₦airaland Forum

mauchiz:
Maybe they have found out who killed there daughter, it was by spiritual means.
Nigeria is now a dangerous zone, people kill people spiritually in Nigeria everyday.
They exchange people glory and star, exchange people destiny.
Some people might be envious she is working in the minister quarters.
Let's stop shouting, allow the family make there research.
Is possible is family members, they will cry more than the bereaved,and they are the ones that killed the person.
Fear Nigerians, they are very wicked, both young and old.
Be warned and be careful as a Nigerian, not everyone that smiles with you love you, some are envious of you and will want to destroy you.
Be careful

I'm sorry but I don't believe this nonsense. No insult to you

Now while we might not know the reason behind the family's decision, It's hard to ignore the fact that it might be influenced by pressure brought to bear on them by some people in high places. A substantial financial payoff or some other incentives in kind for the family can't be entirely ruled out. However, we should respect their wishes and may the soul of the young lady rest in peace

Dreal1247:
God will deliver us in Nigeria. Almost everything that works well in other countries starts malfunctioning once it gets to our country. Others are celebrating years of no power failure, we have the slang, "up NEPA '. Others have constant and steady network, we have network failure. Others are using their natural resources to develop their countries. Our own are being siphoned for political gains and keeping the masses poor while the government borrow to fund the budget. The fund wasted by the NNPC is more than the money needed to fund our budget. Oshomole has made it clear that that some foreign nationals who sponsor insecurity also mastermind the extraction of gold and some other minerals in the Northern Nigeria which is not captured in the Nigerian revenue. I hope everything will begin to cooperate for the good of all.

There is no God coming to save us bro. What we need done we have do ourselves

And how about the kids abducted from Askira Uba LG in Borno stae? Nobody talking abut them?

Did they say his name is Peter Obi?

Amotolongbo:
You went to stay with the husband to your younger sister for 4months? 😳

You totally lost the respect from the bro in-law doing that

I wouldn't want to have put mouth for this matter but for this your comment. Anytime I visit the city my sister lives in, I totally avoid staying with her cos I no wan any rubbish from in laws. Na to book hotel sleep in peace.

1nice:
This is a necessary post because some enemies of Nigeria are planning to stop peter obi from becoming the president of Nigeria in 2027.

How long will the Igbos continue to wait to become the president of Nigeria?

This post is necessary please to remind those insisting to sabotage southeast Igbos from getting 2027 Nigeria presidency.

Where is the justice, fairness and equity if an Igbo can not be the president of Nigeria in 2027?

And you think threatening people is the best way to go about it? People will come out and vote their choice regardless of your empty threats and if Igbo man wins, so be it but if he loses, the world will not come to an end.

Rapmoney:
If you were a teenager in the 90s or early 2000s, you will relate with some of these fashion trends that rocked that era. Most of them were actually fuelled by Black American hip-hop culture, promoted by music veterans such as Bone Thugs n Harmony, Ja Rule, 50 Cent & the G-Unit, Fat Joe, DMX, Tupac, The Notorious B.I.G., Eve, Da Brat, Queen Latifah, Nelly, The Fugees, Mase, Fabulous, Lil Bow Wow, Snoop Dogg, and many others.

1. Baggy Fubu Jeans: Omo, if you did not wear baggy Fubu jeans back then, you nor follow for the matter. Channel O and MTV Base were always there to show us the vogue.

2. Timberland Boots: I remember how I used to imagine myself on Timberland boots each time I watched Fat Joe, Nelly or Fabulous on MTV Base. I later got a blue one that cost me a little fortune, but I rock am till my 200L days in the university. Some boys even went as far as wearing different colours on their feet, to show you that they could afford two pairs of it. Naija boys ehn.

3. Lumberjack Shirt: Lumberjack shirts were very popular from 1992 to 1997, when Bone Thugs, Snoop Dogg, and Warren G were the main thing.

4. Numbers Wears: They were usually large, with a particular number written at the back. This wear was originally modelled from sport tops worn by American football players. The hip-hop version is larger and gives this vibe of 'I don't give a damn about you'.

5. Bandana: Omoh, boys tie bandana for head that year sha. If you nor tie bandana for head for birthday party, nai be say you be legbere.

6. Durag: 50 Cent, Nelly, Ja Rule, and some others made this fashion accessory very popular back then. Some people preferred wearing a baseball cap on top the durag.

7. Air Force One Sneakers: This is one footwear that trended so much way back. Every young boy in the hood wanted an Air Force One sneakers. The sneakers is a product of popular fashion brand, Nike.

Which ones can you relate with?

Ya we remember all that except for the sagging cos sagging is fagging

zeuss:
The article reads like Rubbish wrapped in evil falsehood.
Niger, Kogi and kwara are 50% gone to fulani terrorist on a murder spree, while all expressways in Nigeria are currently kidnap territory of Fulani terrorist but it is the SE that is volatile . We are told by the military that these killers are prodigal sons deserving of forgiveness and soft treatment even as they keep spreading their evil atrocious tendencies.

And where do you get your data from?

Inside the Nigerian Military’s Quiet Gains Against a Fragmented War

From Sambisa to Zamfara, the Niger Delta creeks to the volatile South-East, Nigeria’s military has delivered real, hard-fought gains against diverse threats. However, weak governance continues to erode these gains. The state cannot hold ground it never governed properly. The result is a cycle where progress is made, then steadily undone.


In Nigeria’s North East, the Boko Haram insurgent group once carved out territory and declared a caliphate. In the North West, terrorist groups operate as fluid, profit-driven networks, embedding themselves in local economies. In the Middle Belt, communal violence reflects deeper contests over land, identity, and survival. In the South East, separatist agitation by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) has fused with armed enforcement and criminal opportunism. Along the southern waterways, oil theft and piracy threaten economic lifelines.

Across all these theatres, one institution has remained consistently engaged: the Nigerian military, often as the default responder in the absence of effective civilian governance. Public perception often frames this engagement as a failure as attacks continue and civilians remain vulnerable. A closer, evidence-based reading tells a more complex story, however, though available data remains incomplete and, at times, contested.

The Nigerian military appears to have adapted under pressure and recalibrated aspects of its doctrine, and, in key moments, helped reverse trajectories that once pointed toward state collapse. It has delivered tangible gains, some strategic, others tactical, many costly. Still, those gains sit on unstable ground because governance gaps, political interference, corruption, and weak institutional follow-through have repeatedly blunted them. Communities liberated from one threat find themselves exposed to another.

The North East war: reversing a collapse

y early 2015, Nigeria was on the brink of losing control in the North East. Boko Haram had evolved from an insurgent group into a territorial force controlling large swathes of Borno State and parts of Yobe and Adamawa. It administered territory, collected taxes, and imposed its authority over local populations. Gwoza was declared the headquarters of a so-called caliphate. Entire communities were displaced, and military formations overrun.

The turning point came with a shift in military posture, in which command structures were reconfigured, and the operational headquarters was relocated to Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, bringing leadership closer to the frontline. Coordination with regional forces under the Multinational Joint Task Force (MJTF) also intensified as air and ground operations were synchronised.

The results were immediate and significant, though the durability of these gains has varied across locations. Key towns like Monguno, Bama, Dikwa, and even Gwoza, the symbolic heart of Boko Haram’s territorial claim, fell back under government control in rapid succession. Data from ACLED shows that between 2015 and 2025, the military recovered at least 259 territories.

With this territorial success, supply routes were disrupted, and fighters were killed in large numbers. Civilians began to return to these areas, in some cases under fragile security conditions.

It marked the collapse of Boko Haram’s experiment with territorial governance, and the battle for Sambisa Forest reinforced this shift.

For years, Sambisa had functioned as a strategic sanctuary where fighters trained, hostages were held, and leadership structures operated with relative security. It also carried psychological weight. As long as Sambisa remained intact, Boko Haram retained a sense of permanence.

The military’s assault on the forest required sustained effort involving navigating difficult terrain, dealing with improvised explosive devices, and confronting entrenched fighters. Airstrikes softened targets while ground troops advanced in phases, enabling special forces units to penetrate deeper into the forest.

The symbolic impact was significant, though not decisive in ending insurgent capacity. Boko Haram could no longer claim a fixed territorial base for as long as was once the case. Its command structure was disrupted, and its image of invincibility weakened.

And so Boko Haram fragmented into factions. The Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) emerged as a more structured and strategic actor while the Shekau-led faction became more erratic, marked by extreme violence and unpredictability.

The military adjusted again.

Operations shifted from territory holding to mobility and disruption. Intelligence-led raids targeted leadership and logistics. Airpower became central to deep strikes in difficult terrain. Operation Lafiya Dole, the codename for the counter-insurgency operation, transitioned into Operation Hadin Kai, reflecting a recalibrated effort.

Today, the insurgency remains active, particularly in remote areas and along the Lake Chad basin. But the scale and nature of the threat have changed.

The North West: fighting a war without frontlines

The North West posed a different challenge. Armed groups here are diffuse. It lacks a central command and is driven by economic incentives rather than ideology, so groups form, splinter, and realign quickly. Local grievances and criminal enterprise also intersect here.

Estimates suggest tens of thousands of terrorists operate across this region, covering multiple states including Zamfara, Katsina, Kebbi, Sokoto, and Kaduna. This fragmentation complicates the military response, as frontlines, headquarters, and leadership structures (the usual strategic targets) are not clear. The military has responded by leaning heavily on airpower and targeted ground operations. This has not gone without major problems, such as the repeated “accidental bombing” of civilian populations, which have drawn criticism from rights groups and affected communities.

Still, airstrikes have been used to hit camps deep within forested areas that are difficult for ground troops to access. Intelligence plays a critical role in identifying targets. Data shows that the sustained air campaign has yielded at least 909 strikes and 10,237 fatalities in 10 years. ACLED data shows that about 560 of these fatalities were civilians.
Ground forces usually conduct follow-up operations to recover weapons and temporarily secure areas.
Large numbers of kidnapped victims have been rescued during coordinated operations. Livestock, often a key economic asset for communities, has been retrieved. Such attacks have also killed some high-profile terrorist leaders, but they have also led to the loss of officers.
In some areas, these operations appear to have had a temporary stabilising effect, though violence frequently resurges. Communities report periods of reduced attacks, farming activities have resumed in limited corridors, and confidence in security presence has improved, though often temporarily.

Still, armed violence regenerates as the effects of weak governance in the North East are the same in the North West: new leaders emerge, and fighters disperse and regroup. Economic incentives remain strong.

The Middle Belt: stabilising a political conflict

Violence in the Middle Belt is often described as a farmer-herder conflict, but the region’s violence reflects a complex mix of land disputes, ethnic tensions, and environmental stress. Armed militias operate alongside opportunistic criminal actors, while cycles of reprisal deepen mistrust between communities.

There are too many dynamics in play here to reduce the crisis to a “military versus any specific group” conflict. Most of the time, softer kinetic actions, such as arrest and deterrence, are used.

In certain corridors, the presence of military forces has reduced the frequency of mass casualty events. But the limits are clear. Several parts of the region still depend on self-help vigilante groups, who are often outgunned during terror attacks.

There is also a growing distrust between communities and security operatives, who are sometimes accused of slow response and complicity. In April, residents of Gashish, a rural community in Barkin Ladi Local Government Area of Plateau State, staged a protest over continued attacks in the community despite military presence. A checkpoint manned by troops of Operation Enduring Peace was destroyed during the demonstration.

The military has denied such accusations, but independent verification remains limited.

However, in other areas, the visibility of armed forces has also had a deterrent effect on opportunistic attacks.

At its core, the conflict in the region is driven by political and environmental factors. It revolves around identity and access to land and water. While military deployments can suppress violence temporarily, they cannot resolve competing claims or rebuild trust between communities. Without political solutions, stability remains provisional.

The South East: managing a hybrid threat

The South East presents a hybrid security challenge. Separatist agitation, particularly linked to IPOB, has evolved into a mix of political mobilisation and armed enforcement. The group has enforced sit-at-home orders through violence and intimidation while the Eastern Security Network (ESN) operates in forested areas.

The military’s response has been presented as targeted and intelligence-driven. Operations focus on dismantling camps, intercepting arms, and arresting key figures. Urban centres are secured to prevent escalation into wider insurgency.

Yet the approach carries risks.

Heavy-handed operations have generated grievances. Allegations of abuses have eroded trust in some communities. This complicates intelligence gathering, which is critical in a conflict where fighters blend into civilian populations.

The Niger Delta and maritime domain: securing economic lifelines

In the South South and along Nigeria’s maritime corridors, the military, particularly the navy, has delivered some of its most visible successes. A decade ago, the Gulf of Guinea was a global hotspot for piracy. Sustained operations, including improved surveillance, increased naval patrols, and collaboration with international partners, have changed that landscape. These have led to the destruction of illegal refining sites and to arrests that disrupt networks involved in oil theft.

These gains have helped to protect revenue streams, stabilise energy production, and reinforce Nigeria’s position in regional maritime security, although illegal activities have not been fully eradicated.

“The Nigerian military is overstretched”

According to World Bank data collected from development indicators in 2020, Nigeria has roughly 223,000 active personnel across the army, navy, and air force. The army, which carries out most internal operations, has about 140,000 to 150,000 troops.

In the battlespace, there are simultaneous operations in at least six theatres. That constitutes multi-domain internal security warfare. Nigeria has about 0.1 per cent of its population under arms. When compared to countries facing sustained internal conflict, which often exceed 0.3 to 0.5 per cent, the country is operating below the threshold needed to dominate territory.

On the geography front, Nigeria is over 923,000 square kilometres, with vast forests, porous borders, and ungoverned rural space. It is impossible to hold ground everywhere with the limited available personnel. So troops are cycled, which then leads to fatigue because units stay deployed for long periods with limited rest.

Retired Lt. Gen. Tukur Buratai, the country’s former Chief of Army Staff, recently said, “The military is overstretched, defence budgets are diverted to routine policing duties, and the Armed Forces’ preparedness for conventional threats is reduced.”

However, there are also welfare issues and equipment gaps, especially at the tactical level in remote theatres. The result is predictable: Tactical wins, like killing terror commanders or rescuing hostages are visible, but strategic stagnation remains because you cannot sustain presence everywhere.
The structural constraint: why gains do not hold

Despite these efforts, Nigeria’s security situation remains volatile.

In many areas, once the military has cleared armed actors, there is limited follow-through by civil authorities, as local administration is weak. So, communities do not experience the full return of the state, allowing armed groups to exploit this gap to re-enter or reorganise.

Economic conditions sustain conflict. Studies have shown that high levels of poverty and unemployment, particularly among young people, create a pool of potential recruits when armed groups offer income, however precarious.

Trust deficits also weaken intelligence because communities that distrust state actors are less likely to share information. This limits the effectiveness of intelligence-led operations and increases reliance on force.

Finally, strategy remains fragmented. Nigeria faces different types of violence that require tailored responses. Yet policy often treats them through a similar lens. Counterterrorism approaches are applied to terrorist attacks, while military solutions are prioritised in conflicts that require political negotiation.

The Nigerian military has played a significant role in preventing state collapse in multiple regions.

At the height of Boko Haram’s expansion, the possibility of sustained territorial loss was real. That threat has been largely reversed. In the North West, despite persistent violence, terrorist groups have not been allowed to consolidate into a territorial authority. In the South East, tensions have been contained below the threshold of full insurgency. In the maritime domain, economic lifelines have been secured.

However, good governance remains the only real pathway out of a cycle of violence.
Yet the reality remains harsh. Lives are still lost daily. Families continue to sell everything they own to pay ransoms. The military has contributed to pushing back elements of the threat with measurable, though uneven, success, but it has not eliminated them.

https://humanglemedia.com/inside-the-nigerian-militarys-quiet-gains-against-a-fragmented-war/

God1000:
Donald tr@mp is officially the biggest embarrassment in the history of USA, a seasoned propagandist, content creator and comedian



Arab leaders are finally waking up to reality, the fact america cannot protect them from Iranian missiles, and they stand to lose more economically if this war continues

He might be all of that but he has a lot of power. In fact, he has more power and resources than any other human on earth

chrisxxx:
An average Igbo man believes the sun, moon and stars are only found in Igboland. Other parts of the country make use of Igbo celestial bodies. Other people lack sense of reasoning.

This is a very unfair characterization of the Igbo people. Stop it

The Making of the Boko Haram Army



In 2007, Mohammed Yusuf, founder of the Boko Haram terror group, heightened preparations to wage war against the Nigerian state and began assembling what would later become an army. This army would go on to cause the death of over 350,000 people and displace over three million more. This report documents the strategy that made that army possible.


https://humanglemedia.com/the-making-of-the-boko-haram-army/

If you're really interested in learning more about the conflict, its origins and the present state of the terrorist group, please visit this website for more information:

https://humanglemedia.com/

iwaeda:
Just mentioned you want to contest against Tinubu, case file will open for you.

That's hardly the case here. The window for political parties to forward their list of registered members is fast closing, probably days away. This case will last months if not even years.

Of what use is a church at an airport?

ogolemati:
you will soon run out of ideas,take it easy .oya collect

Any lies or inconsistencies in what I said?

HIGHESTPOPORI:
Nigerians Govt can't protect christians,so we are calling on them for help,nothing like interferance.

Actually there is. They don't care about any black Christians, they're in it for what concessions they can get from Nigeria

DiamondSword799:
Nigeria is not for sale. And it will never be for sale. I am a devout Christian and a patriotic Nigerian. Yes, Nigeria has problems, but we would never sell our country. And we would resist any action that puts Nigeria at risk.

We want to call on Nigerian Christians and the Christian Association of Nigeria, to unite and say NO to American interference in our domestic affairs. I do not say this ignorantly; I say this with the knowledge that the US has its eyes on Nigeria. And they seek to exploit our religious differences for their own survival. We call on Nigerian Christians to unite and resist American attempt to exploit our religious differences for their own gain.

Nigerians must be aware that the Americans are currently fighting a petro-dollar war, which seeks to ensure continuous global demand for the US dollar, allowing them to print free $$ in trillions. They have captured Iraq and Venezuela. Iran is being fought, and Nigeria is on their list. This is a petro-dollar war in full swing.

Recent comments by US lawmakers about Christian genocide in Nigeria is unacceptable to us. Instead, the US lawmakers should focus on Black genocide, Red-Indian genocide, American Bison genocide and Grey wolf genocide - all in America. In America, blacks and native Americans face genocide. And this needs to be addressed by US lawmakers.

It is hypocritical for America to support genocide in Gaza, and now oppose genocide in Nigeria. We want to know how Gaza genocide is different from Nigerian genocide. We want to know whether Gazans are not humans? Only a hypocritical country like America would support one genocide in Gaza,, and oppose another genocide in Nigeria.

Nigerian Christians and the CAN must stand ready to oppose American attempt to use Religion to divide the country, for their external benefit.

We want to advise the Americans to leave Nigeria alone. The earlier they leave us alone the better. I want to assure them that Nigeria would put an END to their petro-dollar war.

The Americans are advised again to STEER CLEER of Nigeria. The harder they push petro-dollar war into Nigeria,, the more we damage the small gains they have made. A word is enough for the wise.

I agree with you 100% but we also need them to put pressure on the nigerian government to do the right thing which is securing the lives and property of all Nigerians regardless of religion or ethnicity.

Nwaikpe:
Nigerian Iranians: "America is not a Christian country."
POTUS: "Hand me the NKJV"

Donald Trump is the only American president to consciously refuse to place his hand on the Bible during his inauguration ceremony and that's because he thinks of himself on the same level as Jesus Christ. Christian country indeed

LagosOrigin:
Tinubu fear fear APC supporter at work.
There is nothing like KO, It's OK (Obi Kwankwaso) movement .

Peter Obi for president and kwankwaso for vice president .

And why not the other way around?

Jd1900:
Cambodia:
$19 billion

India:
$10B–$12B/year from US victims alone (call-center scams)
Add other countries (UK, Canada, Australia, EU, Middle East, etc.) → likely another few billion
Globally
$20B per year

But everyone is still talking about Nigeria!

The reason why Nigeria features so prominently amongst global scammers is that we have this culture of showing off. Imagine a scammer showing off his ill gotten wealth on social media

A wicked and evil genocidal state. Their comeuppance is around the corner

Some university and polytechnic graduates in our country are very elitist even though their social status doesn't necessarily match up to their claims

One thing our Japa generation of Nigerians fail to understand is that the Nigerian government actually wants you to leave. Do you know why? Because remittances from the diaspora account for over $40 billion every year thereby giving the government a very lucrative source of foreign exchange- That's the reason why they made the process so fast. They want you all out of the country by all means (most of you are jobless anyway) so you can work and send money back home to boost the economy.

There is but it's not sufficient for our large population and a lot it is impotent

And sister where do you think you're going?

grandstar:
Danjuma hated Aguiyi Ironsi.

He tore him to shreds one that that his widow had to say something.

Nevertheless, holding his tribe collectively responsible for the death of the Sardauna demonstrates how illogical human justice is.

All the northern soldiers hated Ironsi and Fajuyi and that's probably why they were killed

MadPolitician:
He worked with the people who killed Ironsi.
Murtala was the leader of the northern coup plotters. Obj latter joined him to plot a coup in 1976. Babangida, Yaradua senior, Buhari, Danjuma.., all of them participated in that Northern counter coup. Ironsi was murdered as a result and was later framed as having a hand in Nzeogwus coup. That was/is a fat lie. No other person knows that this is a lie more than Obasanjo. Yet, he will join Murtala to continue on his repressive policies against Ironsis people based on that wsrped notion. OBJ is suffering from guilty conscience. Simple

This statement is false. Obasaanjo and Danjuma had absolutely noithing to do with the planning and execution of the coup that brought Murtala to power. They were most likely presented with a fait accompli by Yaradua, Buhari, Babangida and co who were the coup kingpins

valentineuwakwe:
Stop saying what you don't know...have you ever studied politics of the nation or read history books before?
Go and read how Eritrea broke away from Ethiopia or how South Sudan, East timor gain independence from Sudan and Indonesia.

In a more detail analysis,go check what happen to the former yogoslavia which broke into several countries. The main issue with Biafra is the "then and Now".
Then they thought the south south was their allies but now it's clear.
Let them take the five state n campaign with it.


Then let Britain stops it dirty game plan with Nigeria. You say Biafra can be attain, let them find favour with any of the Big 5 and see what will happen

Through bloody civil wars

Pentecostal Christianity, what a fallacy