₦airaland Forum

[quote author=ndu_chucks link=topic=713477.msg8720205#msg8720205 date=1310700382]I am not saying that farmers should not provide for themselves. They've been doing that for the past 100 years just as the herdsmen have been travelling through the said areas for 100 or more years. Trouble started only recently (past 20years or so) when the government ignored this conflict of interest and refused to do anything about it. Most of the farmers in question and the herdsmen are illiterates, further complicating the issue.  I wish someone would tell me the government's stance on these issues. Bets are that the government officials have no clue what the solution should be.[/quote]Hmmmm , 100years ago? First, Please be specific about the actual location and show proof that they travelled through those areas.

[quote author=Negro_Ntns link=topic=713477.msg8720265#msg8720265 date=1310701977]Chucks,

Are you Igbo?[/quote]Ndu chucks is not an Igbo. He's a proper fulani/hausaman. His deceit on NL is so pure and smooth.

[quote author=Negro_Ntns link=topic=712495.msg8719956#msg8719956 date=1310691063]Ask Proud Igbo, he knows. . . . Or ask Ngo "the Brute".[/quote]you are not making any sense now and never will. You tell me if your ethnic group know "how to spread" and "be content".

[quote author=Negro_Ntns link=topic=712495.msg8719542#msg8719542 date=1310683664]As long they are humans like yoruba, hausa and everyone else and God has not forbidden their presence then its okay for them to spread. The problem with Igbo is they don't know how to spread and be content. [/quote]What do you mean? Spread and be content?

I needed to bring this up. These guys also come to destroy, devastate and despoil their host.

Go find the meaning and check if it makes sense.
Ignorance is no excuse and the word is used carelessly on NL.
Please you all be cautious with the words you use.

Portsmouth forward Nwankwo Kanu has said he is committed to the team’s success even as the club wants him to feature in more of its preseason friendlies.


Kanu’s contract with the club runs till 2013 and the former Arsenal player says he is prepared to see it through.


“I’m still a Portsmouth player and until the contract runs out there won’t be any talk of leaving the club. I’m committed to team’s success,” he said on Monday.


Pompey coach Steve Cotterill is planning to involve the lanky forward in more of the team’s friendly games before the new season kicks off, saying the FA Cup hero will be vital in their preparation.


Kanu has featured in just four pre-season friendly games since joining Portsmouth in 2006; his last being a substitute appearance against Fulham last year in England.


“I believe last year was the first time he has played for this club in a friendly in this country. Well, that is something I have achieved as manager then. I can tell you, this year he will play in more games in this country,” Cotterill told The News on Saturday.


“He will be there or thereabouts against Chelsea and then Real Betis. He will also be travelling to America with us.


“I know it is mandatory for Kanu to come back late but when our lads do as much as he does at his age I think we can afford to give them an extra day off as well.


“It is no big deal not getting King in doing what we are now. Otherwise he would be off to Paris for treatment on his back or something like that. He is not built for all the running in pre-season.”


http://www.punchng.com/Articl.aspx?theartic=Art201107143245878

I dnt think there's a pdp elected member in the house. Not sure,

From Lawrence Njoku, Enugu

GOVERNOR of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, has advised the Federal Government to protect her local and infant industries, saying there was no free trade anywhere in the world.

Speaking as a guest lecturer at the First Professor William Okefie Uzoaga Memorial Lecture organised by the Department of Banking and Finance, University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus, Sanusi stressed the need to review the economic and trade policies of the country to match them with present realities.

Speaking on the topic “Growing Nigeria’s Real Sector for Employment and Economic Development: The Role of Central Bank of Nigeria,” he said sustainable development can only be achieved if adequate financial resources are mobilised and transformed into productive activities that would engender growth and generate employment.

Sanusi, who stated that Nigerian economy had been growing at seven per cent rate yearly for the last decade, disclosed that it would double in the next 10 years. But he queried the model for the inclusive growth and how it can be translated into the development of the country.

According to Sanusi, the breakdown of value chain was the bane of the nation’s economic growth “because if Nigeria’s economy, with all the dysfunction, is growing at seven per cent, what would have been the situation if the country produces all the things that are being currently imported, which could be produced locally in the country?”

“Nigerian industries need to be protected as they cannot compete with their counterparts in China, America or Britain,” he said, likening the Nigerian manufacturing sector to a young infant who instead of being protected is bullied by adults.

Sanusi observed that there is no market for Nigerian produced goods because of importation and taste for foreign goods. He stated that there is an urgent need for an economic blueprint to avert the declining rate in the manufacturing sector, stressing that Nigeria cannot claim to have an economy when the manufacturing sector is mere four per cent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

The CBN governor suggested that agricultural production in Nigeria should change from a way of life to a business venture by moving from primary production to a process, adding that government should give production subsidies to the Nigerian farmers.

He also suggested that Nigeria must create an environment that would make banks feel very safe to lend money for agricultural ventures, pointing out that the world over, agriculture offers the best credit portfolio.

Sanusi declared that he was not actually against subsidies as many Nigerians think because ideologically he belongs to the left, explaining that what he is against is giving subsidy to people who import thereby creating jobs in other countries.

He insisted that he is against subsidies on petroleum products because such money should be given to investors to establish local refineries while his opposition to subsidy on fertiliser is because most of the products imported do not meet the need of the farmers as they are given to them late.


http://www.guardiannewsngr.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=54474:sanusi-asks-govt-to-protect-local-firms-says-no-free-trade-anywhere-&catid=1:national&Itemid=559

By Adebayo Olukoshi
Abridged Lecture Delivered at the Wole Soyinka Centre, Lagos, 13 July, 2011 as part of Activities to Commemorate the 77th Birthday of Professor Wole Soyinka by Adebayo Olukoshi.

I feel highly honoured to be a speaker on this occasion of the 77th birthday of one of Professor Wole Soyinka and on the platform of the Soyinka Centre that is devoted to the worthy cause of investigative journalism. The life and example of Professor Soyinka has been an inspiration to at least three generations of Nigerians. I count myself among the legions of people in Nigeria, Africa and far beyond who have been inspired by him as much for the sheer power of his intellect and erudition as for the political commitments he has consistently stood for and the unalloyed courage he has always displayed – even in the face of personal danger.

As a student at Federal Government College, Sokoto, in the 1970s in what was then the Northwestern State, and which, after the subsequent creation of additional states in the Nigerian federation, came to be known as Sokoto State, my bosom friend, Akin Olaoye and I, among other peers, were fired by the breadth of Soyinka’s knowledge and the versatility he displayed in his scholarship. Our introduction to Soyinka’s wriotings came through the Trial of Brother Jero but once haven tasted of the power of his pen, there was no stopping us in terms of the range of writings that flowed from him which we tried to digest. So eager were we to be like Soyinka that we enthusiastically worked on a letter which Olaoye wrote out and sent to him, outlining the qualities we admired in him and seeking his advice on how we too could become like him.

The elation which Olaoye and I felt knew no limits when we got a short reply from Soyinka himself, signed personally by our legendary and incomparable hero himself! I know I was not the only one who memorized the reply and recited it as often as the opportunity arose. But that was when the post office still worked as an important institution in the community and a key instrument in the effort to build solid bridges across the Niger and Benue in all directions. It was also the time when the investment in the educational sector by state and society was considered as a matter of priority, complete with efforts at building a curriculum that could contribute to the strengthening of civic identities and a sense of personal dignity.

When, after my first degree at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, the time came for me to choose a school to go to for my postgraduate studies, Leeds University was a natural choice for me - for Soyinka had been there and I stated so in my application papers as one of the motivations for my choice. Although the topic of my doctoral research was industrialization in Africa and the primary department within which I was to undertake my advanced studies was Politics, one of the first places I visited was the Leeds theatre studies Department where I had tea with a most welcoming Martin Banham, Director the Theatre Studies programme, who remembered Soyinka well with the pride that only experienced teachers are capable of displaying, and lapped up his words of encouragement on how the Soyinka example could be emulated.

I have gone into some of these personal reminiscences principally to underscore a point which is relevant to us today as a nation and to this assembly that has congregated to re-evaluate local governance in Nigeria. The point I seek to underscore is that no nation can thrive and prosper without public figures whose lives and examples sum up the ideals that its citizens seek to uphold in the onerous task of state and nation-building. In so doing, those figures become examples for others to emulate, reproducing the high ideals and values by which great nations make and remake themselves in an unending flow of history. My generation is fortunate – and I consider myself singularly lucky - to have the likes of Soyinka, Achebe, and other men and women of letters as standard bearers of the Nigerian, pan-African and humanistic ideal from whom we could draw inspiration and who, unknown to them, helped by their work to shape our future by the path they had trodden, by their challenge to us to dream dreams of a tomorrow in which Africans and all peoples of African descent will find their rightful place in the comity of nations.

Democracy is an ideal and the core values that underpin it are universal. However, it is the actions of people, organized as citizens, that make the democratic ideal a living and on-going experience that unfolds from generation to generation, propelled, to paraphrase Frantz Fanon, by the discovery which each generation must make of the historic mission that it must fulfill or betray. It is the combination of individual and group action that makes democratic change in the quest for the ideal of democratic development possible.

The basic role and place of the media in the democracy project is now well-established in theory and practice to merit any extensive discussion here. Alfred Opubor and his colleagues in Lagos and elsewhere have devoted a part of their investments in the building of mass communications research and training in this part of the world to underscoring the essential duty of the media in the promotion of civic identities and democratic governance. What is important to keep in mind today, in the framework of our reflection on local governance, is the question of the combination of tools and methods by which the media might play its role in a robust and effective manner as to contribute to the deepening of the roots of democracy and the extension of its branches. This is by no means an easy question. Indeed, arguably, it is a question for which no fully satisfactory answer has been found in the praxis of democracy-building itself. Nevertheless, there is a broadly shared agreement that the investigative culture and capacity of the media are central to its ability to play its role in helping to assure that systems and processes of governance are not only representative of the citizenry but also accountable to it and participatory.

Investigative journalism is a powerful tool of governance precisely because in holding power accountable and keeping it constantly reminded that sovereignty belongs to the people, it is both a tool of empowerment of the self and others - and a very risky enterprise. I submit that no democracy can be considered to be healthy which does not have a robust culture of investigative journalism built into its media landscape. In holding power accountable, investigative journalism also empowers the citizenry, nourishes the public policy process, and complements other forms of citizen action to make the democratic ideal a living, everyday experience.

The history of the quest for effective and participatory local governance in Nigeria is as old as the history of political communities in the area that came to be constituted in 1914 into the country we know today. Political communities, understood as an aggregation of people organized into a recognizable or defined geographical space within which structured authority is legitimately exercised, have existed in the Nigeria area for centuries, comprising an admixture of republics, city-states, kingdoms and empires with fairly differing structures of power that range from the most basic to the most elaborate. A generation of nationalist historians, a significant proportion of them congregated in the old Ibadan School of History, has bequeathed us with rich accounts of the making, consolidation, dissolution and renewal of these political communities as part of the battle which it waged against an earlier racist colonial historiography that claimed that Africa had no history – at least not any that is worthy of note – before the arrival of the white man on the continent.

A careful and critical reading of the historical accounts on the nature and workings of the old-established political communities that existed in the Nigeria area would suggest clearly that:
a) The state system is as organic to the African world as it was to other regions;
b) The history of the state system long predates the arrival of the first Europeans
to the African continent;
c) A system of local governance was integral to the organization of power and
structuring of decision-making, and this was as true for centralized political
systems as for decentralized ones;
d) Local governance played a central role in the mobilization of legitimacy for rulers and the generation of consent from those whom they ruled, including among groups that were initially forcefully integrated into a political community by war and conquest;
e) The depth of local governance and the extent to which it was representative of local communities was integral to the overall unity and integrity of political communities; and
f) The objectives of the devolution of responsibility – and the powers that correspond – as part of a strategy of local governance were multiple and included the establishment of a pan-territorial presence, the cultivation of legitimacy, and the generation of consent.

On the face of things, following the onset of colonial rule, the logic of consent and legitimacy that was built into local governance appeared to have been maintained by the new imperial authorities. However, the principle underpinning local governance in the colonial administrative system represented a radical departure from the pre-colonial experience. The blueprint for colonially-sanctioned local governance was laid out in Frederick Lugard’s Dual Mandate and the principle of Indirect Rule around which his thinking was built. Indirect Rule had been tried out in India prior to its importation to Africa where Nigeria served as a prime site for its application. The Indirect Rule system purported, in effect, to leave the pre-colonial structure of authority more or less intact under the “protection” and oversight of the colonizing power. It was out of this system that the colonial native authorities within which “traditional”/ “natural rulers” exercised authority in the name of the colonial power was created. Indeed, over the period leading up the amalgamation of 1914 to the 1930s, “traditional” rulers in fact functioned as (sole) native authorities. It was only subsequently, during the 1930s and 1940s, that the notion of the chief-in-council was introduced.

The theory of Indirect Rule might have proclaimed the existence and exercise of a dual mandate in the exercise of colonial affairs. In practice, however, Indirect Rule and the local governance sub-structure that was built into it represented one of the most repressive experiences of administration in Nigeria’s history. The reasons are many and can be summarized as follows:
a) Given the colonial foundational structure on which it was erected, it served as a means for the extraction of taxation and other revenues without offering any possibility of representation for the “natives”. Indeed, the “natives” were legally defined as the subjects of a foreign sovereign;
b) The notion of “native law and customs” that underpinned the Indirect Rule system was a stylized one which removed checks and balances in traditional authority systems such as they existed and disproportionately concentrated power in the hands of chiefs who were effectively reduced to local colonial enforcers. Where authority did not previously reside with a symbolic chiefly figure, the colonial authorities did not hesitate to invent them along with corresponding traditions;
c) A local policing service was introduced to accompany traditional authority in the enforcement of the new colonial administrative and fiscal order; its work was reinforced by a court system that was as renowned as the native authority police for its oppressiveness; and
d) The subjection of whole swathes of the “native” population, particularly those in the rural area to customary as distinct from civil law, with implications for access to the basic civic liberties which citizens ordinarily ought to take for granted.

It is little wonder then that Mahmood Mamdani, taking stock of the experience of local governance during the colonial period, characterized it as an exercise in decentralized despotism operationalized within the framework of a bifurcated state that erected its own Wall of China between the civic and the customary the better to dominate the colonized. Peter Ekeh was to point to the long-term alienating effects of the colonial governance model and its legacy of two publics, the one civic, the other primordial. Franz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral and other thinkers similarly pointed to the alienating effects of colonial rule both generally and with specific reference to its approach to local governance that produced an admixture of declasses and deracines.

Resistance to decentralized despotism was widespread across colonial Nigeria and took various forms, including immediate violent rejection, sporadic uprisings, and mass migrations. It constituted a recurrent feature of colonial rule and was witnessed in all parts of the country. Some of the better known episodes include the Satiru uprising, the Egba protests, and the Aba Women’s “riot”. In time, the pressures arising from domestic resistance to the colonial system of local governance translated into a concerted nationalist anti-colonial movement which gathered steam after the Second World War. The bid to manage, even contain the growing tide of anti-colonial nationalism resulted in the establishment of a number of commissions aimed at effecting legal-administrative reforms that will increase the “native” voice in the overall administration of local affairs. In this connection, elections were organized in the late colonial period in which natives were allowed to participate. These elections were mainly held over the period between 1950 and 1955 in Lagos, and the Eastern and Western regions; change, such as it was conceived came more slowly to the Northern Region. The various reforms were, however, too little, too late; the train of independence had become unstoppable.




Looking back on the 50 years since Nigeria’s independence in 1960, it can be convincingly argued that one of the dominant themes in the post-colonial agenda of politics and policy-making is the reform of local governance. Through the various shifts that have occurred in the structure of the Nigerian federation over the years, the changes in the balance of power among the tiers of government in the federal system, and the impact which prolonged military rule had on national-territorial administration to the various efforts at post-independence constitution-making, the emergence of the oil economy and its impact on revenue generation and allocation, the role and place of local administration in the overall architecture of post-colonial governance has been marked by twists and turns that could be said to comprise an admixture of progress and regression.

Scholars ranging from Billy Dudley, Oyeleye Oyediran, Ladipo Adamolekun, Alex Gboyega, and A.D. Yahaya to Dele Olowu, A.Y. Abdullahi, G.O. Orewa, Akinyemi Savage, and Otive Igbuzor, to cite a few of them, have metioculously chronicled and analysed the weight of the various reforms, direct and incidental, which were carried out during the lead up independence and in the years since then. The 1976 local government reforms pronounced by the Murtala-Obasanjo military administration and the subsequent debates on local governance that took place in the Constituent Assembly that drafted the constitution for the Nigerian Second Republic; the integration of the principle of elected local government into the 1979 constitution; the 1992 decision by the Babangida military administration to abolish ministries of local government, make direct resource allocations to local governments, and introduce the principle of the separation of executive and legislative functions at the local level; the 1998 nation-wide elections held into the 774 local government councils as part of the lead-up to the inauguration of the Nigerian Fourth Republic in May 1999; and the 2003 Sanda Ndayako Commission on Local Government Administration enabled by the Council of state have all been captured in the literature as representing some of the most significant – though not necessarily decisive - developments in the post-colonial quest for a more effective system of local governance.

There is a broad agreement among the leading scholars that in spite of all the efforts that have been deployed, Nigerians are still an appreciable distance away from enjoying the ideal of a system of local governance that is:
a) An integral and substantive part of the social contract that frames the rights, entitlements, privileges, duties and responsibilities of the Nigerian citizen;
b) Representative of the citizenry as individuals and communities;
c) Participatory in a manner that ensures the active input of the populace in the exercise of policy choices and the making of decisions;
d) Accountable to the citizenry both in the technical and political senses;
e) Empowered to be a legitimate driver in the national development project; and
f) A site for the pursuit of everyday democracy.

Oyeleye Oyediran captured the mood of most students of the Nigerian local governance system when he observed that all of the efforts at reform had helped the country to sight Canaan but the road ahead to the desired destination was still long and treacherous to a point where it could not be taken for granted that it will be reached. Why has this been so? The explanations that have been proffered in the literature are many and varied. They include the:
a) Failure of post-independence governments to depart radically from the colonial logic of local administration;
b) Adverse impact of prolonged military rule on the Nigerian federal system, including the over-centralization and concentration of power in the federal centre;
c) Flip-flops in policy and orientation, including a rapid turnover and inconsistency, that is both reflective of the chronic instability of the Nigerian political system and is destabilizing of local administration;
d) Absence of substantive autonomy for local governments, and their effective subordination to other tiers of government within an overall structure of power that consigns them to a residual position;
e) Inadequacy of mechanisms of accountability in the local governance system through which officials could be held responsible by citizens for their performance;
f) Ambiguities in the 1999 constitution with regard to the functioning of the local government system;
g) Widespread corruption that takes place in the local government system; and
h) Non-viability of most local governments as autonomous economic units, including their low internal revenue base and near-total dependence on statutory federal allocations.

The various explanations that have been advanced for the inability of local governance in Nigeria to fulfill its potentialities and promise to the full are not individually and collectively without an element of validity to them. However, they appear to be partial in some cases and simply symptomatic of larger problems in a number of others. To come to grips with the crisis of local governance in Nigeria such as it has been expressed in the many of the studies that have been carried out, it will be necessary to revisit the entire project of post-colonial state and nation-building with a view to imbuing with a coherent, clear and comprehensive vision of democracy and development in which the citizen is at the centre and the community constitutes a prime building block. Democratic governance is propelled by active and empowered citizens and their communities.

Across the Nigerian political system, the case for taking local governance much more seriously as the bedrock of quest for democratization at the national level can be hinged on the following arguments:

a) It could allow for deeper grassroots participation in the administration of the affairs of the community;

b) It serves as a veritable breeding and training ground for future leaders to cut their teeth before going onto to the national stage – and beyond;

c) It offers a viable and sensible framework for citizens to enjoy the benefits of democracy first hand, including the efficient supply of various socio-economic dividends;

d) It could provide a foundational platform for exacting accountability from public officials and political office holders;

e) It is the primary site at which a new social bargain between the Nigerian state and the citizenry must begin to negotiated; and

f) It is the layer of governance that touches or has the potentiality to touch all citizens and, to that extent, it is the site where the quality, relevance, and even long-term health of the democratic system can be effectively experienced and assessed.

The importance of the media in the struggle which must be waged in all contexts of democratic transition cannot be over-emphasized. Of particular importance here is the role which the media itself could play directly through investigative journalism. But also critical is the necessity for the media to give visibility and voice to local communities through the reporting of their concerns and, where viable, the opening up of opportunities for community journalism. An investigative media anchored in the aspiration of communities for a system of governance that is democratic and developmental is a prerequisite for the flowering of an active citizenship and an enabler of everyday democracy.

Adebayo Olukoshi-UN African Institute for Economic Development and Planning (IDEP),
Dakar, Senegal.

Hahaha, He needs a mattress to lay his head. lol,
Haba people still m/billions and they get 6months jail sentence too.

An Upper Area Court in Jos, on Wednesday sentenced a student of the University of Jos, Isah Baburawa, to six months imprisonment for stealing two mattresses belonging to his father, Ibrahim Baburawa.

The value of the mattresses was put at ₦36, 000. The court, however, gave the convict an option of ₦3,000 fine.

The judge, Mustapha Hassan, said that the prosecution had convinced the court beyond reasonable doubt that the student stole the mattresses.

"The evidence tendered before the court by the prosecution had greatly assisted the court to convict the accused for theft. The confessional statement of the accused before the court on committing the offence assisted the court to convict him." He said.

Earlier, the prosecutor, Shuaibu Tambaya, had told the court that the accused committed the offence on July 2, at their home in Anguwan-Rogo, Jos.

"My lord, the accused on the fateful day at about 9pm entered the father's bedroom and made away with the mattresses. The accused was sighted by his two younger brothers while committing the act," Mr Yanbaya claimed.

The prosecutor said that the accused capitalized on the absence of the father and tendered the two mattresses as exhibits before the court and also claimed that the accused, who resides at Angwan-Rogo area of Jos, committed the offence, which is contrary to section 287 of the Penal Code.

The accused pleaded guilty to the charge, and blamed it on the ‘devil'. The judge warned him to be of good behaviour after his jail term.

NAN

http://234next.com/csp/cms/sites/Next/Home/5731240-146/student_jailed_for_stealing_fathers_mattress.csp?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%253A+234next%252FnXXt+%2528HOME+RSS+FEEDS%2529

The actor/musician turned politician who was elected into office on the platform of ACN during the April 2011 elections was last week chosen as the Minority Leader of the Anambra State House of Assembly

http://lindaikeji..com/2011/07/tony-one-week-is-anambra-house-minority.html

HAhahha, na gyrate everybody go do for the house, lol, Good one though,

Donlittle:
when buhari was head of state, USA and co presidents told him to devalue the naira, and he blantantly refuse, so what are u saying??
abeggy gej is very dumb,, mschew

Are you ok?

oyb:
japan and germany lost ww2

they are behemoths today

biafra lost, today they are whining and chest beating, whichever suits their mood.

What have Nigeria ever produced? At least they won na? abi no be so?
You sick mehnnnn,

[quote author=Ileke-IdI link=topic=712228.msg8713536#msg8713536 date=1310609458]Ugly.

But am I to assume that your mind cannot attempt any discussion beyond the facial and physical attributes?[/quote]Physical and facial attributes??
So you are ugly, worst combination ever. Ok are You atleast close to "fine"?
You go dey nag wellishly. Is hatred and tribalism food to your soul? Tell me so I can give you some Igbo topics to feed on,

Honestly, I just dnt know what Nigerians are doing in the Uk. Only few Nigerians in london would keep their up but others are there to make up the numbers of Oversea people.
And those ones in south africa, saudi Arabia, Italy and Asia too.
I think they should deport these guys and and keep them in one big prison. Everywhere you go, Nigeria this and that, even at home wahala.

By Andrew Penman

Three fraudsters have been jailed in what is thought to be the first UK prosecution for an organised phishing operation.

The gang obtained details of 10,000 credit cards and 900 bank accounts after sending emails that looked like they were official bank messages, asking their victims to confirm account details including passwords. They then stole an estimated £3.1million from their victims' credit cards and around £600,000 from bank accounts.

Babatunde Fafore of County Meath in Ireland, Ayodeji John Kareem of south east London and Vincent Alonge of Wimbledon, south west London (above, left to right), have been jailed for a total of more than 13 years.

DI Colin Wetherill, of Scotland Yard's Police Central e-Crime Unit said: "In collaboration with law enforcement colleagues and industry partners both in the UK and overseas we are working to identify and bring to justice those committing serious and organised offences of this nature online, and to reduce the harm they cause to innocent individuals and to the economy. These convictions represent a significant step forward.

"However, we all have a role to play in the protection of our private information and we would urge the public to exercise great care when supplying their personal details online, and to take the advice given at www.getsafeonline.org".






David Levy of the Central Fraud Group of the Crown Prosecution Service said: "These men profited enormously by taking advantage of the trust that many of us would place in an internet service that appeared genuine, but their enjoyment of their ill-gotten gains was short-lived. The bogus emails and websites that led victims into the scam also led the authorities to the scammers.

"Those who use the internet thinking they can phish with impunity should be warned by this case that you will be found out and you will be prosecuted."

Kareem, 38, pleaded guilty at Snaresbrook Crown Court to conspiracy to defraud and was sentenced to three and half years, plus five years five months for conspiracy to acquire and use criminal property, the sentences to run concurrently.

Alonge, 31, pleaded guilty to fraud offences and was given six months and a second sentence of two years, the sentences to run consecutively.

Fafore, 41, pleaded guilty to conspiracy to defraud and got four years, and five years seven months for using criminal property, both sentences to run concurrently.

http://saharareporters.com/news-page/nigerians-jailed-after-first-phishing-fraud-prosecution-uk-mirror-uk

[quote author=Ileke-IdI link=topic=712228.msg8713487#msg8713487 date=1310608348]I dont believe majority of Igbos should even be complaining. . . . .Remember your magic numbers. Your selfishness fir 2015 disabled you to think straight.[/quote]You are consumed with so much hate.
Are you even pretty in real life or you are just "there",

Katsumoto:
Do a simple test

Is Awo reverred by the people he represented?
Is Bello reverred by the people he represented?
Is Zik reverred by the people he represented?

Awolowo has never been elected to represent the interests of the people of the East, why do you think he should have put their interests ahead of or at par with the interests of those who he represented?

So He was ambitious to be the President of Nigeria abi?
And He was Gowon's VP and minister of Finance to serve only to the West of Nigeria?

New things everyday,

Is the Islam practiced in Egypt different from the one practiced in Nigeria?
Someone should tell the girls in northern Nigeria to contest too. haba,

Nayah:
Miss Egypt

0lumide:
Yeah and other kings are Bible thumbing holy of the hollies, Damn you Yoruba kings,

Hahhaha. good one,
Anyways, Adejoro pls tone down on your inflamatory threads. We know what happens when that name brings up a topic.

[quote author=Negro_Ntns link=topic=712042.msg8706161#msg8706161 date=1310524236]Too much mouth for wetin Igbo go do.

One thing we know you no fit protect your women against foreign violators.

Igbo done die today!

Because una no smart.[/quote]Tufiakwa

Na your generation don die today,

[quote author=Negro_Ntns link=topic=712042.msg8706111#msg8706111 date=1310523283]Igbo like to start what he can't finish.

I already told you all, I'm not going anywhere. . .we will battle this tribalism thing till you all get on your knees and beg children of Oduduwa to stop the harrasment.

I spent months here pleading for una to stop but you no hear.

Its on! You shouldn't stand to the heat now.

Una no smart!

Onyi ochi![/quote]The way "Cry baby Diya" was begging his master "nightmare Abacha", right.
Again, I am so happy Igbo this and that gives you sleepless night. Na you go tire. Go ask your papa and his fulani masters.
Igbo dont die, they multiply,
Peace,

[quote author=alj_harem link=topic=712042.msg8705991#msg8705991 date=1310521318]why insult me

obudu cattle ranch was occupyed by the fulanis, right or wrong

the north west of cameroun is fulani

benue state has a large amount of fulanis

ebonyi also

so what agenda are u talking about

do u even know they are indigenous igbos in kogi[/quote]You are a freaking liar, You f00llll
For your info,


Igwo Indigenes Ask Fulani Herdsmen to Leave Community

18 January 2011


Fulani cattle rearers in Igwo Clan, Obudu Local Government Area of Cross River State have been given a three-month ultimatum to vacate the community to avoid an outbreak of an epidemic and further destruction of farmlands and economic crops.

The ultimatum was part of the communiqué reached by Igwo community at the end of a three-day national conference held in Igwo Town Hall, Obudu, Cross Rivers State.



The conference noted that though nomadic Fulanis are backed by federal law, the continued grazing of their cattle within Igwo residential areas have caused severe economic hardship on the people; with few of the streams in Igwo polluted and many cassava and rice farmlands as well as other economic crops already destroyed, fuelling tension and concerns within and outside the community.



The conference, therefore, called on the Clan Council, headed by Chief Cornelius Ulem Liwhuliwhe, to employ dialogue in ensuring the conference decision was adhered to. The conference, which attracted participants from the Igwo Development Associations (IDAs) nationwide, also deliberated on key pressing issues affecting the community. Some of these included the creation of access roads and streets within the community, construction of a modern health centre, residential settlement, abolition of forest reserves within residential area, nonchalant attitude of Igwo indigenes at home and the Diaspora, Igwo Day, youth restiveness and settlement within the community and new administrative structure.


http://allafrica.com/stories/201101190384.html

[quote author=alj_harem link=topic=712042.msg8705991#msg8705991 date=1310521318]why insult me

obudu cattle ranch was occupyed by the fulanis, right or wrong

the north west of cameroun is fulani

benue state has a large amount of fulanis

ebonyi also
so what agenda are u talking about

do u even know they are indigenous igbos in kogi[/quote]1, Just shut the f88k up.
2, You say Igbo is in kogi when it suits your[b] devilish agenda [/b] right?
3, Go publish it in a newspaper and show us when and where you have fulani permanent settlement in the east.

[quote author=Negro_Ntns link=topic=712042.msg8705962#msg8705962 date=1310520901]I can post pictures of houses built, owned and occupied by Igbomen in Kano. They even fought in Kano in 1991.


What did I just tell you?

You are not smart!!! You just proved that.

You say igbos have mansions in oither people lands and fight to protect it.

Why fight for property but not for the vurtue of the igbo woman?  


Look I live in US. Even here white race and black race get into over each other woman.

Its is man's nature to protect pvssy!  We fight for it, we kill for it, we sweat for it!!

Noibody takes my woman that I stilkl want from me, nobody, there is going to be bloodshed, period!  Much more come fv ck am.

Ah, my mwanyi!  I go lay my life down for that pvssy.

That's how all human cuktures feel and is why men are so violent and agressive about their women.

Igbo is not smart!   You are violent abut saving house in kano, another man land but noit about saving your mwanyi at home, on your own land, in the heartland of your culture.

All your bakassi and massob and Biafra and war is washed today.

If I hear one more ndigbo raise voice wey I dey, talk bout some bvllshyt bakassi or massob or biafra,  I go tell am wetin go bring tears to him eye.

Yeye, una no smart![/quote]I am so happy that anything about Igbo gives you sleepless night. you know what happens when you dont get enough sleep right?
Also, I am very sure you remember Gen. Abacha "the nightmare", He's coming you better run,

[quote author=alj_harem link=topic=712042.msg8705927#msg8705927 date=1310520275]no brother, fulanis because of there nomadic nature don't build houses

look at lagos or even kwara today, how many houses can u say is fulani but yes they were there before 1800

so is anambra, river, cross river, ebonyi, benue, among others

not building settlements or houses just shows they are nomadic and does not mean they were not there even way before the[b] 1600's[/b][/quote]Will you just shut the F88k Up,
Dnt you ever come up with d crap theres no fulani settlement in the east. You trying so hard to push your stoppooid agenda right?

sbeezy8:
nairalanders n thier silly stories this n that - the stupiidest people in nigeria/nairaland are middle belters n southerners- SO UNREALISTIC N DUMB.

this for dat ediot that was boasting that fulanis are hunted in delta-

[size=15pt]Boboruku-Jesse Women Protest - Allege Fulani Herdsmen's Invasion of Farmland
[/size]
2 March 2011

Ughelli — Hundreds of placard-carrying Boboruku-Jesse women in Ethiope West Local Government Area of Delta State have protested to the Ogwedion of Boboruku, demanding the immediate removal of Fulani herdsmen and their cattle from their farm lands.

The women, which stormed the town hall, was received by the most Senior Chief of the community, Chief Godwin Ofishe, the Unuevworo of Boboruku sub-clan and some other chiefs of the community.
[size=13pt]Some of the placards displayed by the women read: "Fulani cattle have caused famine in our land," "Please leave us alone Fulani people to avoid war," "Please leave us alone to ensure proper farming on our land," "Ododo please do something to save us from Fulani," "Government please tell Fulani to leave our land, we are dying of hunger."[/size]

They also appealed to the chiefs ask the Fulani to remove their cattle from their farm land.

Ofishe, who corroborated the explanations of the women and other chiefs and community leaders said within the past three years, their farm land had been devastated by herdsmen who came from far away Benin, Edo State, into their land to graze their cattle on their farms, thereby destroying every crop in the farm.
Ofishe said, "when these became unbearable as famine had already set in, they approached the monarch of the kingdom to assist them find an amicable solution to the entire process, unfortunately, immediately the monarch waded into the matter by appointing a six-man committee to find out solution to the problem, the same Fulani people ambushed a man coming from Edo State, their neighbouring community, with a cassava load on his "Okada" and killed him and got him burnt to aches together with his motorcycle."

[size=15pt]The Unuevworo explained further that the present killings that has also brought into the community occasional violation, stealing on their farm land, pollution to their only source of drinking water was reported to His Royal Highness Erhiekevwe 1 (JP), Ovie of Idjerhe Kingdom.
[/size]
The monarch confirmed that the matter was actually brought before him by Boboroku women who stormed his palace at Jesse town as[b] some were crying bitterly over the invasion of their farm land by the Fulani herdsmen that had turned their land into deserts, and destroying all their crops as well as polluting their stream, the only source of drinking water.[/b]

Nobody heard this story. Where was MEND when it happened?

godello:
Information,has it that 3 corp member were brutally murdered in bornu camp by boko sect who disguised themselve as corpers too. They vowed to eliminate as many christians as possible before the end of the camp which is 26 june. Pls beware.(those camp include.minna,platue,kaduna,kano,zamfara.

Are you sure about this? Stop the rumour.

[quote author=Igwe-1 link=topic=707839.msg8691257#msg8691257 date=1310337754]We are still keeping an eye on GEJ. He has tried but the 3rd eye of Ndigbo is still wide open.[/quote]Dnt you think you are a fool,

Enugu Rangers goalkeeper Ebere Obi has said he is out of the Super Eagles because younger brother Mikel is already a key member of the team.

The first choice Rangers shot stopper told MTNFootbal.com that the influential presence of younger brother in the Super Eagles could well account for why he has been overlooked by national team selectors.

“Honestly, I am not disappointed not getting a call-up to the Super Eagles despite doing very well at Rangers. Maybe because my brother Mikel is there that might be a reason for being shut out of Eagles,” Ebere Obi told MTNFootball.com.

“My brother is a big name playing for Chelsea and maybe they (Super Eagles coaches) don’t want to look at the aspect of his older brother coming to join in the national team. I am not disappointed at all.

“I know I have the experience as a result of playing in the Nigerian elite league and for a great club like Rangers for a long time now.

“I also sincerely believe that I can hold my own in the Eagles. The adage says that you can’t cover pregnancy, so I believe that by the special grace of God one day I will be called upon.”

Ebere Obi also told MTNFootball.com that Mikel will stay put at Chelsea despite growing speculations to the contrary.

“I spoke with him this week about the speculations going on as regards his stay at Chelsea. He told he is still staying put in Chelsea and that he is not going anywhere. So, I don’t know where these speculations are coming from,” he revealed.

“If my brother will leave Chelsea today I will know and I am telling you now that Mikel is not going anywhere. The new coach has listed him on the Chelsea squad for the coming season.”

http://africanfootball.mtnfootball.com/live/content.php?Item_ID=46638

[quote author=alj_harem link=topic=710083.msg8685922#msg8685922 date=1310251691]how does this matter to nigerians

we are not sudan, neither do we care about sudan or southern sudan which would further split if u ask me

i think this thread is rubbish already, we are doing it as if nigeria depends on sudan with the number of thread up already[/quote]Shut up, It's all about freedom and peace of mind.
Dnt be scared, nigeria will break up peacefully, lol,