THE political uproar that saw Thursday’s decision by the majority of British voters to exit the European Union was about at the same level as the upheaval that preceded a similar referendumthat formalised Britain’s entry into Europe in 1975. The decision of Prime Minister David Cameron to resign as leader of the Conservative Party and as such, prime minister, bears a parallel to the rebellion that Prime Minister Harold Wilson faced in the days leading to the referendum on the ratification of British membership of the EEC in 1975.
Just as with the 2016 referendum, the 1975 referendum was the first time in modern history that the historical mantra of collective cabinet responsibility was ditched as senior leaders of the then ruling Labour Party took to opposite sides in the campaign on ratifying the membership of the EEC. Indeed, the story of Britain and Europe has been one of mutual suspicion undoubtedly flamed by the historical rivalry between the engine drivers of the EU and Britain. At the end of the Second World War, the momentum towards unifying Europe through trade linkages led to the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community in 1951 with France, Italy, West Germany and the Benelux countries, namely, Belgium, Netherlands and Luxembourg as members.
Improved production
Britain at that time preoccupied with its devotions to the Commonwealth, and also increasingly looking west towards the United States, refused to join, though it was invited. The ECSC helped to create a common market for coal and later for steel. The benefit of the ECSC was seen in improved production of steel, a vital component of post-war technological advancement. That led the member countries towards talks on a common market for all goods. This was agreed in March 1957 with the Treaty of Rome which gave birth to the European Economic Community, EEC, which formally took effect on January 1, 1958. It was about this time that British consideration towards Europe began to change. However, Britain’s application to join the new body was repeatedly vetoed by the French President, General Charles de Gaulle.
It was the suggestion in several quarters that the French president had a natural detestation for the British who ironically hosted him during the war years. However, Mr. de Gaulle was to explain privately that his opposition and veto of British membership of the EEC was on the logical assumption that Britain at that time could not mortgage her interests in the Commonwealth for Europe. The French veto was only removed in 1969 after de Gaulle’s exit from power when his successor Mr. Georges Pompidou gave French assent for the commencement of talks with Britain which were at that time led by Mr. Edward Heath, who remarkably took Britain into the EEC as prime minister in 1973.
In the days leading to the formal entry of Britain into the EEC, the debate on the manner of entry led to a great uproar among the political class leading to internal divisions in the two leading parties, Labour, and Conservative. Following the political rumpus that followed the entry, Prime Minister Heath of the Conservative Party called for a post entry general election in February 1974. Though his party won the majority of votes, Labour won four more parliamentary seats forcing the prime minister to call for a second election in October 1974 which was decisively won by Labour. Labour had campaigned with the promise of renegotiating the terms of British entry into the EEC and to subject the renegotiated terms to a referendum.
That promise enticed the majority of the voters in the first nationwide referendum ever called in Britain. 65% of the voters ratified Britain’s membership of the EEC and thus commenced the suspicious relationship that continued for most of the rest of the 20th century and the first decades of the 21st century. At the heart of the opposition to the British presence in Europe was the fear of a federal Europe

Chibuike56:
THE political uproar that saw Thursday’s decision by the majority of British voters to exit the European Union was about at the same level as the upheaval that preceded a similar referendumthat formalised Britain’s entry into Europe in 1975. The decision of Prime Minister David Cameron to resign as leader of the Conservative Party and as such, prime minister, bears a parallel to the rebellion that Prime Minister Harold Wilson faced in the days leading to the referendum on the ratification of British membership of the EEC in 1975.
Just as with the 2016 referendum, the 1975 referendum was the first time in modern history that the historical mantra of collective cabinet responsibility was ditched as senior leaders of the then ruling Labour Party took to opposite sides in the campaign on ratifying the membership of the EEC. Indeed, the story of Britain and Europe has been one of mutual suspicion undoubtedly flamed by the historical rivalry between the engine drivers of the EU and Britain. At the end of the Second World War, the momentum towards unifying Europe through trade linkages led to the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community in 1951 with France, Italy, West Germany and the Benelux countries, namely, Belgium, Netherlands and Luxembourg as members.
Improved production
Britain at that time preoccupied with its devotions to the Commonwealth, and also increasingly looking west towards the United States, refused to join, though it was invited. The ECSC helped to create a common market for coal and later for steel. The benefit of the ECSC was seen in improved production of steel, a vital component of post-war technological advancement. That led the member countries towards talks on a common market for all goods. This was agreed in March 1957 with the Treaty of Rome which gave birth to the European Economic Community, EEC, which formally took effect on January 1, 1958. It was about this time that British consideration towards Europe began to change. However, Britain’s application to join the new body was repeatedly vetoed by the French President, General Charles de Gaulle.
It was the suggestion in several quarters that the French president had a natural detestation for the British who ironically hosted him during the war years. However, Mr. de Gaulle was to explain privately that his opposition and veto of British membership of the EEC was on the logical assumption that Britain at that time could not mortgage her interests in the Commonwealth for Europe. The French veto was only removed in 1969 after de Gaulle’s exit from power when his successor Mr. Georges Pompidou gave French assent for the commencement of talks with Britain which were at that time led by Mr. Edward Heath, who remarkably took Britain into the EEC as prime minister in 1973.
In the days leading to the formal entry of Britain into the EEC, the debate on the manner of entry led to a great uproar among the political class leading to internal divisions in the two leading parties, Labour, and Conservative. Following the political rumpus that followed the entry, Prime Minister Heath of the Conservative Party called for a post entry general election in February 1974. Though his party won the majority of votes, Labour won four more parliamentary seats forcing the prime minister to call for a second election in October 1974 which was decisively won by Labour. Labour had campaigned with the promise of renegotiating the terms of British entry into the EEC and to subject the renegotiated terms to a referendum.
That promise enticed the majority of the voters in the first nationwide referendum ever called in Britain. 65% of the voters ratified Britain’s membership of the EEC and thus commenced the suspicious relationship that continued for most of the rest of the 20th century and the first decades of the 21st century. At the heart of the opposition to the British presence in Europe was the fear of a federal Europe

That is quite correct. The opposition's fear was well founded, considering the revelations on the ungoing plans to create a Super Europe; plans that was recently leaked in Poland.