₦airaland Forum

S6390380:
will you date a lady who is 2 years older than you? If someone date the woman who is 2 years older than you, would you under pressure? Like the people around would be gossip around about you and think your relationship is wired?

here are the conditions

first she shouldn't make it public but between the both of us. secondly if i sees her as someone i can live with in peace and not a liability of asking me money every time like Nigeria woman and she must respect me like if i senior to her. and lastly i must be older in physic than her.

S6390380:
I just found the man I love is 2 years younger than me, he does not seems to know my age.I am from a comparatively conservative country. My question is, is that a taboo to date 2 years older woman in Nigeria or not. Because in some country, it could be a taboo. Don't tell me it depense, just tell me in general if it is a taboo. Would you date a woman who is 2 years older than you.

depends on his tribe and which part of the country he is from. but generally it's a personal choice or family stand on it and not a general problem.

Nma27:
I don't see what stops you from marrying a working class lady... Abi na insecurity? Better broaden ur scope...

working class ladies ask for money the most.

shinarlaura:
Why?

cause the pic from ur dp is cool

if they are asking for borrow its an understatement. i can willingly borrow them if i have it and there is assurance they will pay back without stories or begging. if i should date a girl and she is asking for money to start a business of her own especially in small scare like money other girls spends on makeup and showoff.

i can empty my account to sponsor her so that she can be financial independent if i have and might also be of help to me tomorrow maybe i need to borrow as well. i like to borrow each other instead of asking for just favor.

but giving them money for makeup or other personal needs is a no no for me. i don't do that. i always find it hard.

i am planning to setting down soon but life is somehow difficult. and there are no girls who are ready to take charge other than runs girls hustling with their toto.

a woman that need her rule and portion of bills if we must live together. i plan to invest 1 million on her so she can never ask me for money after we married outside of borrow me i borrow you.

it seems there are no girls in the country anymore. one of the reason i want to make money and marry a white woman.

shinarlaura:
Hahahahaha. Me sef go deny this kind one. They fit hide a new born baby inside the yansh

which phone camera u de use?

MrCork:
.... rubbbbbish.. Fabulocitys nyansh is bigger....her nyansh is size 30!!!(true story)

this one has good shape and hips

SAVEDBABA:
It looks like a special tweaking to increase turning angle.

don't think so

Can This Be Real? Checkout This Lady's Backside

[img]http://4.bp..com/-mAhq9Qg7Y40/WYcL-VQNipI/AAAAAAABA9c/GqC2JFerR6oLnnzKmXBXFN8Eu5usWzsLwCLcBGAs/s1600/20526092_528576274152234_6019156762679741227_n.jpg[/img]

APC is dead and forgotten. they don't have any loyal members again. the military shouldn't allow themselves to be used because the change is inevitable. just like Jonathan. and other thing is that in this era its very difficult for incumbent party to win election.

lol. he came to visit the northerners there.

one thing i know is even if it doesn't happened now. it will happen some day. it will not be too Long. i don't see the future of Nigeria in the next 20years after the full generation of all those that participated during Nigeria independence and civil war.

its clear this man is sick upstairs.

in music video all the technical crew from the firmer, to producer, to the management team, to the dancers and to the editor are all Nigerians. so what job is he talking about again?. shooting firm in Nigeria will not create any single job.
if he is talking about nollywood movies all the crews are Nigerians as well.

this guy has lost it permanently. maybe he is just too old.

seun, lalasticlala

...

..

First Coup

The immediate reasons for the first-coup, however, concerned the nationwide disillusionment with the corrupt and selfish politicians, as well as with their inability to maintain law and order and guarantee the safety of lives and property. During the initial stages, Nzeogwu and his collaborators were hailed as national heroes. But the pattern of killings in the coup gave it a partisan appearance: killed were the prime minister, a northerner, the premier of the Northern Region, and the highest-ranking northern army officers; only one Igbo officer lost his life. Also killed was the premier of the Western Region who was closely allied with the NPC.


Gowon as war leader


On 30 May 1967, Ojukwu responded to Gowon's announcement by declaring the formal
secession of the Eastern Region, which was now to be known as the Republic of Biafra . This was to trigger a war that would last some 30 months, and see the deaths of more than 100,000 soldiers and over a million civilians, most of the latter of which would perish of starvation under a Nigeria-imposed blockade. The war saw a massive expansion of the Nigerian army in size and a steep increase in its doctrinal and technical sophistication, while the Nigerian Air Force was essentially born in the course of the conflict. However, significant controversy has surrounded the air operations of the Nigerian Forces, as several residents of Biafra, including
Red Cross workers, foreign missionaries and journalists, accused the Nigerian Air Force of specifically targeting civilian populations, relief centers and marketplaces. Gowon has steadfastly denied those claims, along with claims that his army committed atrocities such as rape, wholesale executions of civilian populations and extensive looting in occupied areas; however, one of his wartime commanders, Benjamin Adekunle seems to give some credence to these claims in his book, while excusing them as unfortunate by-products of war.


The victims of air force bombings, and those who starved to death during the blockade, were brought again to popular consideration in 2014 when Gowon was declared the tenth most lethal
dictator of modern history in an internet meme which was stated by viral meme hosting website
imgur to have gone viral on the internet. Gowon has always denied the charges of being a violent dictator.


The end of the war came about on 13 January 1970, with Colonel Olusegun Obasanjo 's acceptance of the surrender of Biafran forces. [9] The next day Obasanjo announced the situation on the former rebel radio station Radio Biafra Enugu. Gowon subsequently declared his famous "no victor, no vanquished" speech, and followed it up with an amnesty for the majority of those who had participated in the Biafran uprising, as well as a program of "Reconciliation,
Reconstruction, and Rehabilitation ", to repair the extensive damage done to the economy and infrastructure of the Eastern Region during the years of war. [10] Unfortunately, some of these efforts never left the drawing board. In addition to this, Gen. Gowon's administration's policy of giving 20 pounds to Biafran who had a bank account in Nigeria before the war, regardless of how much money had been in their account, was criticised by foreign and local aid workers, as this led to an unprecedented scale of begging, looting and robbery in the former Biafran areas after the war.


Postwar Years


The postwar years saw Nigeria enjoying a meteoric, oil-fueled, economic upturn in the course of which the scope of activity of the Nigerian federal government grew to an unprecedented degree, with increased earnings from oil revenues. Unfortunately, however, this period also saw a rapid increase in corruption, mostly bribery, of and by federal government officials; and although the head of State himself, Gen. Gowon, was never found complicit in the corrupt practices, he was often accused of turning a blind eye to the activities of his staff and cronies.


Indigenization Decree


Another decision made by Gowon at the height of the oil boom was to have what some considered negative repercussions for the Nigerian economy in later years, although its immediate effects were scarcely noticeable – his
indigenization decree of 1972, which declared many sectors of the Nigerian economy off-limits to all foreign investment, while ruling out more than minority participation by foreigners in several other areas. This decree provided windfall gains to several well-connected Nigerians, but proved highly detrimental to non-oil investment in the Nigerian economy.


Overthrow


On 1 October 1974, in flagrant contradiction to his earlier promises, Gowon declared that Nigeria would not be ready for civilian rule by 1976, and he announced that the handover date would be postponed indefinitely. Furthermore, because of the growth in bureaucracy, there were allegations of rise in corruption. Increased wealth in the country resulted in fake import licenses being issued. There were stories of tons of stones and sand being imported into the country, and of General Gowon himself saying to a foreign reporter that "the only problem Nigeria has is how to spend the money she has."
The corruption in Gowon's administration culminated in the notorious "cement armada" in the summer of 1975, when the port of Lagos became jammed with hundreds of ships trying to unload cement. Somehow, agents of the Nigerian government had signed contracts with 68 different international suppliers for the delivery of a total of 20 million tons of cement in
one year to Lagos, even though its port could only accept one million tons of cargo per year.


Even worse, the poorly drafted cement contracts included demurrage clauses highly favorable to the suppliers, meaning that the bill began to skyrocket if the ships sat in port waiting to unload (or even if they sat in their home ports waiting for permission to depart for Nigeria).


The Nigerian government did not fully grasp the magnitude of its mistake until the port of Lagos was so badly jammed that basic supplies could not get through. By that time it was too late. Its attempts to repudiate the cement contracts and impose an emergency embargo on all inbound shipping tied up the country in litigation around the world for many years, including a 1983 decision of the U.S. Supreme Court.


These scandals provoked serious discontent within the army. On 29 July 1975, while Gowon was attending an OAU summit in Kampala , a group of officers led by Colonel Joe Nanven Garba announced his overthrow. The coup plotters appointed Brigadier Murtala Muhammad as head of the new government, and Brigadier
Olusegun Obasanjo as his deputy.


Later life


Gowon subsequently went into exile in the United Kingdom, where he acquired a PhD in
political science as a student at the University of Warwick. His main British residence is on the border of north London and Hertfordshire , where he has very much become part of the English community in his area. He served a term as
Churchwarden in his parish church, St Mary the Virgin, Monken Hadley.


In February 1976, Gowon was implicated in the coup d'état led by Lt. Col Buka Suka Dimka , which resulted in the death of the now Gen
Murtala Mohammed . According to Dimka's "confession", he met with Gowon in London, and obtained support from him for the coup. In addition, Dimka mentioned before his execution that the purpose of the Coup d'état was to re-install Gowon as Head of State. As a result of the coup tribunal findings, Gowon was declared wanted by the Nigerian government, stripped of his rank in absentia and had his pension cut off. Gen Gowon was finally pardoned (along with the ex-Biafran President, Emeka Ojukwu) during the
Second Republic under President Shehu Shagari . Gowon's rank (of general) wasn't restored until 1987 however by General Ibrahim Babangida.


He returned to Nigeria in the 1983, and in the 1990s he formed a non-denominational religious group, Nigeria Prays. Still based in the UK, General Gowon today serves an 'elder statesman' role in African politics, operating (for example) as an official observer at the Ghanaian presidential elections 2008.


Furthermore, Gen. Gowon is also involved in the Guinea Worm Eradication Programme as well as the HIV Programme with Global Fund of Geneva. Gowon founded his own organization in 1992 called the Yakubu Gowon Centre. The organization is said to work on issues in Nigeria such as good governance as well as infectious disease control including HIV/AIDS, guinea worm, and malaria.

Role in the Biafran War


In anticipation of eastern secession, Gowon moved quickly to weaken the support base of the region by decreeing the creation of twelve new states to replace the four regions. Six of these states contained minority groups that had demanded state creation since the 1950s. Gowon rightly calculated that the eastern minorities would not actively support the Igbos, given the prospect of having their own states if the secession effort were defeated. Many of the federal troops who fought in the Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Biafran War, to bring the Eastern Region back to the federation, were members of minority groups.


The war lasted thirty months and ended in January 1970. In accepting Biafra' unconditional cease-fire, Gowon declared that there would be no victor and no vanquished. In this spirit, the years afterward were declared to be a period of rehabilitation, reconstruction, and reconciliation. The oil-price boom, which began as a result of the high price of crude oil (the country's major revenue earner) in the world market in 1973, increased the federal government's ability to undertake these tasks.


Buildup to the Biafran War


There arose tension between the Eastern Region and the northern controlled federal government led by Gowon. On 4–5 January 1967, in line with Ojukwu's demand to meet for talks only on neutral soil, a summit attended by Gowon, Ojukwu and other members of the Supreme Military Council was held at Aburi in Ghana, the stated purpose of which was to resolve all outstanding conflicts and establish Nigeria as a
confederation of regions. The outcome of this summit was the Aburi Accord .


The Aburi Accord did not see the light of the day, as the Gowon led government had huge consideration for the possible revenues, especially oil revenues which were expected to increase given that reserves having been discovered in the area in the mid-1960s. It has been said without confirmation that both Gowon and Ojukwu had knowledge of the huge oil reserves in the Niger Delta area, which today has grown to be the mainstay of the Nigerian economy.


In a move to check the influence of Ojukwu's government in the East, Gowon announced on 5 May 1967 the division of the 3 Nigerian regions into 12 states: North-Western State, North-Eastern state, Kano State, North-Central State, Benue-Plateau State, Kwara State, Western State, Lagos State, Mid-Western State, and, from Ojukwu's Eastern Region, a Rivers State, a South-Eastern State, and an East-Central State. The non-Igbo South-Eastern and Rivers states which had the oil reserves and access to the sea, were carved out to isolate the Igbo areas as East-Central state.


One controversial aspect of this move was Gowon's annexing of Port Harcourt , a large city in the Niger Delta, in the South of Nigeria (the Ikwerres and Ijaws), sitting on some of Nigeria's largest reserves, into the new Rivers State, emasculating the migrant Igbo population of traders there. The flight of many of them back to their villages in the "Igbo heartland" in Eastern Nigeria where they felt safer was alleged to be a contradiction for Gowon's "no victor, no vanquished" policy, when at the end of the war, the properties they left behind were claimed by the Rivers State indigenes.


Minority ethnicities of the Eastern Region were rather not sanguine about the prospect of secession, [7] as it would mean living in what they felt would be an Igbo-dominated nation. Some non-Igbos living in the Eastern Region either refrained from offering active support to the Biafran struggle, or actively aided the federal side by enlisting in the Nigerian army and feeding it intelligence about Biafran military activities.
However, some did play active roles in the Biafran government, with N.U. Akpan serving as Secretary to the Government, Lt. Col (later Major-General) Philip Effiong, serving as Biafra's Chief of Defence Staff and others like Chiefs Bassey and Graham-Douglas serving in other significant roles.

Yakubu Gowon joined the Nigerian army in 1954, receiving a commission as a second lieutenant on 19 October 1955, his 21st birthday.


He also attended both the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst , UK (1955–56), Staff College, Camberley, UK (1962) as well as the
Joint Staff College, Latimer , 1965. He saw action in the Congo (Zaire) as part of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force, both in 1960–61 and in 1963. He advanced to battalion commander rank by 1966, at which time he was still a lieutenant colonel .


Up until that year Gowon remained strictly a career soldier with no involvement whatsoever in politics, until the tumultuous events of the year suddenly thrust him into a leadership role, when his unusual background as a Northerner who was neither of Hausa or Fulani ancestry nor of the Islamic faith made him a particularly safe choice to lead a nation whose population were seething with ethnic tension.


In January 1966, he became Nigeria's youngest military chief of staff at the age of 31, because a
military coup d'état by a group of junior officers under Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu led to the overthrow of Nigeria's civilian government.

In the course of this coup, mostly northern and western leaders were killed, including Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa , Nigeria's Prime Minister; Sir Ahmadu Bello , Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of the Northern Region ; and
Samuel Akintola , Premier of the Western Region, Lt Col Arthur Unegbe and so many more. The then Lieutenant Colonel Gowon returned from his course at the Joint Staff College, Latimer UK two days before the coup – a late arrival that possibly exempted him from the coupist hit list . Success in twentieth century world affairs since 1919[4] and the subsequent failure by Major General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi (who was the head of state following the January 1966 coup-with Gowon his Chief of Staff) to meet Northern demands for the prosecution of the coup plotters further inflamed Northern anger. It should be noted that there was significant support for the coup plotters from both the Eastern Region as well as the mostly left-wing "Lagos-Ibadan" press .

Then came Ironsi's Decree Number 34, which proposed the abolition of the federal system of government in favor of a unitary state, a position which had long been championed by some Southerners-especially by a major section of the Igbo-dominated NCNC. This was perhaps wrongly interpreted by Northerners as a Southern (particularly Ibo) attempt at a takeover of all levers of power in the country. The North lagged badly behind the Western and Eastern regions in terms of education (partially due to Islamic doctrine-informed resistance to western cultural and social ethos), while the mostly-Igbo Easterners were already present in the federal civil service.

The original intention of Murtala Mohammed and his fellow coup-plotters seems to have been to engineer the secession of the Northern region from Nigeria as a whole, but they were subsequently dissuaded of their plans by several advisors, amongst which included a number of high-ranking civil servants and judges, and importantly emissaries of the British and American governments who had interests in the Nigerian polity. The young officers then decided to name Lieutenant Colonel Gowon, who apparently had not been actively involved in events until that point, as Nigerian Head of State. On ascent to power Gowon reversed Ironsi's abrogation of the federal principle.

they should focus more on tractor, farm machine, commercial vehicle etc And leave out the classic for now.

and this suppose to be a prophecy?

there is different between political forecast known as analysis and a prophecy.

any one that is good in analysing things and prediction from the current happenings can make good prediction. but it will by on "may".

.. what a good write up. look like it was composed by a professor.

Biafra war documentary.


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-UlfP9YrGgs

Sincerely speaking, the South-East has not had a fair-share/ since the civil war. Their marginalization is quite obvious/ But if the policy of reconciliation of Gen. Gowon and late/ Gen. Murtala's administration had continued, the agitation by few/ Igbo for Biafra would have been a thing of the past” –– Balarabe Musa

IT is fiftieth anniversary of the Nigerian civil war, the war that the people of the defunct Eastern region of the country fought for the survival and sustenance of one of the world's shortest lived states –– the Republic of Biafra.

While it is not surprising that the federal government is mute about the significance of the event, in that many conditions –– as Balarabe Musa pointed above –– that made the war inevitable still haunt us today, it is regrettable lugubrious(apologies to Patrick Obahiabon) that no commemoration is planned or organised by any state in the South-East or South-South. The war was declared by Gen. Yakubu Gowon's led military government on 6th July 1967 to bring the defunct Eastern region back to the Nigerian federation. The unity of the country which one of the federal war cry said “is a task that must be done!” was compromised by then Col. Ojukwu who on 30th May 1967 declared the Republic of Biafra. He did that as survivalist mechanism against what could be called state sponsored pogrom against the Igbo people.

Igbo people living outside the Eastern Region had since the “Return March of 29th July 1966” made victims of mass slaughter. These for Northerners were in retaliation of their leaders killed in the failed 15th January 1966 coup––the coup they believed, tenaciously, to be “Igbo coup.” So, it was against this backdrop that Ojukwu's declaration of Biafra was greeted with pomp and pageantry. To an average Igbo man then, it was an epiphany of the Igbo race. But that was not to be as what started as a police action in the wee hours of 6th July 1967 turned out to be a full blown war that lasted for thirty months.

The events of the war were economically rendered in my poem titled “In the Shadow of Biafra”:

Agreement suffered disagreement
And canons were let loose
Raining in the sky of Biafra,
The scavengers called for feast Life and death brawled in a free-for-all

But the scavengers had their ways
With their cups overflowing in the presence of their enemy,

Psalm 23 was in their lips.
Were these Biafrans that “heroes fight like”?
Ah! Hunger was the weapon of the enemy. Kwashiorkor came knocking at the door, And the death dominoes began to fall.

The grim-reaper was the zeitgeist, In the genocidal engagement

The rising sun hurriedly departed,
And cessation was the secession.
With defeat in sight, on 11th January, 1970, Gens. Ojukwu and Alexander Madiebo, the commander of Biafran army, fled for exile. It was the man that the white reporters called F-young (Gen. Philip Effiong) that did the needful by handing over to then Col. Obasanjo the instrument of surrender. So on 15th January 1970, Gen. Gowon received the Biafran delegation and thus announced the end of the war on the terms of “no victor no vanquished.” The argument whether there were victors and vanquished in war was perfectly put to rest by Ojukwu himself who in the BBC documentary on the 40th anniversary of the Biafran war anchored by Prof. Wole Soyinka asked: what did he (Gen. Gowon) do to stop the victor from being the victor and the vanquished from being the vanquished?

One glaring indication that Nigeria has failed as a country is that fifty years after the civil war, Biafra is still on the air. This therefore buttressed the incompatibility logic always put forward by many Biafran nationalists. But if after fifty years, the people of the defunct Biafra have not been fully integrated into the mainstream of Nigerian politics, can we say they can ever be integrated? The question that successive Nigerian leadership has failed to answer is: why is Igbo people a threat to the rest of Nigerians? Achebe made us understand in his short masterpiece The trouble with Nigeria that “Nigerians of all other ethnic groups will probably achieve consensus on no other matter than their common resentment of the Igbo. They would all describe them as aggressive, arrogant and clannish.”

A cursory foray into the Nigerian history will show that no ethnic group has contributed and sacrificed so much to the development of “one Nigeria” that our Northern brothers are now singing today than the Igbo people. Even when Zik's emergence in the Western Assembly was foiled by chief Awolowo through the infamous cross-carpeting he orchestrated, Prince Umoro Altine of Sokoto successfully emerged as the mayor of Enugu.

Zik scarified the post of prime-minister because of “one Nigeria.” Igbo people do not just live in all the nooks and crannies of this country but are also developing them as their homes because of the one Nigeria philosophy ––so where have they wrong their other Nigerian brothers? Any objective analysis of the post-civil war public policies of Nigerian State must come to the views that Balarabe Musa expressed above. This is so because we are still at war.

From the 20pounds bank and indigenization policies of Gowon's administration to the present day removal of South-East from the proposed rail project of the federal government, Ndigbo are shortchanged. The problem with Nigeria and the Biafran question can be seen in the Igbo adage that says: Oji onye n'ani ji onwe ya–– 'He who will hold another down in the mud must stay in the mud to keep him down.'

Nothing will work in Nigeria so long as the notion that NdIgbo are 'defeated people' still holds water in the process of authoritative allocation of resource. To wake up the sleeping giant that Nigeria is, we must look to the direction of restructuring and fiscal federalism. That said, the governors of states that made up the defunct Eastern Region should bury their faces in shame for not recognizing the sacrifices made by all that were either killed or died in the war especially those that fought on the Biafran side. My greatest epitaph for them is to be found in the words of Robert Laurence Binyon who in his poem –For the Fallen– wrote:

“They shall grow not old, as we that are left grow old:

Age shall not weary them, nor the years condemn.

At the going down of the sun and in the morning
We will remember them.

Asikason Jonathan, a public affairs analyst, wrote in from Enugwu-Ukwu, Anambra state. *Mr. Jonathan, a public affair analyst, wrote from Enugu-Ukwu, Anambra state.

https://m.thenigerianvoice.com/amp/news/254723/biafra-the-war-rages-on-by-other-means.html

just like Nelson Mandela uses non violent means

after research and watching Biafra documentary. i learnt one or two things more why Biafra never actualized.


1. the major critical thing is money. Biafra has no money and man power to fund the war. the little contribution they got from their allies was only training and technicality. no machines and equipment. funding war is not a child play. and at the time no country want to waste it resource to help Biafra with no guarantee of freedom. it was a risky venture.


2. Biafra allies, many countries were ready to help Biafra gain it freedom at that time but only if Biafra had the money to exchange for it. the machinery ojukwu deplored from south Africa, Belgium, France and some countries from Europe and Asia they all left after they saw nothing on ground and those that remained also left after sometime. Biafra soldiers have no uniform or military shoe. some where even carrying hurting long guns. they were simply miscreants of youths and the elderly with no military formation either former or informer. starvation and deceased increased.


3. Economy, there was massive shut down in the economy of Biafra, the Onitsha market was deserted when the military drop off bomb that killed many people. while the economy of Nigeria remains somehow stable.


3. Nigeria allies, the UK was strongly behind Nigeria and because of that the USA don't want to interfere with the war because of it Strong stands with UK. although gowan was still afraid wanting the war to end at all cost because he feared of war crime as you can't trust or depends on your allies they can turn their back on you at any time. as the news of starvation of Biafra people, women and children and death of millions if people it was a worldwide news at the time.


4. the Nigeria military, the Nigeria army was not motivated at all. they all joined the fight because of salary or military prestige whereas Biafra soldiers where highly motivated for freedom.


5. at a time Biafra soldiers waa using knife, they start training them on how to kill with a knife. where to stab enemy the right place on the neck.

conclusion:
the lessons is that you can never successfully win a state from minor fraction. its only when you have the funds to win the war or you simply have countries that is ready to sacrifice their resource in fighting your own war. if no world power is by your side than forget the war.

Biafra can never be won with war. it's either peacefully or nothing. except they can lobby world power who can clean up their ass either through war or through peace.

i almost throw up. even if i am taking drugs after watching this disgusting video i will never take it again. so the processes it passes through. chai

lol. the More they tried the more they make him popular