Schooled in unaab international secondary school(UNIS) that is like an average sized snake in dat jungle surounding the school I remeba when I found a cobra in my locker back then in JSS2 I shivered for 2 days straight

olamega:
Anybody Interested?
Ilorin To Abuja:
Route: Omu Aran- Ekiti- Kabba- Okene- Lokoja- Abuja
Distance: ~500km
ETT : ~7hrs
Car: BMW E46

car:2011 dodge challenger srt8 hemi

olamega:
Anybody Interested?
Ilorin To Abuja:
Route: Omu Aran- Ekiti- Kabba- Okene- Lokoja- Abuja
Distance: ~500km
ETT : ~7hrs
Car: BMW E46

car:2011 dodge challenger srt8 hemi

olamega:
Anybody Interested?
Ilorin To Abuja:
Route: Omu Aran- Ekiti- Kabba- Okene- Lokoja- Abuja
Distance: ~500km
ETT : ~7hrs
Car: BMW E46

car:2011 dodge challenger srt8 hemi

olamega:
Anybody Interested?
Ilorin To Abuja:
Route: Omu Aran- Ekiti- Kabba- Okene- Lokoja- Abuja
Distance: ~500km
ETT : ~7hrs
Car: BMW E46

car:2011 dodge challenger srt8 hemi

olamega:
Anybody Interested?
Ilorin To Abuja:
Route: Omu Aran- Ekiti- Kabba- Okene- Lokoja- Abuja
Distance: ~500km
ETT : ~7hrs
Car: BMW E46

car:2011 dodge challenger srt8 hemi

olamega:
Anybody Interested?
Ilorin To Abuja:
Route: Omu Aran- Ekiti- Kabba- Okene- Lokoja- Abuja
Distance: ~500km
ETT : ~7hrs
Car: BMW E46

car:2011 dodge challenger srt8 hemi

*cracks neck* *blows off dust 4rm the v8 powerplant of a mean machine*

If Buhari had taken a look at the past, he would have realised that in Nigerian politics, and in the Nigerian military, it is those to whom one entrusts his safety that need to be feared most.  In January 1966, Prime Minister Balewa was abducted and murdered by soldiers from the Federal Guard: a unit whose primary responsibility was to protect and guarantee the safety of Balewa.  Balewa’s successor as Head of State Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi was abducted, tortured and shot dead by soldiers in his own entourage only seven months after the death of Balewa.  Aguiyi-Ironsi’s successor General Gowon was overthrown in July 1975, again with the connivance of officers from the Federal Guard – which as in Balewa’s case in 1966, was supposed to protect him.  In a stunning act of betrayal, the commanding officer of the Federal Guards Colonel Joe Garba (who was also Gowon’s brother in law) was the officer who in a nationwide broadcast, announced Gowon’s overthrow.   As mentioned above, the officers that overthrew President Shagari were pre-positioned around Nigeria’s nerve centre in Lagos.  Had Buhari and Idiagbon paid greater attention to those in their midst, their regime may have survived and Nigeria may have been a different country today.  Another factor that may have hastened Buhari and Idiagbon’s fall from power may have been their failure to award plum jobs to the officers who risked their necks in the 1983/4 coup that brought them to power.  It was an understood but unwritten rule from the July 1975 coup onwards that soldiers that executed successful coup plots should be rewarded with the bounty of juicy Government postings.  Buhari did not adhere to this rule.   Although the coup plotters that brought him to power were active in his regime, they were not in the upper echelons.   Many of these officers were middle grade officers, and perhaps in an attempt to maintain military hierarchy, Buhari did not want to appoint them to senior Government positions over the heads of more senior officers (who albeit had not played a part in the coup).   
 
FOR BETTER OR WORSE?
 
Ironically, the same people who prematurely rejoiced at Buhari and Idiagbon’s downfall are the same people who today recall their tenure with nostalgia.  If Buhari and Idiagbon had been allowed to stay in office for as long as Babangida did, they would have changed Nigeria forever – for the better.  As usual, Nigerians have only themselves to blame for creating the circumstances that led to their downfall.
 
Journalists who thought that better times lay ahead post-Buhari need only recall the murder of Dele Giwa to see how wrong they were.  The prisoners who thought that life would be less harsh under Babangida and Abacha should recall the consistent harassment and death of Gani Fawehinmi and Moshood Abiola respectively.  People complained about the draconian Decree 2 of 1984 – the State security (Detention of Persons) Decree which permitted the Federal Military Government to detain any person considered by the Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters to be a security threat, for up to three months without charge or trial.  Civil liberties organisations fumed and breathed a sigh of relief when Babangida took over, expecting Babangida to repeal Decree 2.  Babangida not only retained it, but extended the detention period under Decree 2 to six months and used it to detain those civil liberties and pro-democracy movements that had welcomed his assent to power. 
 
Those that felt that Buhari and Idiagbon were too “harsh” for imprisoning corrupt public officials, executing convicted drug dealers and armed robbers, should ask themselves whether they are proud of the fact that the average European cannot point out Nigeria’s location on a map, does not know its capital city, but “knows” that Nigeria is a country where corrupt people, drug dealers and other criminals come from.   Those that criticised the WAI for attempting to militarise civilian society need to ask themselves whether they prefer the undisciplined, corruption infested society that is Nigeria today.
 
Nigeria missed a golden opportunity to change for the better.

 
[1] The governors were not members of the SMC.

The Babangida Factor
 
With the civilian population powerless to terminate military rule, it was clear that only the military could do away with Buhari.  From this perspective, the Chief of Army Staff, Major-General Ibrahim Babangida was his greatest threat.  Babangida was a contrast to Buhari.  While Buhari was stern, serious and resolute, Babangida was deft, tactical and extremely devious.  He had systematically cultivated a loyal following of sycophantic mid-ranking officers over the years by making grandiose gestures and buying lavish presents for officers junior to him.  These officers now owed allegiance to him rather than to their nation, institution, or to the Head of State Buhari.  Babangida had managed to create a mini-personality cult within the military.  It is amazing that Buhari, knowing Babangida’s ambition and propensity for coup plotting allowed him to sit with his finger on the trigger as the Chief of Army Staff for so long.
 
As the net of Buhari’s anti-corruption drive widened, the trail of investigations led back to the Ministry of Defence. There were allegations that senior army officers were involved in drug dealing and rumours of some suspicious financial dealings at the Defence Ministry.  Some accusatory fingers were pointed at Babangida.  Nigerians never did get to find out the extent or nature of the allegations as a coup led by Babangida swept Buhari away before matters could proceed further. Not long after Buhari was replaced by Babangida, a senior and well respected journalist (Dele Giwa) was killed by a parcel bomb while he was working on a story that accused senior army officers of involvement in drug dealing.  Giwa’s murderers have never been found, although attempts have been made to prosecute Babangida, and two military intelligence officers: Colonel Tunde Togun and Brigadier Halilu Akilu, for his murder.
 
THE END
 
Buhari and Idiagbon did not realise that Babangida loyalists had been pre-positioned in key positions, ready for when Babangida needed them.  Buhari later spoke of certain elements within his regime who deliberately sanctioned unpopular moves which were disliked by the public so that they could create an atmosphere of political dissatisfaction great enough to justify another coup.  In early 1985, a military intelligence officer: Colonel Chris Alli, entered the office of Major-General Idiagbon and voiced his concerns about rumours of a pending coup.  In characteristically taciturn manner, Idiagbon simply replied “let them try” (a thinly veiled invitation for any potential for any coup plotter to do his worst).  Erroneously believing that Idiagbon had the security situation under control, Alli said no more about the coup rumours.  On August 27th 1985 (while Idiagbon was out of the country on a religious visit to Saudi Arabia), Buhari was overthrown in a military coup led by the Chief of Army Staff: Major-General Ibrahim Babangida.  On the evening of August 26th Buhari was joined in his official residence by Majors Dangiwa Umar (a Harvard University educated officer born into an aristocratic northern family), Lawan Gwadabe, Abdulmumuni Aminu and Sambo Dasuki.  After the five men watched the evening news, the Majors arrested Buhari at gunpoint.  Proving the old adage that “what goes around comes around”, a decade later Gwadabe and Dasuki were caught up in an alleged coup plot against General Sani Abacha for which Gwadabe was tortured and imprisoned, and Dasuki driven into exile.

THE BEGINNING OF THE END
 
While Buhari’s austere policies could be justified on the basis that he was battling against corruption and economic waste, his public relations machinery was poor.  He made a number of strategic errors and failed to ingratiate himself with the mainly southern based print media.  His regime was savaged by the press as a result (many of Nigeria’s print houses were then owned by the multi-billionaire businessman/politician: the late Moshood Abiola).
 
Loss of the South
 
There are several reasons for the Buhari’s loss of support in the south.  Firstly, the governing National Party of Nigeria which Buhari replaced had a “zoning” system for key Government posts which provided that certain Government positions would be “zoned” or reserved to persons from certain geographic parts of the country.  Since the presidency had been zoned to President Shagari (from the North), south-westerners logically thought that the presidency would be zoned to them when president Shagari completed his second and final term of office in 1987.   They were wrong.   One of those who hoped to benefit from the NPN’s zoning system was the multi-billionaire businessman, Moshood Abiola.  Abiola assumed that when President Shagari’s term of office expired in 1987, the governing National Party of Nigeria (NPN) would “zone” the presidency to the south, and he would be allowed to run for president.   How wrong he was.  When Abiola articulated his presidential ambition, he was rebuffed by the powerful Transport Minister: Umaru Dikko, who told him that “the Presidency is not for sale to the highest bidder”.  Abiola “retired” from politics soon after – totally exasperated with the NPN.  Abiola was however to remerge from the shadows to play a key role in Nigeria’s political history.
 
The make up of Buhari’s SMC also troubled southerners.  Virtually all of the senior positions in the SMC were occupied by northern Muslims: only five of the SMC’s sixteen members were from the south.  Additionally, there has always been an unwritten rule that the Nigerian Head of State and his deputy cannot be from the same religion or part of the country.  Buhari broke this unwritten rule when he appointed Tunde Idiagbon (who although Yoruba, was from the north and was also a Muslim). The other influential pro-Buhari figure in the regime was the Minister for Internal Affairs: Major-General Mohammed Magoro, who was a Muslim from Buhari’s home state of Sokoto.  The lopsided ethno-religious composition of the SMC, coupled with the fact that Buhari’s ascension to power pre-empted the zoning of the presidency to the south prompted some mischievous southerners to claim that the New Year’s Eve coup was a deliberate plan to prevent the south from gaining political control of the country, and was nothing more than an orchestrated preservation of the north’s political control of Nigeria by transferring power from northern civilians to northern soldiers.  The author personally believes that the personal ambition of the primary actors in the coup such as Babangida and Dogonyaro played the major motivating role for the coup rather than any Machiavellian plot to thwart the south (or any altruistic motives to benefit Nigeria as a whole).  Nevertheless, southerners were irked by the perceived northern bias of Buhari’s regime.

Although the harsh sentences and nature of the tribunals were criticised, it is arguable that Nigeria needed these Nuremberg style trials in order to free itself from its corrupt past.  The era of Buhari and Idiagbon was the first, and only time that Nigerian public officials were tried, and held accountable for their actions in office.   The trials would have had more legitimacy if they had been held in civilian courts, presided over by civilian legal officers, and open to the public.  This way Nigerians would have seen justice in action and had a chance to scrutinise the actions of their leaders who had so badly let them down and misused their resources.  By virtue of their centrally regimented military training and outlook, Idiagbon and Buhari were fundamentally unable to grasp the niceties of, and the political legitimacy they could have derived from holding fair and open trials.   The public fully backed their assault on the corrupt elite, if not their methods.   The trials and WAI campaign also had a psychological impact on other “don’t know how he got rich” individuals in Nigeria.  For the first time in Nigeria’s history it became unwise for those with ill gotten to flaunt their wealth – for fear of attracting the attention of Buhari’s anti-corruption drive.
 
The Press
 
The press had a field day under the civilian Government of Shagari.  Freed by the absence of criticism-sensitive soldiers in Government, the press launched constant vitriolic attacks against public officials and often published articles that would not be tolerated in even the most liberal western democracy.  The press quite literally abused the freedom given to it and the stinging criticism directed by the press actually resulted in some journalists being charged with sedition (inciting rebellion against the Government).  As a reaction to this, on 1st January 1984 (day one of Buhari’s regime), the SMC promulgated Decree 4 of 1984: the Public Officers (Protection Against False Accusation) Decree.  Decree 4 made it a criminal offence to publish any article that brought the Government or any public official into disrepute.  Tunde Thompson and Nduka Iraboh of The Guardian Newspapers were unfortunate enough to fall foul of Decree 4 and were imprisoned.  Decree 4 was no doubt an overreaction by Buhari’s regime and strained relations between the FMG and the press.

WAR AGAINST INDISCIPLINE
 
Buhari and Idiagbon correctly identified corruption and indiscipline as the main constraints on Nigeria’s development.  These twin evils have in the view of many, become a way of life for many Nigerians.  For this reason, they launched a nationwide campaign called “War Against Indiscipline” (“WAI”).  The WAI campaign was aimed at tackling the most anti-social Nigerian characteristics such as indiscipline, corruption, and lack of environmental sanitation.  Nigerians learned and grudgingly accepted social behaviour that was the norm in other countries around the world.  Queuing suddenly became all the rage in Nigeria!  Buhari and Idiagbon understood that the undisciplined Nigerian psyche was not going to change by persuasion and that their WAI campaign had to backed by the threat of force.  Although they had always cried out for a Government that would root out the rampant indiscipline in Nigeria, white collar workers were irked when they learned that the WAI campaign would lead to them being punished and that it would apply to them as well as the rest of “ordinary” Nigerians.
 
Corruption
 
There had been widespread allegations of corruption against many members of Shagari’s government.  For this reason, military tribunals were set up to try ministers in Shagari’s administration that had been accused of embezzling public funds.  These tribunals were chaired by military officers and had the power to impose massive prison sentences.   The only right of appeal from the tribunals was to the SMC which was also exclusively comprised of military officers (and the Inspector-General of police).  The military were effectively acting as prosecutor, judge and jury.  Unsurprisingly the Nigerian Bar Association barred its member lawyers from participating in the tribunals.  Undeterred, Buhari and Idiagbon pressed on with the tribunals and several prominent politicians were convicted of various corruption charges and given massive prison sentences ranging from twenty to over two hundred years. Given that most of the convicted were already over fifty years old, it was obvious that they would die in prison if they served the rest of their sentences.  Among those convicted were prominent politicians such as Anthony Enahoro and Jim Nwobodo.  The tribunals effectively put Nigeria’s political elite in jail.

JANUARY 1984: SUPREME MILITARY COUNCIL
 
Name
Position
State of Origin
 
Major-General Muhammadu Buhari
Head of State
Chairman of the – Supreme Military Council
Chairman of the Federal Executive Council
Commander in Chief – Nigerian Armed Forces
Katsina
Brigadier (later Major-General) Tunde Idiagbon
Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters
Kwara State
Major-General Domkat Bali
Defence Secretary
Plateau
Major-General Ibrahim Babangida
Chief of Army Staff
Niger
Commodore Augustus Aikhomu
Chief of Naval Staff
Bendel
Air Vice Marshal Ibrahim Mahmud Alfa
Chief of Air Staff
Adamawa
Major-General Mamman Jiya Vatsa
Minister of the Federal Capital Territory
Niger
Brigadier Yohanna Kure
GOC, 82 Division – Enugu
Kaduna
Brigadier Ola Oni
General Officer Commanding, 1st Mechanised Infantry Division - Kaduna
Lagos
Brigadier Sani Abacha
General Officer Commanding, 2nd Armoured Division – Ibadan
Kano
Colonel Salihu Ibrahim
GOC, 3rd Mechanised Division – Kaduna
Kwara
Brigadier Mohammed Magoro
Minister of Internal Affairs
Sokoto
Brigadier Gado Nasko
 
Niger
Brigadier Paul Omu
 
Bendel
Navy Captain Ebitu Ukiwe
 
Imo
Air Commodore Larry Koinyan
 
Rivers
 
JANUARY 1984: MILIARTY GOVERNORS[1]
 
STATE
MILITARY GOVERNOR
 
Anambra
Navy Captain Allison Madueke
Bendel
Brigadier Jerry Useni
Benue
Brigadier John Atom Kpera
Borno
Major-General W.A.Waziri
Cross Rivers
Navy Captain Ekpo Archibong
Gongola
Major-General M.D.Jega
Imo
Brigadier Ike Nwachukwu
Kaduna
Air-Commodore U.Muazu
Kano
Air-Commodore Abdullahi
Kwara
Group Captain B.Latinwo
Lagos
Group Captain Gbolahan Mudashiru
Niger
Lt-Colonel David Mark
Ogun
Lt-Colonel Donaldson Oladipo Diya
Ondo
Commodore Michael Otiko
Oyo
Lt-Col O.Popoola
Plateau
Navy Captain Samuel Atukun
Rivers
Police Commissioner Fidelis Oyakhilome
Sokoto
Brigadier Garba Duba
 
Up till the time of the coup, Buhari had been the General Officer Commanding the 3rd Armoured Division in Jos.  The disciplined, tough and stoic Brigadier (later Major-General) Tunde Idiagbon, was appointed as the Chief of Staff at Supreme Headquarters.  Having neutralised the incumbent Chief of Army Staff – Lt-General Mohammed Wushishi, Major-General Ibrahim Babangida became the new Chief of Army Staff and de facto number three in the new regime.  Wushishi was a symbol of the remarkable reconciliation that had occurred in Nigeria after the civil war of 1967-1970. At the end of the war in early 1970, Wushishi had entertained Conrad Nwawo (a leading officer on the opposing side) as his “guest of honour” at Onitsha barracks.  
 
The new military regime suspended several parts of the constitution (primarily those relating to freedom of assembly, association and political activity), banned party politics, declared all borders closed, and began to arrest and detain ministers and officials from Shagari’s Government on charges of corruption and embezzlement.

YET ANOTHER COUP
 
The stage was set for another military rescue operation.  On the last day of 1983, the army abandoned the barracks in order to “save this nation from imminent collapse”.   President Shehu Shagari was overthrown only three months after being re-elected for his second and final term of office in an election that was marred by accusations of electoral malpractice.  Scarred by the memory of the mass bloodshed that followed the bloody military coups of 1966, the coup plotters wisely did not harm any senior Government figures.  The only casualty of the coup was Brigadier Ibrahim Bako who was killed while trying to arrest President Shagari in Abuja.  Some have speculated that Bako was the leader of the coup. 
 
If Shagari had taken a look at Nigeria’s history books, he would have noticed that the country’s military coups have almost always been carried out by the same group of soldiers.   The young NCOs and Lieutenants that blasted Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi from power in 1966, became Colonels that overthrew his successor General Gowon in 1975, and they became the Brigadiers and Major-Generals that overthrew Shagari.  Had Shagari acted decisively early during his term and retired these men, his Government may have survived (the only notable senior officer retired by Shagari was Major-General Joe Garba – who had double crossed his own brother in law during a military coup in 1975).  Oversight of history and military postings played a part in Shagari’s downfall.  Had he, in his position as the Nigerian Armed Forces’ Commander-in-Chief, paid more attention to sensitive military postings he would have noticed that many of the officers who took part in the coup were stationed in or in close proximity to the country’s commercial nerve centre in Lagos.  Among the plotters stationed in Lagos were the army’s Director of Staff Duties and Plans: Major-General Ibrahim Babangida, the Military Secretary: Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon, and a hitherto unknown brigade commander called Brigadier Sani Abacha.
 
THE NEW ORDER
 
As usual the Nigerian public welcomed news of a military coup d’etat and the overthrow of a Government they elected, with characteristic jubilation.  The officers who led the coup installed Major-General Muhammadu Buhari as Head of State, and as the Chairman of a new Supreme Military Council (SMC).  The tables below show the members of the new SMC and the Military Governors appointed by the new regime.

Speak to any Nigerian and you will hear the familiar complaints about Nigeria’s sorry plight.  About the waste, mismanagement, corruption and lack of environmental sanitation.  Nigerians yearn for a Government that will tackle these problems head on.  Nigerians although supporting democracy believe that the institutional checks and balances it imposes would inhibit even a well intentioned government, and would prevent it from pushing through the punishing reforms and hardline policies that are necessary to change Nigeria.  As one acquaintance put it to me: “Nigeria missed its chance with the military”.   The acquaintance is no apologist for military rule but his point was that Nigeria needs a tough, authoritarian regime to tackle its problems and implement the unpopular but corrective policies that a democratic government cannot afford to take for fear of being voted out of office.   Yet while Nigerians complain about the problems all around them, they seem to have collective amnesia and never refer to the fact that almost two generations ago, they had a regime with a programme to tackle all of the problems they always complain about.

Speak to any Nigerian and you will hear the familiar complaints about Nigeria’s sorry plight.  About the waste, mismanagement, corruption and lack of environmental sanitation.  Nigerians yearn for a Government that will tackle these problems head on.  Nigerians although supporting democracy believe that the institutional checks and balances it imposes would inhibit even a well intentioned government, and would prevent it from pushing through the punishing reforms and hardline policies that are necessary to change Nigeria.  As one acquaintance put it to me: “Nigeria missed its chance with the military”.   The acquaintance is no apologist for military rule but his point was that Nigeria needs a tough, authoritarian regime to tackle its problems and implement the unpopular but corrective policies that a democratic government cannot afford to take for fear of being voted out of office.   Yet while Nigerians complain about the problems all around them, they seem to have collective amnesia and never refer to the fact that almost two generations ago, they had a regime with a programme to tackle all of the problems they always complain about.

Sorry about the way the text is arranged I copied it using a tab

SpotligHt on the Mitsubishi lancer evolUtion x. Trims GSR MR
Type 2.0L MIVEC DOHC 16-valve Inline 4-cylinder, turbocharged/intercooled 2.0L MIVEC DOHC 16-valve Inline 4-cylinder, turbocharged/intercooled
Engine Code 4B11 T/C 4B11 T/C
Materials Aluminum block/ aluminum cylinder heads Aluminum block/ aluminum cylinder heads
Bore x Stroke 3.4 in. x 3.4 in. / 86.0mm x 86.0mm 3.4 in. x 3.4 in. / 86.0mm x 86.0mm
Compression Ratio 9.0:1 9.0:1
Displacement 2.0L /1998 cc 2.0L /1998 cc
Horsepower @ RPM (BHP) 291@6500 rpm 291@6500 rpm
Torque @ RPM (lb-ft.) 300 lb.-ft. @4000 rpm 300 lb.-ft. @4000 rpm
Redline 7000 rpm 7000 rpm
Emissions 50 State: Tier 2 bin 5 LEV II LEV 50 State: Tier 2 bin 5 LEV II LEV
Engine Oil Type 5W-30 5W-30
Recommended Fuel Premium Unleaded, 93[(MON+RON)/2] min Premium Unleaded, 93[(MON+RON)/2] min
Fuel System MPI MPI

MikeZA: SAAF Gripen Cs and Ds are highly advanced and South Africanised.

With the Cobra HMD the Gripen can attack,targets behind the aircraft making manoeuvrebility irrelevant.

Latest ECM with a radar coverage of less than 50km? That shows other kit is pure trash.

Gripens are rotated between short storages,every Gripen is flown within 60 days. This was after consultations with saab.

Remember they're under OT&E.

Keep dreaming Dreamer.

kai!! stop that lie ur gripens don't have the capacity to attack targents behind it and besides you don't posses 90 degrees high off bore sight missiles to pull off such Λ feet infact, no missiles for NOW have such capabilities. And if you try that with ordinary missiles, you would just waste all your missiles and even with HMDs, Λ super manouverable aircraft manned by Λ ballsy pilot would still own ur less agile fighter in Λ dogfight

MikeZA: SAMs?

google is your friend bro..........pintle mounted MANPAD

The kingdom of God suffereth violence and the violent takes it by the "HORN" sorry by force

patches689:

You have no MANPADS that outrange the Mokopa

Insufficient?

Better than your Hinds in every single way, proven time after time

hopefully our attack chopper pilots would be sleeping @ home while Λ war is unfolding right?.....horse S'hit..... You South africans really think the world revolves around Ʊ. And who speaks about outranging the Mokopa why not just blast it out of the sky with shilkas then wait till the roivalk shows its ugly face then break off the morafuckers tail with Λ well aim missile strike **problemo solved**

patches689:

First you dont actually have any Oplots

Second, the Mokopa can penetrate it

Third, each Rooivalk can carry 16 Mokopa

This means that just 1 attack with 10 Rooivalk can destroy 160 T-84 Oplots

Mokopa has a range of 10km - this means that we can destroy them from complete safety of your Rolands

You see, we have allready developed missiles to destroy tanks that you dont even have yet.


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AqE1Ni8yB_0

SANDF - allways one step ahead

do you know that the moment we add bitsy little manpads to the fray or add SAMs to the weapons suite of the oplot we have successfully denied your roivalk access because am sure the bald head called zuma wouldn't want to loose any of his already insufficient roivalks. **cheers**

Henry120:

All of una wey dey see all these things, make una start to dey snap to oh. Make una dey sure of wetin una dey see. Man don dey dey confused.

twaz late @ night and I don't think my 5mp bold 5 camera can do justice that late... Wish I had Λ lumia with me as @ that time

The only language insurgents understands is force. By the time they hear one of their main sympathizers was shot in the head, they start getting jittery, they hear Λ commander was found dead in his house none of would want to come out of hiding. Afterwards, they start to feel insignificant then they decide to come out of hiding to @list raid Λ town then as they leave the forest or cross into Nigeria from Cameroon and as their covoys leave their cells, Λ strike fighter(loaded with AGMs) and 2 mi35s(loaded with unguidEd rockets and 20mm cannons) wich scrambles after Λ drone overflight picked up the convoy makes short work of the convoy and then the Mi35 dropping SF chaps to clean up of survivors and do battle damage assesment. Classical COIN ops

Also, why not mount helMet cams on specified inantry men and high res cams on air support choppers so the dhq can use them for effective anti propaganda instruments from bbshit and saharareporters

My fellow Nigerians, Something really big is going down guys about 15mins ago, I heard the unmistakable rumbling of Λ Herculez oVer Lokoja 500 units housing estate to be precise which is kinda unsual because there is no presence of an Airforce Base in this parts. Then just now, there is no doubt that I just heard Λ sonic boom emanating from nothing short of Λ fighter jet all I saw was its blinking ID lights and lights emanating from its wing tip which should span about 10-11metres(wingtip to wingtip) which I think is far wider than that of the airguard. Your guess is as good as mine

Ibnsultan: Hoooah comrade. If we must win these War all component of COIN will have to be carried out effectively. Just like iraq
1 political will
2 special tactical units are use 4 precision kill
3 massive air campaign.
3 sweep ops
4 just like u said earlier. Your points were precise like a laser guided hell missile

or we borrow Λ leaf outta the french COIN playbook. By dividing the entire 7 div in units of @list 8 and max of 12(with sniper, marks man Airstrike caller) then attatching them to Λ company of around 200 hundred troops so the units are independent but still interconnected then you send them hunting. The comander of each unit should be equiped with long ranged 2 way radio for calling back up, speaking to the mobile C&C post nearby or calling in either Λn Arty strike or Air strike thenAll members of the company should be equipped combat webbing with capacity for 8 mags, survival kit secondary weapon, short ranged 2 way radios for inter unit comms attatched to there ballistic vests with earpiece attatched so no need to handle the radios all the time. Then @list 20km behind the main battle company should be the support line consisting of medevac choppers, our much Vaunted Archer Arty system or palmarias, standby mi35m with atgm and 20mm cannons ready to bring down Λ rain of bullets and missiles when needed ,mobile field kitchens, mobile clinics in possibly up armoured marcopolo buses or contract proforce to make them specifically for the army, C&C vehicles and as always, every piece of hardware should be bugged and datalinked to one of our sattelites in space