Litmus's Posts
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Nigerians we need to be more organised. Labeling, for instance, can be useful in many ways beyond the negative manner in which it is often applied in Nigeria. For one thing, labels can help us organise our thinking. That is a valuable function, rather than merely serving as a tool for brainwashing or for stigmatising groups in society with whom we disagree. To that end, I believe we should make a distinction between individuals whose activism is rooted in social empowerment and the public good, and those whose activism is primarily focused on acquiring political power. I would describe people like VDM and Scot Iguma as socio-political activists. Applying this label to them may help Nigerians better appreciate what they represent, and may also help these individuals understand their own role more clearly. My suggestion that labeling might help them understand themselves better may seem unusual, but I genuinely believe they may not have given deliberate or technical thought to defining what they stand for. As a result, members of the political activist community often question them, which has potential to cause doubt in themselves and place them under pressure to become political activists, when, empirically speaking, they are socio-political activists at heart. How would I distinguish a socio-political activist from a political activist in the Nigerian context? I would define a Nigerian socio-political activist as someone who is not primarily concerned with capturing power at the national presidential level for reasons of ethnicity, ego, political gamesmanship, or personal financial gain. Instead, they are concerned with the effects of power at the human level. They believe that much can be achieved within the system—indeed, within any system—to improve the basic standard of living and quality of life of ordinary people. They are interested in national presidential power only in terms of its technical aspects: how it works, what it can realistically accomplish, and the limitations it faces within the Nigerian system. By contrast, many individuals who fall under the label of political activists are primarily concerned with presidential power in terms of ethnic interests, pride, and financial gain. This is often reflected in their willingness to use any means necessary to attain power, with little regard for the consequences their actions may have for the broader population. Soworo falls into this category. Any social work he may have undertaken or advocated for in the past would be more usefully thought of as actions aimed at facilitating this ambition. |
Last Month I asked the question above. When I ask these questions, I'm not really interested in Chatgbt. I ask them in the hope that those in positions of power would think. Think. |
I will always love and respect Nigerians. I have zero respect for Africans from elsewhere who show no ability to take responsibility. It did not surprise me to see attempts here by some Africans to use events in South Africa as justification for the disgraceful behaviour that Ghanaians showed towards Igbo Nigerians in Ghana who were simply expressing their culture. I personally find Ghanaians the most annoying and, in some cases, quite diabolical in their behaviour. The way Igbos maintain their culture wherever they go in the world — and likewise the Yoruba and other Nigerians — the way Nigerians generally try to practise our culture wherever we go, is exactly what has helped create respect for Africa as a continent. Yet now Ghanaian people are all over social media presenting themselves as proud Africans and trying to give the impression that they maintain African culture, whereas they were among the first Africans who used to go abroad and try to behave like proper English gentlemen, speaking the King’s English and looking down on African food and culture. My experience growing up was very unpleasant. They would often form alliances with Caribbean groups and laugh at Nigerians for wearing Nigerian attire or holding weddings in Nigerian cultural ways. They were often the loudest voices claiming Nigerians were embarrassing Africa when Nigerians cooked Nigerian food or opened Nigerian shops selling African goods. What the Igbo are doing in South Africa — keeping traditional ways alive — is simply an example of how Nigerians generally behave wherever we go in the world. We kept our culture alive, and in doing so we introduced Africa to the world in a confident and unapologetic way. South Africans need to apologise to the Nigerian community in South Africa. Ghana also needs to apologise to the Nigerian community in Ghana instead of continuing this absolutely disgraceful mutual support against what they like to portray as “the terrible Nigerians.” |
I have been anticipating that terrorist activities in Nigeria would decrease due to growing conflict in the Middle East. My anticipation was informed by the belief that terrorism in Nigeria is backed by one or more of the forces currently engaged, directly or indirectly, in the battle between Iran, Israel and America. I felt that funding for Boko Haram, ISWAP, etc., would dry up as Middle Eastern or Western paymasters repurposed spending to their own needs. Imagine my surprise when, instead, terrorism increased in Nigeria. This made me begin to reassess my belief that any of these Middle Eastern or American powers were the ones funding terror in Nigeria after all. But then it occurred to me that if you are a terrorist group being funded by powers abroad, and that funding dries up, you might redouble whatever efforts you previously engaged in that supplemented your main income—activities such as kidnapping for ransom. |
Odunayaw:Seriously, though, what's your opinion on what's going on? |
Odunayaw:Your mind is excused. |
Let me ask the question no one here wants to ask but is possibly on all minds: Why don't Nigeria army surrender and save lives of military men (the Grunt ranks) because it is obvious Nigeria military doesn't really want to fight. I don't believe it's a question of that they can't fight, because no military of Nigeria's experience can be this woeful, they don't want to fight and the pretend acting as if they are is bad. I can see that the top brass love weapons and aircraft. I get it, I'm a collector of diecast military models, as well as cars, and love looking at them on my shelves. I get excited when shiny new ones arrive by post. I collect them in 1:18 ratio. The Nigeria military brass can share the Tucanos, and Turkish gunship helicopters, the JF-17 and new acquisitions and admire them in any country that will give them asylum. |
What would happen if Nigeria military begin to no longer take prisoners? |
I asked Chatgbt: "What should Nigeria do when Terrorists begin to fly missile drones into Nigerian towns and cities?" Nigeria should treat that as a national air-defence and civil-defence emergency, not just another policing problem. Insurgent groups in and around Nigeria have already moved into the drone era. Analysts tracking the Lake Chad Basin say the 24 December 2024 attack on the forward operating base at Wajiroko was the first known case of a terrorist group in the region using drones in direct combat, and more recent analysis warns that groups such as ISWAP and Boko Haram are progressing from surveillance drones toward repeated attack-drone use. At the same time, jihadist violence has shown signs of spreading beyond traditional hotspots, including deadly attacks in Kwara State in February 2026. � ISS Africa +2 So the correct Nigerian response would be: 1. Build a layered counter-drone shield around people, not just military bases. Nigeria would need early-warning radar, radio-frequency detection, acoustic sensing, and rapid-response counter-UAS teams around airports, power infrastructure, government sites, oil and gas assets, and the most exposed towns in the North-East and North-West. The key point is layered detection plus interception, because relying on one method alone usually fails against cheap, improvised drones. Recent counter-drone guidance elsewhere also emphasizes that the threat has to be addressed before drones reach the target perimeter. � U.S. Department of War +1 2. Treat the drone supply chain as the battlefield. The cheapest way to stop terrorist drone attacks is often to stop the parts, pilots, batteries, explosives, software, and smugglers before launch. Nigeria should tighten import screening, customs intelligence, border interdiction, and market surveillance for dual-use drone parts, jammers, triggers, and modified commercial UAVs—especially across the Niger, Chad and Cameroon corridors linked to insurgent movement. Regional insecurity in the Sahel and cross-border militant cooperation make this essential. � Council on Foreign Relations +2 3. Create a national drone-threat command structure. Right now the biggest danger in many states is fragmentation: military, DSS, police, NSCDC, NEMA, telecoms regulators, aviation authorities, governors, and local vigilantes all operating on different clocks. Nigeria would need one standing counter-drone architecture with shared air picture, rules of engagement, incident reporting, and a single crisis protocol for towns and cities under drone attack. Without that, the response becomes slow, confused, and easy for terrorists to exploit. The broader Nigerian security environment remains fragmented and overstretched, which is one reason insurgent adaptation has been so dangerous. � European Union Agency for Asylum +2 4. Harden civilian life immediately. If terrorists begin flying missile drones into towns, Nigeria should not wait for perfect technology. It should map likely target zones, prepare siren and SMS warning systems, identify shelters, rehearse school and hospital lockdown drills, disperse fuel and ammunition storage, and protect transformers, telecom towers, and substations. Civil defence saves lives even when interception fails. 5. Expand intelligence and electronic warfare faster than it expands firepower. Nigeria will need better signals intelligence, geolocation of operators, forensic exploitation of downed drones, and offensive disruption of launch cells. In many cases, finding the team that assembles and launches the drone matters more than shooting down the drone itself. 6. Avoid the trap of indiscriminate retaliation. This is crucial. A panicked response that bombs villages, expands arbitrary detention, or militarises whole communities can hand terrorists new recruits. Reporting on drone warfare in Africa has repeatedly warned that civilian harm and weak accountability can deepen instability instead of solving it. Nigeria should respond hard, but lawfully and accurately. � The Guardian +1 So, in one sentence: Nigeria should respond by building a layered national counter-drone system, crushing the supply chain, hardening civilians and infrastructure, and coordinating regionally—while resisting the urge to answer a precision threat with blunt-force chaos. |
What's going on up North that this boy already has the thousand yards stare . Should be the Next World Stare. Whoever he is, I hope he is retired by the military and sent home.
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bidex111:Thanks. But I don't imagine we invited them. I have the feeling they insisted on "helping' us. |
Military guys on here, what's going on with this news US soldiers are in Nigeria, boots on the ground? |
They'll be running from place to place, hugging the shadows like buzzard scouted rats but would never go online to say America is happening to them. ![]() |
In light of the recent ambush and killing of a police inspector in Ogun State, I asked ChatGPT to outline the advantages and disadvantages of using dogs as an early-warning measure against the persistent ambush tactics employed by armed groups—tactics that have proven to be among the most effective methods used against Nigeria’s security forces, it would seem. Using dogs (military or security K9s) to counter persistent terrorist ambushes can be very effective—but they’re not a silver bullet. Below is a clear, balanced breakdown. Advantages of using dogs 1. Early detection (huge advantage) Dogs can smell humans, explosives, weapons, sweat, and disturbed ground long before soldiers detect anything. This is especially useful against: Hidden fighters IED-trigger teams Fighters lying in wait along paths or chokepoints 👉 In ambush scenarios, seconds of warning save lives. 2. Terrain dominance Dogs excel in dense forests, jungles, urban ruins, caves, and night operations—places where ambushers thrive. They can detect threats behind walls, in foliage, or inside buildings. 3. Psychological deterrence Terrorist groups often fear dogs more than soldiers: Dogs reduce surprise They undermine morale Fighters may abandon ambush positions once a dog is detected This deterrent effect alone can disrupt repeated ambush tactics. 4. Force multiplier One dog can cover what would otherwise require several soldiers scanning, listening, and probing. This reduces fatigue and improves patrol discipline. 5. Tracking and pursuit After a failed ambush, dogs can: Track retreating attackers Lead forces to hideouts or weapon caches This turns ambush zones into traps for the attackers themselves. Disadvantages and limitations 1. Dogs are vulnerable targets Ambushers may: Target the dog first Use booby traps, poison, or gunfire Losing a dog is not just tactical—it’s emotionally damaging to units. 2. Training and logistics costs Effective K9 programs require: Long training periods Skilled handlers Veterinary care, food, rest cycles Poorly trained dogs can give false alerts, which erodes trust. 3. Environmental limits Dogs struggle in: Extreme heat Long-duration patrols without rest Chemical-heavy or heavily polluted areas Fatigue reduces accuracy. 4. Adaptation by terrorists Over time, adversaries may: Mask scent Use decoys Avoid predictable routes Employ long-range or remote-trigger ambushes Dogs force adaptation—but they don’t eliminate threat evolution. 5. Limited numbers You can’t deploy dogs everywhere. Over-reliance on dogs can create gaps elsewhere if not integrated into broader strategy. Strategic takeaway Dogs are excellent for disrupting persistent ambushes, especially when terrorists rely on: Surprise Close-range attacks Concealment in complex terrain However, dogs work best when integrated, not isolated. Most effective when combined with: Aerial surveillance (drones) Route variation Local intelligence Electronic monitoring Well-trained infantry patrols Bottom line: Dogs don’t replace tactics or intelligence—but they tilt the battlefield against ambushers by stealing their most important asset: surprise. |
dederocs:So is Germany but this doesn't mean we should welcome another world war and porgrom. |
You social media people need to be more responsible, stop accusing Fulani people for everything that remains after blaming igbo people for the rest. If not, you'll be responsible for a future endpoint comparable to what unfold in Rwanda. I always try to defend police because they are underpaid and gravely disrespected by Nigerians relative to the overall work they do, in difficult circumstances but, really, Nigeria policing need to do better. It is deplorable policing that is leading , or will lead, to increased mob action. |
Humans beings can be funny. I love how 17% in your pol believe America's intention for Greenland is to introduce democracy. |
Litmus: What nation has the longest border wall or fence? Chatgbt: Nation with the longest border wall or fence India has the longest border fence system in the world, built mainly along its border with Bangladesh. India–Bangladesh border fence Length: ~4,096 km (≈2,545 miles) Purpose: curb illegal migration, smuggling, and cross-border crime Status: largely complete, though sections remain unfinished or reinforced unevenly Type: barbed wire, flood-lighting, patrol roads, electronic surveillance in places This makes it longer than any other border wall or fence on Earth. Other notable long border barriers (for comparison) United States–Mexico ~1,050 km of walls and fencing (mixed barriers, not continuous) Saudi Arabia–Iraq ~900 km high-tech security fence Israel–West Bank ~700 km (wall + fence system) . Litmus: How long is Nigeria Niger Republic border ? Chatgbt: Nigeria–Niger Republic border length Nigeria shares a land border of approximately 1,497 km (about 930 miles) with Niger. Quick context It is Nigeria’s longest international land border. The boundary runs across Sahel and semi-arid terrain, cutting through communities with long-standing cross-border ties. Major Nigerian border states along this line include Katsina, Jigawa, Yobe, and Borno. Litmus: Is India's longest border wall/fence longer than the combined border length of Niger Republic and Chad to Nigeria? Chatgbt: Yes — India’s longest border fence is longer than Nigeria’s combined borders with Niger and Chad. The figures compared India–Bangladesh border fence: ≈ 4,096 km Nigeria–Niger border: ≈ 1,497 km Nigeria–Chad border: ≈ 85 km Nigeria–Niger + Nigeria–Chad combined: ≈ 1,582 km Direct comparison India–Bangladesh fence: ~4,096 km Nigeria’s two borders combined: ~1,582 km India’s fence is more than 2.5 times longer than the combined Nigeria–Niger and Nigeria–Chad borders. Why this matters (briefly) India chose continuous physical fencing across most of a very long border. Nigeria’s northern borders are vast, lightly fenced, and socially porous, shaped more by shared ethnic zones than hard infrastructure. Litmus: Does India and Bangladesh not share ethnic zones? Chatgbt: Yes — they very much do share ethnic zones, even though the India–Bangladesh border is now one of the most heavily fenced in the world. How ethnic continuity works there Bengalis are the core example. The same ethnic–linguistic group lives on both sides of the border Bangladesh is overwhelmingly Bengali In India, Bengalis dominate West Bengal, Tripura, and parts of Assam The border itself was largely a colonial line drawn during 1947 Partition, slicing through: villages farmlands families markets So in human terms, the border cut through a single cultural space. Why, then, such a massive fence? Despite shared ethnicity, India still fenced the border because of: post-1971 migration pressures after Bangladesh’s independence population density imbalance (Bangladesh far denser than adjacent Indian states) smuggling networks (cattle, goods, arms) insurgency concerns in northeast India In other words, shared ethnicity did not override state security logic. Key contrast to West Africa (relevant to your earlier question) India acknowledged ethnic overlap but built anyway. The fence was framed as administrative and security infrastructure, not ethnic hostility Border communities retained permits, legal crossings, and special arrangements, even while informal movement was curtailed This is similar in structure (though not scale) to: Hausa across Nigeria–Niger Kanuri across Nigeria–Niger–Chad The difference lies less in ethnic reality and more in state capacity, political will, and long-term planning. |
Thanks Gee