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Suspected Boko Haram terrorists have abducted eight members of a single family, including a one-month-old infant, during a deadly midnight raid on Palam community in the Madagali Local Government Area of Adamawa State.

A family member who narrowly escaped the attack told SaharaReporters that the terrorists stormed the family compound at about 2am on Sunday, firing sporadically before whisking away their victims.

According to the source, the attackers were specifically searching for the head of the family, Bitrus Kwavanza, who was reportedly away on a business trip in a neighbouring community at the time of the invasion.

“They came asking for my uncle. When they couldn’t find him, they took his family instead,” the source said.

Palam is located in Madagali Local Government Area, the home LGA of Adamawa State Governor, Umaru Fintiri, underscoring renewed concerns over the worsening security situation even in politically sensitive areas of the state.

SaharaReporters recalls that on January 20, suspected Boko Haram fighters attacked Kirchinga, Governor Fintiri’s hometown, killing two forest guards and abducting another, in what residents described as a brazen show of insurgent resurgence.

In the latest attack, local sources disclosed that the terrorists arrived on tricycle motorcycles, targeted Kwavanza’s household, and abducted his wife, six children, and an infant grandchild.

One of the abducted victims, Esther, had reportedly returned home shortly after childbirth to recuperate with her family when the terrorists struck.

“She had just given birth and came home to rest. She was forced to trek into the Sambisa Forest with her mother, siblings, and her baby,” the source recounted.

As of Monday afternoon, the abductors had made no ransom demand, but contacted the family with a chilling threat.

“They called my uncle and said they would release the breastfeeding mother, but that all the others would be executed in the coming days,” the visibly shaken family member told SaharaReporters on Monday evening.

The Chairman of the Madagali Local Government Area confirmed the abduction, describing the security situation as rapidly deteriorating.

“Yes, the incident happened. The security situation is worsening. We are awaiting updates from the security forces handling the matter,” he said.

Residents of Madagali have repeatedly raised the alarm over what they describe as renewed Boko Haram activity, accusing authorities of failing to provide adequate protection despite repeated attacks, abductions, and killings.

No fewer than 17 former members of the National Assembly have dissociated themselves from a summit of ex legislators convened to endorse President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s second term ambition.

Daily Trust reports that National Forum of Former Legislators (NFFL) endorsed Tinubu for a second term, on Saturday.

Chief of Staff to the President, Rt. Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila, was the convener at the summit which drew former legislators from across political divides, including former Senate Presidents, Pius Anyim and Ken Nnamani, as well as former Speakers of the House of Representatives, Patricia Eteh and Yakubu Dogara, among others.

But reacting to their action, a group of lawmakers said the endorsement was deceptive.

In a joint statement issued on Saturday, the former lawmakers said they were not part of any gathering organised under the banner of a Former Legislators’ Forum to endorse the President.

They warned against being misled by a “staged political exercise”.

“We state clearly, firmly, and without apology: we are not, and will never be, part of any contrived summit of ex legislators being hurriedly assembled to endorse President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s second term ambition,” the statement said.

The 17 signatories alleged that the proposed endorsement was driven by inducements rather than genuine consultation.

They insisted that credibility could not be manufactured through financial incentives.

“This gathering is nothing but a cash and carry political carnival, a rented crowd of handpicked individuals assembled to manufacture artificial legitimacy,” they said.

According to them, a small group of individuals could not claim to speak for hundreds of former lawmakers across the country.

“You cannot assemble a handful of loyalists behind closed doors, distribute inducements, and then falsely claim to speak for the conscience of hundreds of former legislators across Nigeria. That is deception. That is manipulation. That is democratic fraud,” the statement added.

The former lawmakers stressed that their names and identities must not be used without consent.

They declared that former legislators were not commodities for political transactions.

“Former legislators are not for sale. Our names are not commodities. Our legacy is not merchandise,” they said.

They argued that political endorsements should not replace governance performance, urging the administration to rely on tangible achievements rather than public displays of support.

“If this administration believes it deserves a second term, let it present tangible results to Nigerians security restored, hunger reduced, jobs created, and the economy stabilised. Endorsements do not govern a nation, performance does,” the statement said.

The group announced its complete dissociation from the alleged summit, rejected any endorsement issued in its name, and condemned what it described as the monetisation of democratic institutions.

“Our voices cannot be rented. Nigeria’s democracy will not be auctioned to the highest bidder,” they said.

The signatories include Hon Sergius Oguns, Hon Herman Hembe, Hon Sam Okwu, Hon Zakari Mohammed, Hon Tom Zakari, Hon Mohammed Soba, Hon Chika Adamu, Hon Sadiq Ibrahim and Hon Tajudeen Ajagbe.

Others include Hon Supo Abiodun, Hon Danlad Donald Olayonu, Hon Abubakar Amuda Kannike, Hon Rufus Omiri, Hon Mayor Eze, Hon Kamil Akinlabi, Hon Shaaba Ibrahim, and Hon Nkwo Nkole.

The banner was already hanging when Abdulkarim Lawan walked into the hall in Maiduguri. It stretched wide behind the podium at the North-East Zonal Public Hearing of the All Progressives Congress (APC), filled with familiar faces: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, governors from the zone, and senior party officials.

But one face was missing. Lawan, Speaker of the Borno State House of Assembly and the longest-serving speaker in Nigeria’s history, noticed it instantly. The Vice President of the Federal Republic, Kashim Shettima; a son of Borno, former governor, and the most senior APC figure from the North-East, was nowhere on the banner.

When Lawan stood up to speak, it was not on the constitutional amendment agenda. His voice carried irritation and disbelief.

“Why would the Vice President’s picture not be included in the banner?” he asked. The hall answered with loud applause. What could have been dismissed as a design oversight now felt like a deliberate act, and a provocation.

Why This Absence Hit Harder

This was not the first time Shettima’s image had disappeared at a party event in the region. A similar exclusion at a gathering in Gombe State last year had sparked a fracas that disrupted proceedings entirely. But Maiduguri was different. It was home. And it came at a moment when Nigeria’s political class has begun quietly positioning for 2027.

Within the APC, a troubling speculation has gained ground: that President Tinubu may consider replacing Vice President Shettima on the party’s next presidential ticket, largely because of renewed debates around the Muslim–Muslim ticket and external pressure linked to religious balancing.

The omission of Shettima’s image gave physical form to what had until then existed mostly as whispers.

Inside the Party: Fear of a Costly Gamble

Abayomi Nurain Mumuni, an APC chieftain and security expert who served on the intelligence and security team of the Tinubu/Shettima Presidential Campaign Council in 2023, warned that replacing Shettima on religious grounds would be a dangerous political gamble.

According to Mumuni, the northern region currently lacks a Christian candidate with the political structure, grassroots acceptance and national reach needed to compensate for Shettima’s electoral value.

He argued that loyalty and consistency, qualities he said Shettima has demonstrated, are stabilising forces in governance.

Mumuni stressed that while calls for religious inclusivity are legitimate, altering a winning ticket could undermine internal cohesion, disrupt governance, and weaken the APC’s chances in 2027.

The North-East Pushes Back

For many in the North-East, the idea of dropping Shettima is viewed not as strategy but as betrayal. That sentiment was echoed by the APC Youth Parliament.

Speaking to journalists in Bauchi, its chairman, Kabiru Garba Kobi, dismissed rumours of Shettima’s replacement as divisive and dangerous, warning that such a move could cost President Tinubu massive support in the region.

Kobi insisted that Shettima remains the most unifying political figure in the North-East and a vital bridge between the region and the presidency. He cautioned against listening to voices he described as political opportunists who neither contributed to the APC’s victory in 2023 nor demonstrated loyalty to the party.

Foreign Pressure and Local Sensitivities

Behind the scenes, State House Aso Villa insiders acknowledge growing concern about foreign scrutiny, particularly from the United States, over Nigeria’s religious balance. Statements by U.S. President Donald Trump about Christian persecution in Nigeria have intensified debates within the ruling party.

Some party figures argue that Nigeria’s security leadership already reflects religious diversity, citing appointments across the armed forces, intelligence services and defence establishment. Others reject any suggestion that Nigeria’s electoral decisions should be influenced by foreign expectations.

The tension has further complicated internal discussions, blurring the line between domestic political calculation and external pressure.

North-Central Steps Back, Publicly

Amid speculation that the North-Central zone is pushing for a Christian vice-presidential candidate, the North-Central APC Forum issued a strong denial. The forum said it had no interest in the vice-presidential slot and was focused instead on contesting the presidency in 2031. The group warned that removing Shettima would be a grave political miscalculation that could shrink Tinubu’s vote base and hand the opposition a strategic advantage in 2027.

Public Reactions

“(It) is a potentially disruptive speculation, a kite being flown in political conversations, which could affect the fortunes of the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the relationship between President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the Vice President, Senator Kashim Shettima, as Nigerians begin the dress rehearsal towards the 2027 general election,” said Reuben Abati, journalist and former presidential spokesperson.

“Any attempt to replace Senator Kashim Shettima would amount to a grave political miscalculation that could cost President Tinubu massive support in the north, especially the north-east,” said Kabiru Garba Kobi, President, APC Youth Parliament.

“Bola Tinubu is probably done with Shettima. He knows a Muslim-Muslim Ticket will not fly in 2027. He will need a Christian most likely from North Central to try to please that Region but, everything will fail in the end,” said Prof. Olusore Afuye, a political advocate.

“It has already been decided: Shettima will not be on the ticket for the 2027 presidential election. This isn’t really about the Muslim–Muslim ticket; it’s more about internal issues that occurred about a year ago,” said Engr. Arinze Cajet, political commentator.

The Silence at the Centre

Vice President Kashim Shettima has not responded publicly, not to the banner, not to the rumours, not to the speculation swirling around his political future.

But in Nigerian politics, silence is rarely empty. Sometimes it is a restraint. Sometimes it is a calculation. And sometimes, it is the calm before a reckoning.

What began as a missing photograph in Maiduguri has grown into a test of loyalty, power and political memory. As 2027 draws closer, the APC must decide whether altering a familiar equation will save it, or undo it.

Killings, abductions soar after U.S. airstrikes as terrorists kill 183, abduct 366 in 27 days

WHEN American warplanes struck suspected terrorist enclaves in Sokoto State on Christmas Day, December 25, 2025, the Federal Government welcomed the intervention, which it said has its imprimatur as a boost to its war against terror.

But less than four weeks after the foreign bombs landed, Nigeria has descended into a more complex nightmare.

From Kaduna to Zamfara, Niger to Sokoto, Borno to Plateau, etc, armed groups have unleashed a wave of killings and mass abductions that have arguably exposed a frightening reality: The strike did not end terror, it rearranged it.

Today, the world’s largest black nation is confronting not just Boko Haram, bandits or emerging groups like Lakurawa but also a dangerous fusion of terrorism and organised crime, spreading faster than her capacity to contain it.

Tellingly, the U.S strikes appear to have become a catalyst for domestic chaos.

The strike that shook Northern Nigeria
On December 25, U.S. forces launched rare airstrikes on alleged Islamic State-linked targets in Sokoto state, North-Western Nigeria.

Washington described the operation as a decisive blow against jihadist networks operating beyond the traditional Boko Haram theatre.

From the beginning, the operation raised troubling questions. Who exactly were the targets? How many terrorists or bandits were killed? Were civilians affected? Did the strike degrade terrorist capacity or provoke retaliation?
Official answers were scarce but events on the ground began to speak louder than statements.

Within 24 hours of the strike, armed attacks intensified across multiple states on a daily basis as if the terrorists are daring the U.S to launch more airstrikes.

From airstrikes to anarchy

The North-West, already Nigeria’s most volatile region, became the epicentre of renewed bloodshed. States in North-Central and North-East zones were not spared as well.

Between December 26, 2025 and January 21, 2026, villages were raided in Kaduna, Katsina, Zamfara, Sokoto and Niger states.

Dozens were killed in coordinated attacks on rural communities, and hundreds were abducted in mass kidnapping operations.

Kaduna emerged as ground zero

In one of the most shocking incidents, armed gangs stormed three churches during worship on January 18 and abducted 177 worshippers in a single operation. And on January 21, five soldiers were killed and scores were injured when a Boko Haram suicide bomber rammed into a military convoy in Timbuktu Triangle in Borno State.

Security analysts believe bandits exploited the post-strike confusion to expand operations, seize territory and increase ransom revenue.

“The strike disrupted some jihadist cells, but it also created a power vacuum,” a security source told Saturday Vanguard.


“Bandits moved quickly to fill that space.”

Boko Haram, ISWAP refuse to retreat in N-East
Contrary to expectations, jihadist groups in the North-East did not retreat after the U.S. intervention. Instead attacks on military positions continued, rural communities remained under threat, and insurgents maintained mobility across Borno and neighbouring states. As it panned out, foreign bombs did not dismantle local insurgency. Rather, Boko Haram and its splinter factions adapted as they have done for over a decade.

Rise of Lakurawa in Sokoto

Perhaps, the most disturbing development since December 25 is the expansion of Lakurawa, an emerging armed group operating along Nigeria’s north-western border.

Unlike traditional bandits driven purely by profit, Lakurawa combines ideology with criminality.

It imposes taxes on communities, recruits local youths, launches coordinated raids, and establishes territorial influence. Security officials fear that Lakurawa represents a bridge between Sahelian jihadist networks and Nigeria’s bandit economy. If unchecked, it could transform the North-West into a new insurgency theatre similar to the North-East.

The shocking numbers

Although official statistics remain fragmented, data compiled from security reports, humanitarian organisations and media reports reveal a grim picture: Between December 25, 2025 and January 21, 2026, no fewer than 183 people have been killed and 366 people were abducted.

The worst-hit states are Kaduna, Niger, Zamfara, Katsina, Sokoto, Borno and Plateau. These figures are conservative because

many rural attacks go unreported or under-reported. Some accounts are denied or suppressed by the authorities like the latest Kaduna abductions.

In some communities, survivors bury their dead in silence.

Before U.S. airstrikes

Before foreign bombs landed Nigeria has been a killing field for over two decades with the situation assuming a dangerous dimension since 2014.

According to the National Bureau of Statistics, NBS, 614,937 people were killed between May 2023 and April 2024 and 2,236,954 people were kidnapped within the period Nigeria.

Although, kidnapping incidents reportedly decreased by 16.3 per cent in 2024, the terrorists upped their deadly game in 2025 as no fewer than an estimated 6,800 deaths were recorded in the first half of 2025
Specifically, April 2025 witnessed 570 deaths and 278 abductions, and in August 2025, there were 545 violent incidents, 732 deaths and 435 abductions.

Timeline of violence after U.S. strikes

A day after the U.S. airstrikes, armed militia on December 26, attacked Bokkos/ Barking Ladies in Plateau State and killed 16 persons.

On the same day, bandits attacked rural communities in Nigeria State, murdered persons and kidnapped 12.

On December 27, bandits attacked communities in Anka LGA, killed five persons and abducted 20.

December 28: Three persons were killed and 15 kidnapped by bandits I Giwa LGA, Kaduna State

December 29: Boko Haram/ISWAP terrorists killed four persons in Gwoza, Borno State.

December 30: Bandits killed two person and abducted 10 at Faskari LGA, Katsina.

December 31: Lakurawa terrorists killed six persons at Tangaza LGA, Sokoto State

January 1: Bandits attacked a market village in Niger State, killed 30 persons and kidnapped 15

January 2: One died and eight were kidnapped by bandits at Chukun LGA, Kaduna State.
January 3: Bandits killed seven persons at Maru LGA, Zamfara State.

January 4: Bandits raided a village in Niger State, killed 30 and kidnapped many people estimated at 40
January 5: Boko Haram killed three persons in Maiduguri, Borno State.

January 6: Bandits attacked rural communities in Kaduna killed two persons and kidnapped 24.
January 7: Bandits killed four persons and abducted nine at Kankara LGA, Katsina State.

January 8: Six persons lost their lives to Bandits’ onslaught at Tsafe LGA, Zamfara State
January 9: Lakurawa attacks left 10 persons dead at Gwadabawa LGA, Sokoto State.

January 10: Five persons were killed and 18 kidnapped by bandits at Shiroro LGA, Niger State.

January 11: Bandits killed three persons and abducted 12 at Birnin Gwari, Kaduna State.
January 12: ISWAP attack left six dead at Marte LGA, Borno State.

January 13: Bandits ginned down two and abducted seven at Danmusa LGA, Katsina State.

January 14: Armed militia killed killed nine persons at Mangu LGA, Plateau State.

January 15: Bandits killed two and abducted six at Kagarko LGA, Kaduna State

January 17&18: Bandits attacked three churches in Kajuru LGA, Kaduna State and abducted 177 worshippers. In a follow-up raid three persons died and 10 were kidnapped.

January 19: Bandits attacked a community in Rafi LGA, Niger State killed four and kidnapped nine

January 21: Five soldiers were killed and scores were injured when a Boko Haram suicide bomber rammed into a military convoy in Timbuktu Triangle in Borno State.

War without frontlines

Currently, Nigeria’s security crisis has mutated into something more complex than the Boko Haram insurgency of the 2010s. The conflict has morphed into three overlapping layers:

•Terrorists

Boko Haram, ISWAP and jihadist networks pursuing ideological goals.


•Bandits

Criminal gangs driven by ransom, arms trafficking and territorial control.

•Hybrid Groups

Emerging actors like Lakurawa, blending ideology with organised crime. The result is a multi-front war without clear battle lines. Bombing one group often strengthens another.

A senior military officer admitted in confidence: “We are fighting shadows. When you hit one camp, three new groups emerge elsewhere.”


Kidnapping as an Industry

Perhaps, the most dangerous trend since December 25 is the industrialisation of kidnapping. Bandits now operate like corporations: Intelligence units identify targets; Strike teams execute abductions.

Negotiators handle ransom talks; Logistics networks transport victims across forests; and Ransom payments fund weapons, recruit fighters and sustain criminal economies.

The end result: Nigeria has become one of the world’s leading kidnapping hotspots leading observers to wonder if the U.S. strike was not a mistake

Opinions among experts are divided.
While some argue that the strike was necessary to curb transnational jihadist expansion, others warn that it exposed Nigeria to the risks of becoming a new battlefield in global counterterrorism wars.

Clearly, the strike may have weakened specific militant cells but it also accelerated the fragmentation of armed groups, making Nigeria’s conflict more diffuse and harder to defeat.

Dangerous crossroads

Beyond the bombs and bullets lies a deeper crisis. Nigeria’s insecurity is fuelled by weak state presence in rural areas, unemployment and poverty, ethnic/religious tensions, land disputes, porous borders, arms proliferation, corruption and governance deficits.

Until these structural drivers are addressed, military victories may remain temporary and pyrrhic, and the country risks sliding into a prolonged era of decentralised violence, where bandits, terrorists and militias compete for territory, influence and blood.

The Minority Caucus of the House of Representatives has confirmed that some of Nigeria’s recently gazetted tax laws were illegally altered after being passed by the National Assembly and assented to by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

This was disclosed in an interim report of the Minority Caucus Ad-hoc Committee on Tax Laws, set up to investigate allegations of discrepancies between the tax reform Acts passed by the legislature and the versions published in the official gazette.

The controversy followed public outrage after a member of the House, Hon. Abdulsamad Dasuki (PDP, Sokoto) raised the alarm on the floor of the chamber over the alleged discrepancies between the gazetted tax laws in circulation and the version passed by the National Assembly.

In a statement dated December 28, 2025, the Minority Caucus had vowed to “unconditionally protect the independence of the legislature and our democracy,” warning that any attempt to foist fake laws on Nigerians amounted to an attack on the constitutional role of parliament.

Consequently, on January 2, 2026, the caucus, under the leadership of the Minority Leader, Rt. Hon. Kingsley Chinda, constituted a seven-member fact-finding committee chaired by Hon. Afam Victor Ogene. Other members are Hon. Aliyu Garu (Bauchi), Hon. Stanley Adedeji (Oyo), Hon. Ibe Osonwa (Abia), Hon. Marie Ebikake (Bayelsa), Hon. MB Shehu Fagge (Kano) and Hon. Gaza Gbefwi Jonathan (Nasarawa).

The committee noted that on January 3, 2026, the House, through its spokesman, Rep. Akintunde Rotimi, announced that Speaker Abbas Tajudeen directed the public release of the four tax reform Acts duly signed into law by the President, alongside an internal verification process to “eliminate doubts, restore clarity, and protect the sanctity of the legislature.”

The Acts released were the Nigeria Tax Act, 2025; Nigeria Tax Administration Act, 2025; National Revenue Service (Establishment) Act, 2025; and the Joint Revenue Board (Establishment) Act, 2025.

According to the committee’s preliminary findings, a comparison of the Certified True Copies released by the House with the earlier gazetted versions confirmed that alterations had indeed been made, particularly to the Nigeria Tax Administration Act, 2025.

The report revealed that at least three different versions of the Nigeria Tax Administration Act were in circulation, while the directive to “align” the Acts with the Federal Government Printing Press pointed to “procedural anomalies” that illegally encroached on the legislative powers of the National Assembly.

Among the contentious alterations identified was Section 29 (1 ) of the Nigeria Tax Administration Act, where reporting thresholds were lowered in the gazetted version from N50 million to N25 million for individuals and from N250 million to N100 million for companies, contrary to what was passed by the legislature.

The committee also flagged the introduction of new subsections 41( 8 ) and 41(9) in the gazetted Act, mandating taxpayers to deposit 20 per cent of disputed tax amounts before appealing decisions of the Tax Appeal Tribunal—provisions which, it said, were absent from the authentic version passed by the National Assembly.

Other discrepancies include expanded enforcement powers under Section 64, granting tax authorities powers of arrest and asset sale without court orders; alterations to the definition of federal taxes under Section 3(1)(b), which removed petroleum income tax and VAT; and changes to Section 39(3), mandating tax computations for petroleum operations in US dollars instead of the currency of transaction.

In the National Revenue Service (Establishment) Act, the committee observed that oversight provisions empowering the National Assembly to summon officials and demand quarterly and annual reports were deleted in the gazetted version, a move it described as a violation of the doctrine of checks and balances.

Given the “anomalies, illegalities and impunity” uncovered, the committee said the evidence so far warranted a deeper investigation to ensure accountability for what it described as an affront against the legislature and Nigeria’s democracy.

The panel has therefore requested an extension of time to conduct a more comprehensive probe into the matter.

Six residents of Baidi village in Tangaza Local Government Area, Sokoto State were killed on Wednesday night when armed bandits believed to belong to the Lakurawa network attacked the community.

Eyewitnesses said the assailants stormed the village around nightfall, shooting indiscriminately and forcing residents to flee.

Communities in Tangaza, Binji, Gudu, and Illela LGAs — as well as border communities in Kebbi State — have suffered repeated assaults from cross-border Lakurawa terrorists for years.

A resident linked the renewed violence in Baidi and Sanyinna to the communities’ refusal to comply with directives allegedly issued by the bandits.

He said, “This is not the first time they have attacked our village, killed people and fled,” recalling that the Village Head of Sanyinna was previously killed in a similar attack.

Residents are calling for urgent reinforcement of security personnel to tackle the persistent threat.

Funeral prayers for the victims were held on Thursday, and the bodies have since been buried.


Also in Kogi State, two members of the same family were reportedly abducted in Ihale-Bunu, Kabba/Bunu LGA.

The victims were 100-year-old Chief Samuel Fagbemi and 50-year-old Chief Zacheus Sunday Fagbemi, a member of the local vigilante service.

The abduction occurred on Wednesday around 4:00 p.m., when armed bandits arrived in large numbers on more than 20 motorcycles.

Witnesses said the bandits were heavily armed and moved swiftly, overwhelming residents.

Multiple sources within the community confirmed the two men were taken to an unknown location.

Police had not confirmed the incident as of filing, and efforts to reach ASP Saliu Oyiza, the public relations officer, were unsuccessful.

Residents lamented the absence of security personnel and called for urgent deployment to secure the victims’ release.

This attack came just two days after the state government launched two 2hp 20 security surveillance drones.

Meanwhile, troops of Operation FANSAN YAMMA, the Joint Task Force North West, intensified coordinated offensives against terrorist groups, recording operational gains between Wednesday and Thursday, 21–22 January.

Military officials said troops from 8 Division’s Garrison Strike Force, working with the Department of State Services, engaged terrorists during a patrol in Gundumi Village, Isa LGA.

“One fighter was neutralised while others fled with injuries. Six AK-47 rifles and three motorcycles were recovered,” officials said.

In a follow-up mission, troops from 1 Brigade, supported by the JTF Mobile Strike Team, acted on intelligence that injured terrorists were being sheltered in Bingi Forest.

The team destroyed what authorities described as a makeshift medical facility used to treat wounded fighters, further degrading the network’s support chain.

A statement by the Media Information Officer for OPFY, Capt. David Adewusi, said the back-to-back operations are part of sustained efforts to “decisively degrade terrorist networks and restore peace and security across the North West.”

Troops also rescued 62 hostages and neutralised two suspected terrorists across Kebbi and Zamfara states.

According to the Army, Sector 2 of the Joint Task Force ambushed Lakurawa fighters at Kerani Village, near the Augie (Kebbi)–Binji (Sokoto) border corridor.

“Two members of the group were killed during the encounter, while two motorcycles used for long-range movement were seized,” the Army said.

In Zamfara, troops stormed Munhaye Forest, a hideout of bandit kingpin Kachalla Alti, freeing 62 captives. The rescued victims were in “safe custody,” with arrangements underway to reunite them with their families.

Similarly, the Sokoto State Police Command also reported breakthroughs against criminal networks, announcing fresh arrests linked to financial fraud, kidnapping, and extortion in three LGAs.

Commissioner of Police Ahmed Musa said at a press briefing on Thursday:

“You will recall our earlier briefings of November 29 and December 19, 2025. The Command has not relented since then. This latest success demonstrates our unwavering resolve to dismantle the group’s capabilities and disrupt their operational base.”


Operatives of the Anti-Kidnapping Unit stormed a hideout at Rugar Woro, Wamakko LGA, on 18 January following “credible and actionable intelligence.” Two key suspects — Abdulrazak Salihu (aka Monosa) and Habibu Sahabi (aka Habibi) — were arrested, with items recovered including counterfeit currencies in naira, dollars, and CFA; a POS machine; perfume bottles and fetish materials; horns, a cutlass, charms, and a red scarf. Three additional suspects remain at large.

“These items point to the gang’s involvement in advanced financial fraud and psychological intimidation,” Musa noted. “We are confident that these arrests have crippled a major wing of their logistics network.”

The Anti-Kidnapping Unit also apprehended suspects linked to kidnapping, levy collection, and extortion in Silame and Yabo LGAs. Musa added:

“Our intelligence network is robust, and our operatives are on high alert. To those still at large, I advise you to surrender or face the full consequences of the law. If you see something, say something, and the police will definitely do something.”

Sokoto, like much of the North West, continues to grapple with banditry, extortion, and kidnap-for-ransom activities, particularly in rural areas. Security operations have intensified since late 2025, reflecting a tactical shift toward targeted, intelligence-led raids rather than broad patrol sweeps.

Nigeria’s unemployment rate compared with selected African countries (2024)

1. South Africa 🇿🇦: 32.28%
2. Botswana 🇧🇼: 24.43%
3. Lesotho 🇱🇸: 18.70%
4. Malawi 🇲🇼: 15.41%
5. Zimbabwe 🇿🇼: 12.13%
6. Rwanda 🇷🇼: 11.33%
7. Egypt 🇪🇬: 5.95%
8. Senegal 🇸🇳: 5.7%
9. Mauritius 🇲🇺: 5.21%
10. Nigeria 🇳🇬: 3.45%
11. Burkina Faso 🇧🇫: 3.44%
12. Seychelles 🇸🇨: 2.59%
13. Tanzania 🇹🇿: 2.43%

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