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Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) - Politics - Nairaland

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Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by mirage(m): 11:17am On Jun 27, 2012
CONFIDENTIAL

Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison To Major General Aguiyi Ironsi Pressing For His Release And That Of His Colleagues (Dated 28th March 1966)



The Supreme Commander and Head of the Federal Military Government, Lagos.

Thro: The Director of Prisons, Prisons Headquarters Office, Private Mail Bag 12522, Lagos.

Sir:

PREROGATIVE OF MERCY:
SECTION 101 (1) (a) OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERATION ACT 1963

1. I am writing this petition for FREE PARDON under Section 101(1) (a) of the Constitution of the Federation Act 1963, on behalf of myself and some of my colleagues whose names are set out in the Annexe hereto.

2. Before I go further, I would like to stress that the reasons which I advance in support of this petition, in my own behalf, basically hold good for my said colleagues. For they share the same political beliefs with me, and have intense and unquenchable loyalty for the ideals espoused by the Party which I have the honour to lead.

3. There are many grounds which could be submitted for your consideration in support of this petition. But I venture to think that SEVEN of them are enough and it is to these that I confine myself.

(a)In the course of my evidence during my trial, I stated that my Party favoured and was actively working for alliance with the N.C.N.C. as a means, among other things, of solving what I described as ‘the problem of Nigeria’, and strengthening the unity of the Federation. In October 1963 (that is about a month after my conviction and while my appeal to the Supreme Court was still pending), a Peace Committee headed by the Chief Justice of the Federation, Sir Adetokunbo Ademola, made overtures to me through my friend Alhaji W. A. Elias to the effect that if I abandoned my intention to enter into alliance with the N.C.N.C. which, according to the Committee, was an Ibo Organisation, and agreed to dissolve the Action Group and, in co-operation with Chief Akintola (now deceased), form an all-embracing Yoruba political party which I would lead and which would go into alliance with the N.P.C., I would be released from prison before the end of that year. I turned down these terms because I was of the considered opinion that their acceptance would further widen and exacerbate inter-tribal differences, and gravely undermine the unity of the Federation. TODAY, THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT, OF WHICH YOU ARE THE HEAD, LEAVES NO ONE IN ANY DOUBT THAT IT STANDS FOR NIGERIAN UNITY. BUT IT MUST BE EMPHASISED, IN THIS CONNECTION, THAT IF I HAD PRIZED MY PERSONAL FREEDOM ABOVE THE UNITY OF NIGERIA, I WOULD HAVE BEEN SET FREE IN 1963. IN THAT EVENT, THIS PETITION WOULD NOT HAVE BEEN NECESSARY, AND THE WORK OF CONSOLIDATING THE UNITY OF THE COUNTRY TO WHICH YOU AND YOUR COLLEAGUES NOW SET YOUR HANDS MIGHT HAVE BEEN MADE EXTREMELY MORE INTRACTABLE AND IRKSOME. As recently as 20th December, 1965, identical peace terms (the only variant being that the alliance with the N.C.N.C. which was now a reality should be broken) were made to me here, in Calabar Prison, by a delegation representing another Peace Committee headed by the self-same Chief Justice of the Federation and purporting to have the blessing of the Prime Minister, with the unequivocal promise that if I accepted the terms my release would follow almost immediately. I rejected the terms for the reasons which I have outlined above.

(b) One of the monsters which menaced the public life of this country up to 14th January, this year is OPPORTUNISM with its attendant evils of jobbery, venality, corruption, and unabashed self-interest. From all accounts, you are inflexibly resolved to destroy this monster. That was precisely what my colleagues and I had tried to do before we were rendered hors de combat since 29th May, 1962. On two different occasions I was offered, first the post of Deputy Prime Minister (before May 1962), and second that of Deputy Governor-General (in August 1962), if I would agree to fold up the Opposition and join in a National Government. I declined the two offers because they were designed exclusively to gratify my self-interest, with no thought of fostering any political moral principle which could benefit the people of Nigeria. The learned Judge who presided over the Treasonable Felony Trial, commented unfavourably on my non-acceptance of one of these posts and held that my action lent weight to the case of the Prosecution against me. I must say, however, that in all conscience, I felt and still feel that a truly public-spirited person should accept public office not for what he can get for himself — such as the profit and glamour of office — but for the opportunity which it offers him of serving his people to the best of his ability, by promoting their welfare and happiness. To me, the two aforementioned posts were sinecures, and were intended to immobilise my talents and stultify the role of watch-dog which the people of Nigeria looked upon me to play on their behalf, at that juncture in our political evolution.

(c) This leads me to the third ground. From newspaper reports, it would appear that you and your colleagues — like all well-meaning Nigerians are anxious that on the termination of the present military rule, Nigeria should become a flourishing democracy. Now, democracy is a political doctrine which is very intimately dear to my heart.

It was to the end that it might be accepted as a way of life in all parts of the Federation that I campaigned most vigorously and relentlessly in the Northern Provinces of Nigeria, from 1957 to 1962, to the implacable annoyance of some of my political adversaries. It was to the end that this doctrine might survive the severe onslaught of opportunist and mercenary politics that I refused to succumb to the temptation of the National Government. Many views — some of them well-considered and respectable — have been expressed about the value or disvalue of opposition as a feature of public life in a newly emergent African State. Speaking for my party, I submit that the Opposition which I led did, to all intents and purposes, justify its existence and was acclaimed by the masses of our people as essential and indispensable to rapid- national growth.

This was so, because it was unexceptionably constructive. The abrogation of the Anglo-Nigeria Defence Pact was one of the feathers in its cap. Some of the policies which the Government of the day later adopted — such as the creation of a Federal Ministry of Agriculture and the introduction of drastic measures to correct our balance of payments deficit — were among those persistently and constructively urged by the Opposition inside and outside Parliament. The point I wish to emphasise here is that it was not out of spite or hatred for any one that I chose to remain in Opposition instead of joining the much-talked-of National Government. I did so in order to serve our people to the best of my ability in the position in which their votes had placed my Party, and to ensure that the young plant of democracy grows into a sturdy flourishing tree in Nigeria.

(d) Since the declaration of emergency in the Western Region on 29th May,1962, political tension has existed in Western Nigeria. My conviction on 11th September, 1963, together with the surrounding bizarre circumstances, has led not only to the heightening of that tension in Western Nigeria but also to its profuse and irrepressible percolation to the other parts of the Federation. The result is that it can be said, without much fear of contradiction, that today the majority of our people are passionately concerned about and fervently solicitous for the release of myself and my colleagues. The work of reconstruction on which you and your colleagues have embarked demands that all the citizens of Nigeria in their respective callings should give of their maximum best. A state of psychological tension, however much it may be brought under control or repressed, does not and cannot conduce to maximum efficiency. In spite of themselves, people labouring under emotions which this kind of tension automatically generates are bound to make avoidable mistakes which in their turn have adverse effects on national progress. It is, therefore, in the national interest that this tension should be relaxed, if possible, without further delay.

(e) A petition of this kind is, by its very nature, bound to be replete with self-adulation. I hope and trust that, in the circumstances, this is excusable. It is in this hope and trust that I assert that my colleagues and I have the qualifications and capacity to render invaluable services to our people and fatherland. Every day that we spend in prison, therefore, must be regarded as TWENTY-FOUR UNFORGIVING HOURS OF TRULY VALUABLE SERVICES LOST TO OUR YOUNG COUNTRY. Even my most inveterate enemies have given the following testimony about me: ‘AWOLOWO HAS STILL A GREAT DEAL TO GIVE TO THIS COUNTRY.’ No country however advanced and civilized can afford to waste any of its talents, be they ever so small. Nigeria is too young to bury some of her talents as she was compelled to do under the old regime. It is within your power to restore my colleagues and me to a position where our fatherland can again rejoice at the contributions which we are capable of making to its progress, welfare and happiness.

(f) Nigeria is now SIXTY-SIX MONTHS old as an independent State. The final phase in the struggle for Nigeria’s independence was initiated by my Party in the historic Self-Government motion moved by Chief Anthony Enahoro and supported by me on 31st March, 1953. IT SHOULD BE REGARDED AS MORE THAN IRONICAL, AND AS PALPABLY TRAGIC, THAT TWO OF THE ARCHITECTS OF THAT INDEPENDENCE AND, INDEED, THE PACE-SETTERS AND ACCELERATORS OF ITS FINAL PHASE SHOULD BE UNFREE IN A FREE NIGERIA. In precise terms, I have spent FORTY-SIX out of the SIXTY-SIX MONTHS of independence in one form of confinement or another. I happened to know that the leaders of the old civilian regime, in spite of themselves, did not feel quite easy in their conscience about the plight into which they had manoeuvred me in the scheme of things; and I dare to express the hope and belief that you, personally view my present confinement with concern and disapproval.

(g) It is usual — almost invariably the case — on the accession of a revolutionary regime, for political prisoners and, indeed, other prisoners of some note, to be released as a mark of disapproval of some of the doings of the old regime, or in token of the new dawn of freedom which comes in the wake of the new regime. It would be invidious to quote unspecific instances. But in the case of my colleagues and myself, by courageously and adamantly opposing the evils which your regime now denounces in the former civilian administration, I think we are perfectly justified if we expect you to regard us as being in tune with your yearnings and aspirations for Nigeria, and therefore entitled to our personal freedoms under your dispensation.

4. In view of the foregoing reasons which clearly demonstrate:

(i) that I have always and, under trying circumstances, steadfastly and unyieldingly
(a) stood for the UNITY OF NIGERIA,
(b)been opposed to POLITICAL OPPORTUNISM with its attendant evils, (c)fostered the growth of DEMOCRACY in Nigeria;

(ii) that my incarceration:
(a) has led to the heightening of political tension among Nigerians, which tension can only be relaxed by my release, (b)has deprived our fatherland of invaluable services such as we have rendered before, and can still render now and in future, in greater measure; and

(iii) that the evils which my colleagues and I condemned and valiantly refused to compromise with in the old civilian government are what you now quite rightly denounce, and are taking active steps to remove in order to pave the way for national and beneficial reconstruction, I most sincerely appeal to you to be good enough to exercise, in favour of myself and my colleagues, the prerogative of mercy vested in you by Section 10 (I) (i) (a) of the Constitution of the Federation Act 1963, by granting me as well as each of my colleagues A FREE PARDON. If you do, your action will be most warmly, heartily, and popularly applauded at home and abroad, and you will go down to history as soldier, statesmen, and humanitarian.
Yours truly,

OBAFEMI AWOLOWO.

THOSE CONVICTED FOR TREASONABLE FELONY.
1. THOSE STILL SERVING THEIR TERMS
1.Chief Obafemi Awolowo 2.Chief Anthony Enahoro 3.Mr.Lateef K. Jakande 4.Mr.Dapo Omisade 5.Mr.S.A.Onitiri 6.Mr.Gabby Sasore 7.Mr.Sunday Ebietoma 8.Mr.U.I.Nwaobiala

2.THOSE WHO HAVE ALREADY SERVED THEIR TERMS.
1.Mr. S.A.Otubanjo 2.Mr.S.J.Umoren 3.Mr.S.Oyesile.

3.THOSE WHO HAVE NOT YET BEEN TRIED.
1. Mr.S.G.Ikoku 2.Mr.Ayo Adebanjo 3.Mr.James Aluko


Source: Awolowo, O. (1985). My march through prison. Macmillan Nigeria Publishers.

5 Likes

Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by Nobody: 1:57pm On Jun 27, 2012
Why do some people claimed AWO was against the igbos?

The letter confirmed its the northerners that are anti-igbo and events since then have shown who are their enemies.
Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by Pennywise(m): 2:49pm On Jun 27, 2012
Jonathan can never write a letter like this even if his life depends on it.

13 Likes

Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by Afam4eva(m): 2:50pm On Jun 27, 2012
I think this thread should be locked and the key thrown away because we know how this thread will end.
Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by Afam4eva(m): 2:51pm On Jun 27, 2012
The good thing is that he was later released.
Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by ogb5(m): 2:54pm On Jun 27, 2012
mirage: CONFIDENTIAL


THOSE CONVICTED FOR TREASONABLE FELONY.
1. THOSE STILL SERVING THEIR TERMS
1.Chief Obafemi Awolowo 2.Chief Anthony Enahoro 3.Mr.Lateef K. Jakande 4.Mr.Dapo Omisade 5.Mr.S.A.Onitiri 6.Mr.Gabby Sasore 7.Mr.Sunday Ebietoma 8.Mr.U.I.Nwaobiala

2.THOSE WHO HAVE ALREADY SERVED THEIR TERMS.
1.Mr. S.A.Otubanjo 2.Mr.S.J.Umoren 3.Mr.S.Oyesile.

So Awo and Co listed above are EX-CONVICTS

2 Likes

Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by begwong: 2:56pm On Jun 27, 2012
afam4eva: I think this thread should be locked and the key thrown away because we know how this thread will end.
[b]Tribal e-wars with the use of sophisticated e-humvees,e-drones e.t.c [/b]grin grin grin

2 Likes

Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by Ejine(m): 2:57pm On Jun 27, 2012
Just what we need... More revisionist horseshit.

2 Likes

Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by BizBooks(m): 3:00pm On Jun 27, 2012
@ Poster,

Do you mind posting a link to the source of this material. It will make an interesting
reading if it is authentic. From the little I have read, I'm not surprised that Awo tried to
form an alliance with Zik back in the 60s. He continued that effort even as late as 1983
when he un-successfully tried to form another alliance with Zik in order to defeat Shagari.
Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by Pennywise(m): 3:01pm On Jun 27, 2012
afam4eva: I think this thread should be locked and the key thrown away because we know how this thread will end.

Nonsense. We are talking about the quality of leadership, intelligence and foresight. Issues that are as relevant today as they where yesterday. I am not here to debate petty tribal matters and people shouldnt try to diminish the seriousness of important issues by wrongly attributing them to tribal motives

4 Likes

Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by REMMEI(m): 3:02pm On Jun 27, 2012
Pennywise: Jonathan can never write a letter like this even if his life depends on it.

Abi e don write am ni..? grin
Pennywise: Jonathan can never write a letter like this even if his life depends on it.

Abi e don write am ni..? smiley smiley smiley
Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by BizBooks(m): 3:04pm On Jun 27, 2012
Ejiné: Just what we need... More revisionist horseshit.

If this material is true and authentic, you cannot call it revisionist history. But I
understand your concern. Somebody may have written this after the fact to burnish the legacy
of Pa Awo. That's why it is imperative that the poster divulge the source.
Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by Sealeddeal(m): 3:16pm On Jun 27, 2012
He asked the Supreme commander to grant him prerogative of mercy as stipulated by constitution when indeed the military has already suspended the constitution.dat must be annoying
Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by Ortis: 3:18pm On Jun 27, 2012
I no read am bt i must talk.....hw dem expect me 2 read all dat....bt yet i awo is dead nw so close dat chapter nd lets speak of the living

1 Like

Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by shymex(m): 3:19pm On Jun 27, 2012
Ijebu/Remo Pride!! cool

I'm next! grin
Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by SisiKill1: 3:19pm On Jun 27, 2012
afam4eva: I think this thread should be locked and the key thrown away because we know how this thread will end.
Because it doesn't fit into your neatly packaged box of reasons for "hating the other tribe?"
Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by ozoebuka1(m): 3:20pm On Jun 27, 2012
There is a monster in a country called nigeria it was created in 20th century but it wont survive da 21 century and that monster is in da northern part of da country and these monsters are called anti-biafran! am bored.

2 Likes

Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by mjconcept(m): 3:21pm On Jun 27, 2012
Pennywise: Jonathan can never write a letter like this even if his life depends on it.
You are such a senseless bigoted fellow, what concern GEJ with the letter?
Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by BlackPikiN(m): 3:23pm On Jun 27, 2012
mirage: CONFIDENTIAL

Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison To Major General Aguiyi Ironsi Pressing For His Release And That Of His Colleagues (Dated 28th March 1966)



The Supreme Commander and Head of the Federal Military Government, Lagos.

Thro: The Director of Prisons, Prisons Headquarters Office, Private Mail Bag 12522, Lagos.

Sir:

PREROGATIVE OF MERCY:
SECTION 101 (1) (a) OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERATION ACT 1963

1. I am writing this petition for FREE PARDON under Section 101(1) (a) of the Constitution of the Federation Act 1963, on behalf of myself and some of my colleagues whose names are set out in the Annexe hereto.

2. Before I go further, I would like to stress that the reasons which I advance in support of this petition, in my own behalf, basically hold good for my said colleagues. For they share the same political beliefs with me, and have intense and unquenchable loyalty for the ideals espoused by the Party which I have the honour to lead.

3. There are many grounds which could be submitted for your consideration in support of this petition. But I venture to think that SEVEN of them are enough and it is to these that I confine myself.

(a)In the course of my evidence during my trial, I stated that my Party favoured and was actively working for alliance with the N.C.N.C. as a means, among other things, of solving what I described as ‘the problem of Nigeria’, and strengthening the unity of the Federation. In October 1963 (that is about a month after my conviction and while my appeal to the Supreme Court was still pending), a Peace Committee headed by the Chief Justice of the Federation, Sir Adetokunbo Ademola, made overtures to me through my friend Alhaji W. A. Elias to the effect that if I abandoned my intention to enter into alliance with the N.C.N.C. which, according to the Committee, was an Ibo Organisation, and agreed to dissolve the Action Group and, in co-operation with Chief Akintola (now deceased), form an all-embracing Yoruba political party which I would lead and which would go into alliance with the N.P.C., I would be released from prison before the end of that year. I turned down these terms because I was of the considered opinion that their acceptance would further widen and exacerbate inter-tribal differences, and gravely undermine the unity of the Federation. TODAY, THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT, OF WHICH YOU ARE THE HEAD, LEAVES NO ONE IN ANY DOUBT THAT IT STANDS FOR NIGERIAN UNITY. BUT IT MUST BE EMPHASISED, IN THIS CONNECTION, THAT IF I HAD PRIZED MY PERSONAL FREEDOM ABOVE THE UNITY OF NIGERIA, I WOULD HAVE BEEN SET FREE IN 1963. IN THAT EVENT, THIS PETITION WOULD NOT HAVE BEEN NECESSARY, AND THE WORK OF CONSOLIDATING THE UNITY OF THE COUNTRY TO WHICH YOU AND YOUR COLLEAGUES NOW SET YOUR HANDS MIGHT HAVE BEEN MADE EXTREMELY MORE INTRACTABLE AND IRKSOME. As recently as 20th December, 1965, identical peace terms (the only variant being that the alliance with the N.C.N.C. which was now a reality should be broken) were made to me here, in Calabar Prison, by a delegation representing another Peace Committee headed by the self-same Chief Justice of the Federation and purporting to have the blessing of the Prime Minister, with the unequivocal promise that if I accepted the terms my release would follow almost immediately. I rejected the terms for the reasons which I have outlined above.

(b) One of the monsters which menaced the public life of this country up to 14th January, this year is OPPORTUNISM with its attendant evils of jobbery, venality, corruption, and unabashed self-interest. From all accounts, you are inflexibly resolved to destroy this monster. That was precisely what my colleagues and I had tried to do before we were rendered hors de combat since 29th May, 1962. On two different occasions I was offered, first the post of Deputy Prime Minister (before May 1962), and second that of Deputy Governor-General (in August 1962), if I would agree to fold up the Opposition and join in a National Government. I declined the two offers because they were designed exclusively to gratify my self-interest, with no thought of fostering any political moral principle which could benefit the people of Nigeria. The learned Judge who presided over the Treasonable Felony Trial, commented unfavourably on my non-acceptance of one of these posts and held that my action lent weight to the case of the Prosecution against me. I must say, however, that in all conscience, I felt and still feel that a truly public-spirited person should accept public office not for what he can get for himself — such as the profit and glamour of office — but for the opportunity which it offers him of serving his people to the best of his ability, by promoting their welfare and happiness. To me, the two aforementioned posts were sinecures, and were intended to immobilise my talents and stultify the role of watch-dog which the people of Nigeria looked upon me to play on their behalf, at that juncture in our political evolution.

(c) This leads me to the third ground. From newspaper reports, it would appear that you and your colleagues — like all well-meaning Nigerians are anxious that on the termination of the present military rule, Nigeria should become a flourishing democracy. Now, democracy is a political doctrine which is very intimately dear to my heart.

It was to the end that it might be accepted as a way of life in all parts of the Federation that I campaigned most vigorously and relentlessly in the Northern Provinces of Nigeria, from 1957 to 1962, to the implacable annoyance of some of my political adversaries. It was to the end that this doctrine might survive the severe onslaught of opportunist and mercenary politics that I refused to succumb to the temptation of the National Government. Many views — some of them well-considered and respectable — have been expressed about the value or disvalue of opposition as a feature of public life in a newly emergent African State. Speaking for my party, I submit that the Opposition which I led did, to all intents and purposes, justify its existence and was acclaimed by the masses of our people as essential and indispensable to rapid- national growth.

This was so, because it was unexceptionably constructive. The abrogation of the Anglo-Nigeria Defence Pact was one of the feathers in its cap. Some of the policies which the Government of the day later adopted — such as the creation of a Federal Ministry of Agriculture and the introduction of drastic measures to correct our balance of payments deficit — were among those persistently and constructively urged by the Opposition inside and outside Parliament. The point I wish to emphasise here is that it was not out of spite or hatred for any one that I chose to remain in Opposition instead of joining the much-talked-of National Government. I did so in order to serve our people to the best of my ability in the position in which their votes had placed my Party, and to ensure that the young plant of democracy grows into a sturdy flourishing tree in Nigeria.

(d) Since the declaration of emergency in the Western Region on 29th May,1962, political tension has existed in Western Nigeria. My conviction on 11th September, 1963, together with the surrounding bizarre circumstances, has led not only to the heightening of that tension in Western Nigeria but also to its profuse and irrepressible percolation to the other parts of the Federation. The result is that it can be said, without much fear of contradiction, that today the majority of our people are passionately concerned about and fervently solicitous for the release of myself and my colleagues. The work of reconstruction on which you and your colleagues have embarked demands that all the citizens of Nigeria in their respective callings should give of their maximum best. A state of psychological tension, however much it may be brought under control or repressed, does not and cannot conduce to maximum efficiency. In spite of themselves, people labouring under emotions which this kind of tension automatically generates are bound to make avoidable mistakes which in their turn have adverse effects on national progress. It is, therefore, in the national interest that this tension should be relaxed, if possible, without further delay.

(e) A petition of this kind is, by its very nature, bound to be replete with self-adulation. I hope and trust that, in the circumstances, this is excusable. It is in this hope and trust that I assert that my colleagues and I have the qualifications and capacity to render invaluable services to our people and fatherland. Every day that we spend in prison, therefore, must be regarded as TWENTY-FOUR UNFORGIVING HOURS OF TRULY VALUABLE SERVICES LOST TO OUR YOUNG COUNTRY. Even my most inveterate enemies have given the following testimony about me: ‘AWOLOWO HAS STILL A GREAT DEAL TO GIVE TO THIS COUNTRY.’ No country however advanced and civilized can afford to waste any of its talents, be they ever so small. Nigeria is too young to bury some of her talents as she was compelled to do under the old regime. It is within your power to restore my colleagues and me to a position where our fatherland can again rejoice at the contributions which we are capable of making to its progress, welfare and happiness.

(f) Nigeria is now SIXTY-SIX MONTHS old as an independent State. The final phase in the struggle for Nigeria’s independence was initiated by my Party in the historic Self-Government motion moved by Chief Anthony Enahoro and supported by me on 31st March, 1953. IT SHOULD BE REGARDED AS MORE THAN IRONICAL, AND AS PALPABLY TRAGIC, THAT TWO OF THE ARCHITECTS OF THAT INDEPENDENCE AND, INDEED, THE PACE-SETTERS AND ACCELERATORS OF ITS FINAL PHASE SHOULD BE UNFREE IN A FREE NIGERIA. In precise terms, I have spent FORTY-SIX out of the SIXTY-SIX MONTHS of independence in one form of confinement or another. I happened to know that the leaders of the old civilian regime, in spite of themselves, did not feel quite easy in their conscience about the plight into which they had manoeuvred me in the scheme of things; and I dare to express the hope and belief that you, personally view my present confinement with concern and disapproval.

(g) It is usual — almost invariably the case — on the accession of a revolutionary regime, for political prisoners and, indeed, other prisoners of some note, to be released as a mark of disapproval of some of the doings of the old regime, or in token of the new dawn of freedom which comes in the wake of the new regime. It would be invidious to quote unspecific instances. But in the case of my colleagues and myself, by courageously and adamantly opposing the evils which your regime now denounces in the former civilian administration, I think we are perfectly justified if we expect you to regard us as being in tune with your yearnings and aspirations for Nigeria, and therefore entitled to our personal freedoms under your dispensation.

4. In view of the foregoing reasons which clearly demonstrate:

(i) that I have always and, under trying circumstances, steadfastly and unyieldingly
(a) stood for the UNITY OF NIGERIA,
(b)been opposed to POLITICAL OPPORTUNISM with its attendant evils, (c)fostered the growth of DEMOCRACY in Nigeria;

(ii) that my incarceration:
(a) has led to the heightening of political tension among Nigerians, which tension can only be relaxed by my release, (b)has deprived our fatherland of invaluable services such as we have rendered before, and can still render now and in future, in greater measure; and

(iii) that the evils which my colleagues and I condemned and valiantly refused to compromise with in the old civilian government are what you now quite rightly denounce, and are taking active steps to remove in order to pave the way for national and beneficial reconstruction, I most sincerely appeal to you to be good enough to exercise, in favour of myself and my colleagues, the prerogative of mercy vested in you by Section 10 (I) (i) (a) of the Constitution of the Federation Act 1963, by granting me as well as each of my colleagues A FREE PARDON. If you do, your action will be most warmly, heartily, and popularly applauded at home and abroad, and you will go down to history as soldier, statesmen, and humanitarian.
Yours truly,

OBAFEMI AWOLOWO.

THOSE CONVICTED FOR TREASONABLE FELONY.
1. THOSE STILL SERVING THEIR TERMS
1.Chief Obafemi Awolowo 2.Chief Anthony Enahoro 3.Mr.Lateef K. Jakande 4.Mr.Dapo Omisade 5.Mr.S.A.Onitiri 6.Mr.Gabby Sasore 7.Mr.Sunday Ebietoma 8.Mr.U.I.Nwaobiala

2.THOSE WHO HAVE ALREADY SERVED THEIR TERMS.
1.Mr. S.A.Otubanjo 2.Mr.S.J.Umoren 3.Mr.S.Oyesile.

3.THOSE WHO HAVE NOT YET BEEN TRIED.
1. Mr.S.G.Ikoku 2.Mr.Ayo Adebanjo 3.Mr.James Aluko



When did the moderators start putting up topics on the front page with no tangigle source.

Where the f0rk is the source to this?

Make I quote before them go give yeye reason for no source.
Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by pistol: 3:30pm On Jun 27, 2012
So awolowo was begging an igbo man 4 his life.

He was later released only for him to accept the minister of finance position given to him by the hausas that he is trying to paint black here.

And used that position to starve 2 million biafrans to death..

Whom is he trying to fool here.?

D sage indeed

10 Likes

Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by Afam4eva(m): 3:30pm On Jun 27, 2012
pistol: So awolowo was begging an igbo man 4 his life.

He was later released only for him to accept the minister of finance position given to him by the hausas that he is trying to paint black here.

And used that position to starve 2 million biafrans to death..

Whom is he trying to fool here.?

D sage indeed
That's life for you.
Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by Pennywise(m): 3:31pm On Jun 27, 2012
mjconcept:
You are such a senseless bigoted fellow, what concern GEJ with the letter?

Another mediocre in Jonathan's ministry of NL affairs. Awooof.
Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by shymex(m): 3:32pm On Jun 27, 2012
Key points from the letter:

One of the monsters which menaced the public life of this country up to 14th January, this year is OPPORTUNISM with its attendant evils of jobbery, venality, corruption, and unabashed self-interest. From all accounts, you are inflexibly resolved to destroy this monster. That was precisely what my colleagues and I had tried to do before we were rendered hors de combat since 29th May, 1962. On two different occasions I was offered, first the post of Deputy Prime Minister (before May 1962), and second that of Deputy Governor-General (in August 1962), if I would agree to fold up the Opposition and join in a National Government. I declined the two offers because they were designed exclusively to gratify my self-interest, with no thought of fostering any political moral principle which could benefit the people of Nigeria.

I must say, however, that in all conscience, I felt and still feel that a truly public-spirited person should accept public office not for what he can get for himself — such as the profit and glamour of office — but for the opportunity which it offers him of serving his people to the best of his ability, by promoting their welfare and happiness. To me, the two aforementioned posts were sinecures, and were intended to immobilise my talents and stultify the role of watch-dog which the people of Nigeria looked upon me to play on their behalf, at that juncture in our political evolution.

The abrogation of the Anglo-Nigeria Defence Pact was one of the feathers in its cap. Some of the policies which the Government of the day later adopted — such as the creation of a Federal Ministry of Agriculture and the introduction of drastic measures to correct our balance of payments deficit — were among those persistently and constructively urged by the Opposition inside and outside Parliament. The point I wish to emphasise here is that it was not out of spite or hatred for any one that I chose to remain in Opposition instead of joining the much-talked-of National Government. I did so in order to serve our people to the best of my ability in the position in which their votes had placed my Party, and to ensure that the young plant of democracy grows into a sturdy flourishing tree in Nigeria.

Even my most inveterate enemies have given the following testimony about me: ‘AWOLOWO HAS STILL A GREAT DEAL TO GIVE TO THIS COUNTRY.’ No country however advanced and civilized can afford to waste any of its talents, be they ever so small. Nigeria is too young to bury some of her talents as she was compelled to do under the old regime. It is within your power to restore my colleagues and me to a position where our fatherland can again rejoice at the contributions which we are capable of making to its progress, welfare and happiness.

The final phase in the struggle for Nigeria’s independence was initiated by my Party in the historic Self-Government motion moved by Chief Anthony Enahoro and supported by me on 31st March, 1953. IT SHOULD BE REGARDED AS MORE THAN IRONICAL, AND AS PALPABLY TRAGIC, THAT TWO OF THE ARCHITECTS OF THAT INDEPENDENCE AND, INDEED, THE PACE-SETTERS AND ACCELERATORS OF ITS FINAL PHASE SHOULD BE UNFREE IN A FREE NIGERIA.

^^^^Love him, or loathe him - he's still the greatest and most erudite politician Nigeria ever had...

I still can't understand why some people hate this great man.. undecided undecided

He graduated from LSE in flying colours...

He's my hero!! cool

13 Likes

Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by dapsyd1(m): 3:32pm On Jun 27, 2012
Let 10 professors in english department from harvard decides to be taking both Jona and patience, tutorial for 3 years. He can't write a letter like this. U think am bluffing watch his sunday media chat, their u will see d level of his comportment. AWO, A PRESIDENT NIGERIA NEVER HAD

3 Likes

Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by ebamma(m): 3:36pm On Jun 27, 2012
if pa awolowo had known that this is wat nigeria will turn to, he could have supported ojukwu's biafra cause.
Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by olyivy(f): 3:38pm On Jun 27, 2012
dapsy d: Let 10 professors in english department from harvard decides to be taking both Jona and patience, tutorial for 3 years. He can't write a letter like this. U think am bluffing watch his sunday media chat, their u will see d level of his comportment. AWO, A PRESIDENT NIGERIA NEVER HAD
[size=13pt]Your Buhari cannot even read one that is already written for him by someone else.

After looking at the grammar in the text he was about to read to his foot soldiers last year, he broke down in tears. grin[/size]

6 Likes

Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by shymex(m): 3:38pm On Jun 27, 2012
pistol: So awolowo was begging an igbo man 4 his life.

He was later released only for him to accept the minister of finance position given to him by the hausas that he is trying to paint black here.

And used that position to starve 2 million biafrans to death..

Whom is he trying to fool here.?

D sage indeed

How was he begging an Igbo man in the letter??

Can you read at all?

Is there a crime in writing to the Head of State of his Country to seek clemency

I now see why scientists said Africans have the lowest IQ in the world.. undecided

3 Likes

Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by mjconcept(m): 3:40pm On Jun 27, 2012
Pennywise:

Another mediocre in Jonathan's ministry of NL affairs. Awooof.
I'm not pro-Jonathan or a sycophant, I'm just on the side of truth.

1 Like

Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by Afam4eva(m): 3:43pm On Jun 27, 2012
Sisi_Kill:
Because it doesn't fit into your neatly packaged box of reasons for "hating the other tribe?"
Do i know you or are you confusing me for someone else?
Re: Obafemi Awolowo’s Letter From Prison (dated 28th March 1966) by jason123: 3:45pm On Jun 27, 2012
pistol: So awolowo was begging an igbo man 4 his life.

He was later released only for him to accept the minister of finance position given to him by the hausas that he is trying to paint black here.

And used that position to starve 2 million biafrans to death..

Whom is he trying to fool here.?

D sage indeed

Did that Igbo man release him? It took a middle-belter called Gowon to release him. For eff sake, stop lying. Since when the Gowon become a Hausa. Even his closest friend Nnamdi join a Hausa to imprison him and cause chaos in the Western region after splitting it to reduce her political dominance but God does not sleep.

You guys are not being sincere and that's your problem.

6 Likes

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