₦airaland Forum

Resurrection212:
Please Nigerians help us we can't sleep in orlu imo state kanu boys and security continue having a shootout every night. The peace we are enjoying before kanu recruited terrorist has finally been taken away.

Imo is another bonu in making federal government should come to our aid, some idiot that not living in imo state always talking nonsense online I will continue to ignore you guys .

Tension yesterday enveloped communities in Bwari Area Council of the Federal Capital Territory as hundreds of nomadic herders crossed Abuja-Kaduna highway into Sabon-Wuse in Niger State to camp there.

This development forced some residents of Sabon-Wuse, a few kilometers away from Bwari Area Council, to stay at home in fear of the unknown.

It was gathered that some of the herders, comprising men, women and children, who got to the area around 8:00 am, were from Niger Republic. They were moving with a large flock of animals, comprising cows, sheep, donkeys and camels.

A local vigilante leader, Hussaini Abubakar, told journalists that on arriving at the highway, the herders made a stop over at Sabon-Wuse due to the gridlock around a military checkpoint between Dikko junction and the town.

“They were able to cross the road after a while, and we met them across the road, which is under Tafa LGA where we operate.

“We engaged some of them to know about their mission. However, from what we gathered, some of them are from Niger Republic and they said they were heading to Bauchi State,” said the vigilante leader. He added that the herders’ efforts to cross the highway, which had worsened the gridlock, and also the fact that some of them were on motorcycles, made many people among the residents and passersby, to be in a panic.

Also speaking, the Chairman of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders, MACBAN, in the area, Malam Haruna Idris, said there had been constant movement of nomadic herders for over a month now, with about 500 to 1000 mixed animals. “Every time we asked them about their mission, their answers are that they are migrating from either Niger, Kebbi or Zamfara states, heading to Bauchi. And in most cases, they used to pass the night around some nearby Rugas (herders settlement), before proceeding with their journey,” Idris added.

As of the time of filing this report (8:16pm), the herders had quit their camp in the area to continue their journey to Bauchi by night.

Efforts to speak to the FCT police spokesperson, ASP Maryam Yusuf, proved abortive as she did not pick phone call by Our Correspondent.

Nigeria’s president Muhammadu Buhari has come under mounting pressure from critics and allies alike as the country reels from multiple security crises that have claimed hundreds of lives in recent weeks.

An alarming wave of violence has left millions in Africa’s most populous country in uproar at the collapse in security. Attacks by jihadist groups in the north-east have been compounded by a sharp rise in abductions targeting civilians in schools and at interstate links across Nigeria. Mass killings by bandit groups in rural towns, a reported rise in armed robberies in urban areas and increasingly daring attacks on security forces by pro-Biafran militants in the south-east have also all risen.

In April alone, almost 600 civilians were killed across the country and at least 406 abducted by armed groups, according to analysis by the Council on Foreign Relations. The violence has left much of the country on edge and Buhari facing the fiercest criticism since he took office.

Governors, politicians – including those in the president’s own All Progressives Congress (APC) party – Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka and civil society groups have all called for urgent measures, and criticised the 78-year-old president.

Among the most scathing criticisms in recent weeks have come from allies. “This is the worst instability we are facing. Our security system has collapsed, it has failed,” APC senator Smart Adeyemi said on the senate floor last week. “The security infrastructure that we have today cannot cope with what we are facing. From the north to the south nobody is safe, nobody can travel 50km in our nation,” he added before breaking down in tears.

Soyinka, who in recent years has been an ardent critic of Buhari’s government, has bemoaned a lack of leadership. “Unfortunately, we don’t have a government. It was quite apparent, even before the end of Buhari’s first term that he is not capable of the task of being president,” he told the Guardian in a recent interview. “Human lives have become expendable and the president has shown he is not able to protect.”

The former military general returned to power in 2015, promising to tackle Boko Haram and corruption. Yet some of the gains made in fighting the jihadist group have come undone, with multiple groups now active. Elsewhere in the country, insecurity has soared as the president has cut a muted and remote figure.

Life for millions in Africa’s largest economy has become increasingly hard, with Nigeria suffering two recessions in the last five years. The number of unemployed people has more than doubled since 2015 to 23 million.

As the economy has suffered, crime and insecurity has grown and the failings of Nigeria’s underfunded and under-equipped security forces have grown more glaring.

On Tuesday, distraught parents of 17 university students, among 22 people kidnapped from Greenfield University in Kaduna in the north-west last month, protested in the streets of the capital, Abuja, accusing the government of abandoning them and pleading with authorities to secure their children’s release.

Serial kidnappings this year by armed groups targeting students in the north have sparked outrage and despair.

The Greenfield University kidnappers have killed five of the students after parents were only able to raise half of the $263,000 ransom demanded. On Monday, an assailant who claimed to have carried out the abduction told Voice of America radio that the 17 remaining students would be killed if the rest of the ransom was not paid on Tuesday.

The policy of the Kaduna government is not to pay ransoms, which it says fuel a kidnap “industry”. But families have been left bereft, with many critical that the policy has not been supported by an increase in local security measures.

Shehu Sani, a senator for the opposition People’s Democratic party in Kaduna, said on Tuesday: “We must not wait for bandits to throw the corpses of our 17 children on our doorsteps … If the government has a better solution to freeing the kidnapped students other than the one embarked upon by the parents of the students, let it be put to work immediately.”

Reforms to restructure and better fund the police were urgently needed, Sani said. “The government has just failed to live up to its responsibilities and expectations. Corrupt security officers feeding on the defence budget must be dealt with and the welfare of troops must be upgraded. The military and the police must be better armed to match the bandits and terrorists.”

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/may/05/nigerian-president-faces-growing-criticism-after-security-system-collapse

In 2015, Muhammadu Buhari was elected president of Nigeria, a country sometimes touted as Africa’s largest democracy, if only in name. Buhari defeated Goodluck Jonathan, whose major achievement during his tenure as president was leading the nation in becoming Africa’s largest economy. But Jonathan’s failures in national security—including the notorious kidnapping of 276 girls from a secondary school in Chibok in April 2014 by the terrorist group Boko Haram—proved disastrous for his political future. Buhari, a former military general, ran and was at least partially chosen by a majority of voters due to his promise to end security issues in areas of conflict, notably in the country’s northern region.

Seven years after the Chibok kidnapping, 112 of the girls are still missing. In fact, the Wall Street Journal reported in March that since last December, more than 800 children have been abducted in the country, a majority in Nigeria’s north and northeast. For the kidnappers, called bandits in the country, many request ransoms, sometimes as much as 500 million naira (approximately $1 million).

A 312-page report recently released by the International Committee on Nigeria and the International Organization for Peace Building and Social Justice has detailed how Boko Haram’s offensive and attacks by Fulani herdsmen have left tens of thousands of Nigerians dead in what is tantamount to religious genocide and ethnic cleansing. Buhari, who is from the north, in a nation where its north-south split is erroneously used as a proxy for its religious and ethnic differences and tensions, has undeniably failed to keep his security promises.

Yet security is just one among this administration’s many deficiencies. Buhari has failed to expand the economy, reduce the country’s dependency on oil, and follow through on his anti-corruption pledges. Indeed, he may be presiding over the least effective government since Nigeria’s independence from Britain in 1960. Sadly, the current state of the country under Buhari was eminently foreseeable based on his political past.



On Dec. 31, 1983, Buhari was among a group of military leaders who overthrew the short-lived Second Nigeria Republic, led by the democratically elected President Shehu Shagari. After the coup, Buhari became the country’s military ruler, and by then, he was no rookie.

Trained in Nigeria, Britain, the United States, and India, Buhari and several officers undertook a countercoup that replaced one military general with another in July 1966, when Buhari was just a lieutenant. It was a response to the bloody January coup of the same year that triggered the Nigerian-Biafran civil war, which raged from 1967 to 1970. After almost a decade of prosperity in the 1970s following the horrors of the civil war, by the early 1980s the economy was in decline, partially due to the fall in global oil prices in 1982 and the country’s dependence on its crude production. It was on this basis, coupled with his assertion that the civilian government was corrupt, that Buhari justified the 1983 coup.

Yet Buhari’s military government was not only unable to turn around the dire economic realities, but his authoritarian methods were widely loathed among various classes of Nigerians. Citizens presumed to be security risks could be detained without charges for up to three months, his government banned protests and strikes, and he even jailed his critics, including the pioneering Afrobeat musician Fela Kuti.

In 1985, Buhari’s time as military ruler ended when another military general, Ibrahim Babangida, overthrew Buhari’s government in yet another coup. Thereafter, Buhari spent three years in detention in a residence under house arrest before resuming civilian life. He returned to public service in the early 1990s under the government of one of Nigeria’s most brutal dictators, Sani Abacha, as the chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), a government body that utilized the revenue from petroleum for the nation’s infrastructure and development programs.

While Buhari has in the past pointed to his management of the PTF as an achievement, an alleged 25 billion naira ($65 million) during his tenure was mismanaged or stolen, according to a report by the Interim Management Committee of the subsequent democratic government. With Abacha’s death in 1998, and the return to democracy in 1999, rather than fade into political memory, Buhari would contort himself into a new shape suitable for his endless pursuit of power.

When the All Progressives Congress (APC) party was formed in 2013 from a merger of three parties opposed to the nation’s then-ruling Peoples Democratic Party—which had won every presidential election since 1999—Buhari emerged as the APC’s front-runner thanks to name recognition and supposed experience. But this was after several attempts for the presidency. He had run in 2003 and 2007 as a candidate of the All Nigeria Peoples Party and in 2011 as a candidate for the Congress for Progressive Change party, both of which became part of the APC. In 2015, as Jonathan struggled to inspire confidence, Buhari advertised himself not only as the nation’s savior but as a “converted democrat.” Today, it is clear that he is neither.



After several decades aiding and abetting coups and then lusting for the presidency as if it were his birthright, Buhari finally obtained it and, for the past six years, has demonstrated what most right-thinking Nigerians knew all along: He does not have what it takes to do the job.

His incoherent protectionist economic policies have sparked increasing inflation that, as of April, is at an annual rate of 18 percent, the highest it has been since January 2017. Under Buhari, in 2018, Nigeria overtook India as the country with the largest number of people living in extreme poverty. As of last year, that meant 40 percent of the population—82 million Nigerians—was living in extreme poverty. Last month, Bloomberg reported that Nigeria would soon become the country with the highest jobless rate. In a nation where “jobless” is a joking reference to people who are not busy enough and therefore attentive to trivial matters, its connotation will surely cease to be funny moving forward.

Moreover, parts of Nigeria are no safer now than in 2015; in truth, many are less secure due to the government’s failures at combating extremism coupled with an increase in poverty. The state’s response to the #EndSARS protests last October that galvanized global support to end police brutality in the country was a reflection of the nation’s leader: Protests in the country were met with violence by Nigeria’s armed forces toward protesters and onlookers alike, and threats were made by state and city officials, as well as Buhari, who implied that such dissent threatened the country’s stability. And in the end, judicial inquiries set up to investigate the events of last October were little more than a charade that failed to hold perpetrators of violence accountable.

Throughout his time in office, Buhari has also sought to suppress the Nigerian media, including illegally detaining journalists. In 2016, when an anti-social media bill was introduced in Nigeria’s Senate, Buhari appeared to distance himself from it in order to keep up a pro-democracy image. But in 2019, when the bill was reintroduced after being thrown out on its first attempt, first lady Aisha Buhari came out in support of it. However, the president himself has remained noticeably silent on the issue, as the bill continues to be held up in the legislature.

Buhari has shown that he has neither the skill nor the courage nor the will to lead a country as complex as Nigeria. He also does not have the values. Buhari has long faced allegations that he is an ethnocentric and religious bigot for, among many reasons, his lackadaisical handling of the Fulani herdsmen crisis (he is Fulani); his decision to address a linguistically diverse nation in Hausa, a language predominantly spoken in the north; and, by his own confession after his 2015 electoral win, his admission in a small press meeting in the United States that he would address the needs of citizens based on how regions in the country voted.

More recently, many Nigerians have called for the resignation of Communications and Digital Economy Minister Isa Ali Pantami following an exposé by the Nigerian journalist David Hundeyin that revealed the minister as an al Qaeda, Taliban, and Boko Haram sympathizer. It is disgraceful that Buhari himself did not demand Pantami’s departure. Instead, the president’s administration released a statement that it was standing behind Pantami because the minister apologized, having previously said that he was young and did not understand “international events” in explaining away comments that endorsed the terrorist organizations. In truth, the minister was well into his 30s when he voiced some of these views.

Despite his litany of failures, Buhari remains both a symptom and a symbol of Nigeria’s failed political systems and political culture. After all he has and hasn’t done, he is still beloved by some and ultimately tolerated by many more. This demonstrates a deep rot in Nigeria’s democracy and exposes the country as one ruled by tired, unimaginative, anachronistic men whose thirst for power has delayed and deferred any real progress for generations. Nigeria is also a country so beholden to its divisions that no matter how well it is doing, decline always feels possible and, in Buhari’s case, imminent.

The question that remains for the country is one that all democracies must contend with: Are Nigerians ultimately getting the government they deserve?

In a country like Nigeria, given the discrepancies between the powerful and powerless, idealism is a fool’s errand. The political system is less a democracy and more an ode to oligarchy—a system in which some citizens get to exercise their human rights sometimes. In short, Nigerians do deserve better. If nothing else, because they have never truly been given the opportunity to participate in a functioning government run by those whose interests are not beholden to a sect or an ethnic group or a religion but to a people who—like it or not—will either flourish or perish together.

Buhari, who has certainly brought Nigerians closer to perishing, was never the person for the job. And it becomes clearer with each passing day, each reported failure of his administration, that the unknown future of his departure is preferable to this dreadful present. The next presidential election is in 2023, and heaven knows, in Nigeria, there are seldom ever good choices, but there are sometimes less damaging ones.

One can only hope that Nigerian voters remember this in two years. In the meantime, I am not sure the nation can afford to wait—in terms of its security and economic health, Nigeria is on the brink. Buhari can finally accomplish one lasting, good thing for the country: He can resign. And in so doing, he can finally put the nation out of its misery.

https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/04/29/nigeria-buhari-should-resign/

jneutron4000:
[s][/s]WRONG. This is the real Nigeria problem

FiverrTutor:
You're mad!!! U act as if you're the only one who went to London. Look, London is blad, boring and shit!!!!... Go to Singapore and see stuff for yourself. Stop hyping shit london!!!

AbaganaMiracle:
Lagos including Banana Island is a glorified ghetto.

meobizy:
These sick white women are either raping children, animals or minorities. Yuck. I saw a video once of a fat one taking advantage of a black special needs teen. The police should lock her up and throw away the key. It's obvious she's only sad that she got caught.

Rosskiiku:
That ancient, archaic style architecture is NOT APPEALING to most people on earth today, INCLUDING NIGERIANS.

Mr Colonised dunce, leave your Victorian, Edwardian architecture of 300 years ago and join the modern world!

Boring British goat.

THIS is what WE like,

https://lists.ng/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/IMG_20190406_022319_983.jpg

pricklewane:
My brother show use rich area in Alaigbo.

owobokiri:
Working class neighborhood in Guangzhou..

scribble:
Hope say mosquitoes never follow you and mama lekan enter brixton

Rosskiiku:
Liar. Council flat dwelling bum spilling lies.

You think people on this site don't know the UK?

https://i.dailymail.co.uk/i/pix/2016/02/11/04/3112328F00000578-0-image-m-44_1455165152404.jpg

That's the UK average, and it is nowhere near the level of Banana Island, Lagos.

Not even on the level of houses in Nnewi or Awka.

So crawl back into your small flat there and shut up.

Rosskiiku:
Banana Island, Lagos

https://149520306.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Banana-Island-waterfront.jpeg

https://businessnews.com.ng/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/House-of-the-Week_May-3.jpg

https://naijakoko.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/DSC_1008-1107x738-2.jpg

Chibuike21:
This pornstarrrrr nko?