not Prove Judicial Bribery by CharlesCNG Femi Falana's concerns about judicial independence deserve serious consideration. But serious concerns do not automatically translate into simple solutions. Many critics argue that the provision of houses for judges should have been handled through the National Judicial Council. Fine. That is a legitimate conversation about process and procurement. But it is a huge leap from there to accusing the Executive of bribing the judiciary. The NJC is not a construction company. Its constitutional responsibilities relate to appointments, discipline and administration of judicial funds. Transforming it into a housing developer would require a more complicated framework involving appropriations, procurement, supervision and auditing. Those who say "let the NJC build the houses" speak as though one merely waves a magic wand and concrete begins to pour itself. The real question is not whether judges deserve decent accommodation. They do. The real question is how best to provide it while strengthening institutional independence and ensuring transparency. That is a debate worth having. But reducing everything to cries of "bribery" is intellectual laziness. Poverty has never been an anti-corruption strategy. And institutional weakness has never been the foundation of judicial independence. Transparency can be improved. Procurement processes can be refined. But hysteria should never masquerade as constitutional wisdom. Good institutions are built by reason, not slogans. |
sucess001:Your link did not show that NJC builds houses. You showed that NJC controls and disburses judiciary funds. Those are not the same thing. Falana’s point is a process argument: that judicial welfare should be routed through judiciary-controlled funding to strengthen independence. Fine. That is worth debating. But it does not prove bribery. NJC is constitutionally empowered to handle judiciary funds, appointments and discipline. It is not automatically the agency that must award building contracts, supervise construction sites and hand over keys. Its constitutional powers include collecting, controlling and disbursing capital and recurrent monies for the judiciary. That supports Falana’s process argument. But it does not mean NJC is a construction company or that every judicial housing project must be physically procured and built by NJC. Also, the FCT judges’ quarters project was publicly reported as FCTA-built, flagged off by the CJN, and defended by Wike as welfare, not influence. If your argument is “the process should be cleaner,” I can listen. If your argument is “therefore it is a bribe,” that is a leap. Process concern is not proof of corruption. |
Morizo:My brother, name-dropping Falana and Sagay does not end the debate. It only proves that respected lawyers can hold opinions — and opinions can still be interrogated. Falana’s position, as reported, is that judicial housing should be handled through the NJC/National Assembly process. Fine. That is a process argument, not automatic proof of bribery. Justice Dattijo and Justice Ejembi Eko criticised corruption and opacity in the judiciary itself, including questions around how judicial funds are managed. That actually supports my point: the answer is transparency and accountability, not shouting “bribe” at every welfare intervention. As for “BAT strategy,” thank you for confirming this is now political suspicion, not evidence. You say Tinubu never loses court cases. Really? No politician has a 100% litigation universe. That is the kind of sweeping claim people make when emotion outruns proof. And please, “keep pretending to be asleep” is not an argument. If I am asleep, then your logic is clearly sleepwalking. 😁 Patriotism is not paranoia. Judicial welfare is valid. Procurement can be debated. Transparency is necessary. But calling everything bribery because Tinubu is involved is not analysis. It is partisan allergy wearing constitutional perfume. |
swaggerific:Thank you for your concern about my bank account. I regret to inform you that nobody has paid me. 😁 Now to your argument. First, the NJC does not manufacture cars or build houses. Its role is administration and disbursement, not real estate development. Second, your comparison is false. A private litigant secretly buying judges houses, flights and cars is bribery. Government-provided institutional welfare approved through public processes is not. Those two things are as different as a salary and a brown envelope. Third, you keep saying "frequent litigant" as though it is a revelation. The Federal Government is always a frequent litigant. By your logic, it should stop paying judges' salaries and funding court buildings too. Fourth, if your concern is procurement architecture or permanent CofOs, fine. That is a legitimate debate. But that is not the same thing as bribery. And finally, thank you for worrying about "the destruction of the country." The country will survive disagreement. What destroys countries is the inability to distinguish between welfare and corruption. And please, if they ever pay me, I promise to return the money right after you return the imagination that produced this argument. 😂 |
swaggerific:My brother, calling an argument “malaria infested” does not cure the fever in your own logic. 😁 Point one: if your argument is now that the money should pass through judiciary budget lines, fine. That is a procurement/process argument, not proof of bribery. Point two: “control and disbursement of judiciary funds” does not mean the NJC becomes a property developer. Funds can be appropriated, released, supervised and audited without pretending the NJC should be laying blocks. Point three: stop saying “frequent litigant” as if it is a discovery. The Federal Government is always a litigant. If that alone disqualifies it from funding judicial welfare, then it should not pay judges’ salaries, pensions, security or court infrastructure either. Point four: if your real concern is permanent CofO ownership, argue that specific point. I may even agree that official quarters tied to office are cleaner than permanent private transfer. But that still does not make all judicial housing a bribe. Point five: “judges are well paid” compared to who? A judge handling election petitions and billion-naira disputes should not be measured by ordinary civil-service comfort. So let us be honest: you have shifted from “bribe” to “procurement concerns” to “CofO concerns.” Those are different debates. As the proverb says: “A man who keeps changing his road should not accuse others of missing the destination.” Judicial welfare is valid. Transparency is necessary. But hysteria is not constitutional analysis. |
swaggerific:My brother, thank you for the compliment on my "heavy oyibo". I prefer heavy English to lightweight logic. 😁 Now, point by point. First, please stop repeating "potentially bugged mansions." We have now moved from constitutional law to Netflix. If you have evidence of bugs and cameras, present it. Otherwise, this is conspiracy theory dressed up as concern. Second, you ask why judges deserve salaries and houses. Simple: because different forms of welfare serve different purposes. A judge needs more than a desk to function. Institutional dignity matters. By your logic, official residences for military chiefs, governors and presidents are unnecessary because they already receive salaries. Third, if your objection is that the CofO transfers ownership, then debate that specific policy. I am happy to discuss whether lifetime ownership is wise. But that is very different from claiming the entire exercise is bribery. Fourth, you say the Executive should not construct houses for another arm of government. Fine. But the issue then is procurement architecture, not corruption. You are changing the argument from "bribe" to "who should award contracts." And finally, thank you for accusing me of dodging while writing two pages of speculation about hidden microphones. If your strongest evidence of bribery is "who knows, maybe the houses are bugged," then perhaps the weakness lies not in my heavy English but in your heavy imagination. 😂 |
Kalulu44:My friend, this is a classic case of false equivalence. Judges are not soldiers. Therefore, judicial housing need not resemble military barracks. Different institutions have different welfare requirements. Second, the fact that doctors and teachers also deserve better welfare does not mean judges deserve less. Justice is not a ration card. Third, if legislators and governors have failed to scrutinize the Executive properly, that is an argument against those legislators and governors, not against judges having decent accommodation. By your logic, because some politicians have weak spines, judges too should live under leaking roofs. And please spare me the “most Nigerians support Baba-Ahmed” line. When exactly did you conduct this national opinion poll? You people talk to five people who already agree with you and suddenly appoint yourselves spokespersons for 200 million Nigerians. I have also received many comments from people who agree with my position, but I will never claim “most Nigerians” are with me, because that would be a[b] fraudulent assertion[/b]. So argue the point. Do not hide behind imaginary majorities. Your argument proves too much and therefore proves nothing. 😁 |
Dalohad:Nobody said judges were living on trees. Institutional welfare can always be improved. Wike did not use personal money to buy judges Christmas gifts. These are official provisions funded through public resources. A private litigant secretly buying a judge a house is bribery. Government providing official residences is welfare. Calling that “fake objectivity” is funny. I prefer fake objectivity to genuine hysteria. 😁 And if an official residence can buy a judge's conscience, then the real scandal is not the house. It is the judge. And I sincerely hope your view of Nigerian judges is not that low. |
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