₦airaland Forum

tigerleggs: if u do not have anything to contribute, just sit 4uck up and read just like me. No be do or die. Diekanu

Sad!

afam4eva: To a lot of Yorubas, Awolowo=Yorubas...Any insult on Awo is an insult on all Yorubas because he's the only man reverred by an astronomical number of Yorubas. But that doesn't mean the truth should not be told the way it is. If you don't like the truth then you could try killing yourself.

It's also sickening that what i hear from some Yorubas about this book is that it is the past and that the past should be forgotten...For me it's another way of saying "Abeg, make we no go to the past so that dem no go open our yansh". The same people are the ones that keep shouting June 12, MKO and NADECO wherever they go. Why haven't they forgotten about June 12. The civil war is not even as popular as june 12 courtesy of the Lagos media. let's stop being hypocritical in this country and be fair for once in our lives.

pro01: Very interesting. One has to marvel at Tinubu's ingenuity; how did this common thief scheme his way to this much power and influence?

He is intelligent I must give it to him but he is not the solution to the problems of Nigeria.

It is shocking indeed..

http://www.thetruthng.com/news-reports/salami-justice-uwais%E2%80%99s-secret-deal-with-tinubu-revealed-how-they-corrupted-the-judiciary/

With controversies still trailing the planned recall of the suspended President of the Court of Appeal (PCA), Justice Isa Ayo Salami, clandestine involvement of former Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Mohammed Uwais and former Lagos State Governor and Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) National Leader, Bola Tinubu has been revealed.

A Lagos based group, Allied Progressive Movement (APM) revealed in a letter to the National Security Adviser (NSA), General Andrew Azazi the secret meetings held with Justice Uwais between April 2009 and February 2011 on the use of the judiciary to secure electoral victories for the ACN.



Copy of the letter, dated December 26, 2011 and signed by APM Coordinator, Kola Ajayi and Secretary General Mutiu Shadimu was obtained by our reporter. It was titled; “Tinubu/Uwais Alliance Corrupting the Judiciary.”



The letter read; “We wish to bring to your attention sir the unhealthy relationship between Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu, former Governor of

Lagos State and Mr. Justice Muhammed Uwais, former Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN). Over a period of two years the two have consistently engaged in activities that are detrimental to the integrity of the judiciary and debilitating to the cause of all those who seek justice from a honest, transparent, honourable and uncorrupted judiciary that deals equity with clean hands. The attached document titled “Tinubu as a Virus in the Judiciary The Uwais Connection” provides detail information on this alliance between the duo.



“The attachment also highlights in particular the corrupting influence of Justice Uwais on Justice Salami at the instance of Senator Bola Tinubu and Justice Uwais unrelenting effort to redeem Justice Salami.

Justice Uwais obviously saw an opportunity when he was appointed to head the NJC’s Judicial Reform panel. He appears to be making desperate effort to coerce the new Chief Justice Musdapher to recall Justice Salami from suspension and cleansed of perjury. The timing and his tenacity clearly raise suspicion of a possible link to the approaching determination of the ongoing Presidential election appeal.



“In the interest of the Judiciary in particular and the nation in general, We hereby urge you sir to use your good offices to order a thorough investigation into the information provided in the attached and the people mentioned in it. We are convinced your investigation will no doubt confirm the roles being played by Senator Tinubu and his allies like Justice Uwais to destroy the nation’s judiciary just to promote personal, political and economic interests. We also appeal to you sir to use your good offices to do the needful so that sanity and impeccability, honour and integrity can be restored to the judiciary.”



THE ATTACHED REPORT

Tinubu as a Virus in the Judiciary: The Uwais Connection For some time, there has been serious national concern on the level of corruption in the Judiciary. It has become imperative that efforts be made to locate the epicenter of this corrupting influence in the hope that the authorities can do something about it to help restore sanity.



2.Two people, who have worked closely with each other to corrupt the judiciary are Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu, former Governor of Lagos State and Justice Muhammed Uwais, former Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN). Some of their known activities are detailed below which shows that at least since 2009, Justice Uwais consistently worked with and at the behest of Tinubu to pervert justice at the highest level. Senator Tinubu and Justice Uwais relationship actually dates back to the linguistically inchoate decision of the Uwais Supreme Court on the inchoate nature of Local Government creation in Lagos by Tinubu’s administration.



3. At a meeting in Lagos on April 5, 2009 attended by Tinubu’s men known as “Team Lagos”, Tinubu boasted that his main man to do the hatchet work for him in the Judiciary was Uwais. Those present at that meeting included Rauf Aregbesola (now Governor), Chief Ajomale, Alhaji Wasiu Ayinde (a musician popularly known as KWAM1), Chief Badmus (aka Kosija, Vice Chairman, OPC, Fasheun faction; he is now late), Rafiu Olohunwa, etc.



4. On Wednesday, May 20, 2009, Tinubu conveyed a meeting at Aregbesola’s house on Oduduwa Road, Ikeja. At the meeting were Dele Alake, Ayo Casmir, Rauf Aregbesola, leadership of the NBA, a Representative of the NLC, Asari Dokubo group, Human Rights Groups’ representatives. Several issues were discussed. A major resolution was that the Human Rights Group, the NBA, the Press and NLC should begin to drum up support for the implementation of Uwais Report on Electoral Reform. Tinubu’s heavy financial support and vocal support by proxy were the strings with which he eventually tied Uwais to his apron.



5. On or about July 10, 2009, Tinubu, in a meeting with his aides was very upset with the Appeal Court’s decision ordering a re-run in the Ekiti North Senatorial District. He mentioned one Justice Fagbohungbe (Rtd), one Justice Adeniji (Rtd) and Justice Uwais as critical contacts. He called Justice Uwais at the meeting to question the rational behind the sudden change of theirearlier decision (outright victory for AC candidate) on the judgement.



6. On Wednesday July 15, 2009, Tinubu met with selected members of his inner circle. The meeting focused on the judiciary and the police. On judiciary, Tinubu said, PDP leadership from Southwest recently made deft moves to whittle down his influence on the judiciary. According to him, he claimed at the meeting, that apart from helping some notable members of the judiciary (rtd/serving) to parcel/s of land in areas of their choice in Lagos, he also assisted in building them. He said some members of the judiciary love him for supporting one of their own (Uwais and his Report). He posited that for these and other reasons, PDPis finding it difficult to infiltrate their rank and file. Tinubu asked the meeting rhetorically: “how many of them in their various states (PDP Governors) have total grip on their state judiciary?” Tinubu boasted that he can call the shot in any state particularly in the Southwest.



7. At a meeting on Bourdillon Road on July 19, 2009 , in response to a question on Ekiti Tribunal, Tinubu told the meeting he was on top of the situation. He said his moral and financial support for full implementation of Uwais Electoral Reform Bill had even won him more support from the Bench. He (Tinubu) said he gave them people who are about collecting 20 million signatures and promised to ignite a mass rally for the full implementation of the report.



8. At a meeting in Lagos on or about July 25, 2009 which had in attendance LagosCJ, Lagos A-G, NBA President, Rotimi Akeredolu, Ebun Sofunde, Awodein, Dr Onipede, Nurudeen Ogbara, Justice Inumidun Akande and a Rtd Female CJ, Tinubu thanked them for their impressive performance. He particularly commended them for the astonishing feats recently recorded in Ekiti. Tinubu openly confirmed at the meeting that one Sotonye had been adequately compensated for favouring AC. Tinubu also mentioned that Justice Adebara is not doing badly. That at the Ekiti Tribunal, AC has recorded some favourable rulings, that Tinubu particularly favouredthe one that gave AC reprieve to tender documents at will.

He asked for their support on Lagos Local Government Councils. He personally appealed to Akeredolu to make a statement on the issue and also co-opt other principal officers of NBAinto the struggle. Tinubu also said others that included a Retired CJ of the Federation (Uwais) were working round the clock to ensure AC victory. He enjoined those present to support his mission.



9. On Saturday August 1, 2009, Tinubu held a meeting at a Magodo hideout with Team Lagos where he instructed them to provide 100 “boys” for the Ekiti North Senatorial re-run fixed for August 15th. He pledged N50 million as fund for the project.



10. On Sunday August 2, 2009 he held a second meeting at Bourdillon with the following in attendance: Kehinde Ogundele, Leye Bamidale, Oladipo Akinyemi, Funminiyi Afuye, Yomi Adeoti, Dele Olatuyi, Olaiya Polati, Foluso James and his inner caucus. Tinubu expressed disgust over one AC lawmaker who connived with PDP lawmakers in an attempt to remove the Speaker, Odeyemi. He said he had committed so much on ‘Ekiti Project’ and was not ready to lose the State. As for the judiciary, Tinubu boasted that he was on top of the situation. He assured he was currently enjoying the support of other opposition parties in Ekiti.



11. In the night of Friday August 2, 2009, Tinubu met some members of the AC legal team handling the Governorship re-run case. Others at the meeting included NBA’s Akeredolu, Justice Inumidun, some erstwhile Lagos CJs and some of his trusted aides which included Opeyemi Bamidele, Fouad Oki, Alake, etc. Tinubu affirmed at the meeting that through Justice Uwais and other notable Justices (Rtd and Serving) he has infiltrated the Tribunal members’ camp. Tinubu was on phone with a female member of the Tribunal for over an hour.



12. During the weekend of October 16 18, 2009, two meetings were held. One was on saving the Ekiti Speaker and Deputy from impeachment. The other was to consider the report on Constitution and Electoral Reform for review and necessary input. This issue prompted their immediate visit to Ghana. The sole aim was to conceal the identity of the personalities involved not only in weakening the centre and strengthening the other tiers of government particularly the states but also exploring a possible avenue of having a bloodless revolution if they are unable to push through their agenda which they regarded as a catalyst to solving Nigeria’s problem. While in Ghana they visited the man in-charge of Ghana’s election from whom they borrowed some ideas.



13. Those at the Ghana meeting comprised Opeyemi Bamidele, LASTMA and KAI Bosses, Justice Uwais, Fouad Oki, Baba Eto, Yinka Odumakin, one Judge Abutu, Adeyinka and Alabi both rtd Justices, Afikuyomi, Wale Osun, H. O. Davies, Dele Alake, Dele Momodu, Representative of Adenuga, Chief Badmus a.k.a Kosija, Musiliu Akinsanya (aka M.C.), Olohunwa and others.



14. On or about November 2, 2009, Tinubu’s group was in the United Kingdom to mobilize support for the implementation of the Uwais report and at the same time deliberate on pending cases in various Tribunals and Appeal Courts. On implementation of Uwais report, the UK trip was a follow up to their visit to Ghana and US Consular General. Tinubu’s representative at the gathering boasted that the pressure on Yar’Adua by the Labour, Human Right Groups, NBA, NGO’s, Socio-Cultural organisations such as Afenifere Renewal Group, Egbe Igbimo Yoruba, Arewa Youth Consultative Forum, Arewa Opinion Elders Forum and others that Tinubu has been funding heavily had succeeded in mounting enormous pressure on Yar’Adua. He (Tinubu) pledged further financial support to any individual or group of people who are ready to join the struggle.



15. They also concluded at the London meeting that should Yar’Adua succeed in killing the Uwais report, they would make the country ungovernable. They expressed strong believe that President Yar’Adua was lily-livered and can easily be pummeled to submission. Tinubu at the meeting claimed he had been able to subdue Yar’Adua on Lagos LGAs and LGDAs through the same process. Aside this they (Tinubu group) were seriously sensitizing and mobilizing people for a massprotest rally. And on the day of the rally here, other rallies would be going on simultaneously abroad.



16. To make their job easier, both Tinubu and Atiku agreed at a meeting held in Abuja, Lagos State house, where they jointly resolved to use their connections within the judiciary to influence cases at both the Tribunal and Appeal Courts. Based on this agreement, they scheduled an emergency meeting with their ‘judiciary contacts’ which comprised the following: Uwais, Abutu, Alabi rtd, Lagos C.J, Oyewole, Akande, Falana, Akeredolu, Abdullahi, Prof Oyewo, and three others from the North who were asked to compel the people in charge of various cases to play ball. They specifically mentioned Ogun, Ekiti and Osun. There was assurance from them.



17. On or about November 17, 2009, Tinubu at his meeting with his Team resolved to provide financial support for mobilization towards mass protests. Otunba Kazeem Badmus (aka Kosija now late) was in the North to sensitize Yoruba residents there while Alhaji Shetima (Arewa Youth Forum Leader) was commissioned to handle Northerners. The plan was to force Yar’Adua’s government to adopt the Uwais Report. They planned to capitalize on government planned fuel deregulation. Segun Adeniyi boosted their cause with a statement he issued titled “Who is afraid of Uwais Report?”



18. Meanwhile, Tinubu was to sponsor the hosting of Justice I. A. Salami, President, Court of Appeal at Eko Hotel by the leadership of NBAand Justice Akande, Lagos C.J.



19. Towards December 9, 2009, several meetings were held at various locations particularly at Bourdillon Road, Oduduwa Ikeja official residence of Aregbesola, a Prophet’s house at Shangisha and at three other secret locations owned by Tinubu

(Magodo and another one at Ikoyi), and at Justice Uwais house in Lekki Phase I.



20. On Ekiti Re-run: At the dinner organized for the new Court of Appeal President, Salami. Uwais, Akeredolu and Inumidun categorically made an appeal to the Justice, the new Court of Appeal President to support their course in Ekiti. They also requested to have an input in the composition of the Judges that would sit at the appeal that will succeed the present

Tribunal. The man obliged their request.



21. Meanwhile, Tinubu decided not to say anything openly that’ll hurt the presidency any more. But secretly sponsor attacks on the President through his aides, NBA, the 54/55 group and others who were calling for the ailing President’s resignation. The purpose was to put enormous pressure on the North.



22. Between May 9 and May 13 2010, Tinubu’s team comprising top legal experts who were mandated to meet with Justice Adebara, one of the Ekiti Tribunal members, met. The team’s assignment was to establish from Justice Adebara what went wrong atthe Tribunal.



23. The committee in their report said Adebara admitted that lots of factors contributed to the outcome of that tribunal ruling. The committee reported that Adebara listed among others, crisis in the AC and Atiku return to PDP. They said, Adebara later commended the resilience of PDP in Ekiti. He affirmed that the majority ruling was full of loop-holes and pointed out some of the faults in the ruling / judgement. Almost all the decisions taken at the meeting with Adebara were ratified.



24. Tinubu vowed to upturn the ruling at the Appeal. To achieve his (Tinubu) objectives, he constituted a committee comprising notable jurists and legal luminaries that included Prof. Osinbajo, Femi Falana, Justice Uwais, Akanbi, Alabi and others whose assignment was to study the rulings and advice/render assistance to the legal team handling the matter.



25. He (Tinubu) also boasted at the meeting that, he’ll influence the composition of the Appeal committee members. He submitted he has finalised that with the authority concerned. He (Tinubu) said the Appeal would be headed by someone fromeither Niger Delta or East. Aregbesola was mandated to organise prayer warriors and traditional actions.



26. For funding of the project tagged Ekiti Must Be Surmounted, Tinubu informed the meeting of the recent attempt by Governor Fashola to terminate the contract between Alpha/Beta, his company, and Lagos State government.

He commended several efforts made by Ikuforiji, the Speaker and the House for using their legislative power to counter some of the moves. But he (Tinubu) promised to raise the fund for the project. He hinted that if Fashola went further that he’ll boot him out of office.



27. As for EFCC probe, Tinubu assured everybody that his foot soldiers were already working. He disclosed that the Commission’s spokes person was his man. He promised to call a meeting immediately he’s with the names of Appeal Court members.



28. About May 20, 2010, a meeting of Tinubu’s inner caucus was initially scheduled for Akodo, Eleko Beach Area. Governor Fashola decided to wield the big stick and scheduled his own meeting for the same venue, same time. This prompted Tinubu to shift his meeting to Alesh Hotel at Ajah. Tinubu’s meeting was attended by Niyi Akintola (SAN), Justice Akande, Justice Alabi (Rtd), Justice Adeyinka (Rtd) Chairman LASIEC, Professor Itse Sagay (SAN), Femi Falana, Prof. Lai Olurode, Yinka Odumakin, Muiz Banire,Toyin Pinhero (SAN), Police AIG Arabamen, LASTMABoss, Aregbesola, Dele Alake, H. O. Davies, Olohunwa, and others. Olohunwa was not allowed into the meeting as he was only invited to ward off area boys.



29. At the meeting, Tinubu revealed that he got Sowore, former UNILAG Student Union President to use their fabricated N3 Billion Tribunal bribe story which facilitation they were pinning on OBJ and Afe Babalola. He coughed out US$250,000 to ensure the story emanated from Saharareporters.



30. In the build up to the April 2011 Presidential election, Tinubu and his Team were confident that irrespective of the way the election went, they would subvert the results at the Supreme Court with the help of Uwais and some other judges.



31. A meeting held on Monday December 27, 2010 at Tinubu’s Bourdillon Road home, in the thick of negotiation on the ACN/CPC merger, Buhari led the CPC team while Tinubu headed the ACN team. At the meeting there were irreconcilable differences over merger arrangement. Tentatively, the parties involved agreed to use ACN based on the fact that ACN holds sway in the Southwest and are having substantial impact in the South-South. They considered CPC as the party to beat in the North; all these gave them hope of wrestling power from PDP in 2011.



32. On the Presidential Candidate to be used they settled for Buhari. For the Vice, Tinubu showed interest. He told the meeting that his popularity in the S/W and other parts of Nigeria will do the magic. But people who knew him (Tinubu) inside out kicked against such arrangement. Even Buhari objected to it; the S/E people also opposed and they insisted that one of their own, Ngige, must be used. Tinubu, having confided in some people that Ngige by virtue of who he is, might be difficult to control if chosen,finally pushed for Niyi Adebayo while Ngige settled for SGF. Ribadu was to be reinstated and made IG, etc.



33. In early February 2011, as a follow-up to the meeting he (Tinubu) held with the representatives of the Ciroma-led team in Jan. Another meeting came up with full representation of notable NPLF leaders that had in attendance the

likes of Ayu, Haruna, factional Arewa Youth Forum leader, Shettima,

Anthony Sani and other notables.



34. At the meeting, Tinubu was praised for his singular effort in checkmating OBJ who has been the major “character or evil” confronting PDP and threatening Nigerian democracy. They pledged their co-operation with Tinubu. Aregbesola

sang praise of Tinubu, calling him “Ẹkun ọkọ baba agbẹ Ọta, Jagaban of our time” (Obasanjo’s conqueror, Jagaban of our time). Those on the side of Tinubu were Justice Uwais, one other Justice, AIG Arabamen, Kai Brigade Captain Maigeri Rtd, National Secretary ACN, Dr. Fayemi, Ribadu and others that included HoD, Olohunwa, who claimed to be representative of the

NURTW boss.



35. At the meeting, their discussion centred mainly on the following

three issues:

a) Sponsorship of crisis in some parts of the North particularly

States that supported Jonathan at the Presidential primary.

b) Military intervention if all other efforts fail.

c) Judicial process

The last one they didn’t delve too much on was the issue of consensus candidate which the Northern representatives had claimed to be an impossible task.

36. On chaos sponsorship, Tinubu encouraged them to fund secretly the lingering crisis. Cash and ‘boys/mercenaries’ for such operations would be taken care of by him (Tinubu). He boasted at the meeting that, “this time, I’ll open the treasury to prosecute this forthcoming elections”. He tasked the factional Arewa Youth Forum President, Mallam Yerima Shettima, to try and identify some of the trouble shooters for adequate funding and support in preparation for sponsorship. What they purportedly stand to gain is to discredit GEJ government and make it unpopular in some of the states he won during the PDP Presidential primary.



37. They also weighed the military option. The Northerners were mainly in support of the idea while Tinubu advised that should be a last resort but warned that the leader must be trusted. According to source, there was a sharp disagreement, sentiment and ethnicity issue beclouded their reasoning so the gathering did not reach an agreement.



38. Judiciary: Tinubu at the meeting assured those present that with the backing of “Eledumare” (God) and some prominent jurists both serving and retired, victory was assured. But on the candidate to be adopted by the parties they zeroed down on Buhari, Ribadu.



39. At the meeting, the other Snr. Justice present hinted those at the sitting that efforts should be put in place to protect/defend Salami, the Appeal Court President. There and then, he informed them that attempt would be made to remove him from office and he’ll be replaced by a weakling who will definitely truncate the plan of the house. He appealed to Tinubu to

use his enormous wealth to drum support for Salami.



40. The Justice also warned especially Tinubu to be wary of some of his aides pointing out his house was leaking. He went further to say, almost all Tinubu inner caucus meetings leaked to the opposing camp. He cited many examples such as meeting between Tinubu and Salami, how emisaries were being sent to him to thwart some of the moves by Tinubu & co.Facts and figures about what and what exchanged hands for a favour including the one owned by proxy/proxies.



41. In reaction to the Justice’s advice, Tinubu corroborated the Jurist after thanking him for his great observation particularly on the moles around him. He said he had identified some of the serving commissioners and council bosses who were working for the opponents. He also mentioned that one or more former council chairmen were also in the same train with the traitors.Tinubu however said that he had started dealing with them squarely. He said Opeyemi Bamidele was supposed to be at the meeting but for kicking against the ‘establishment’ that made him, he has started paying the price.



42. As for Salami, Tinubu promised to mobilise the Press, Human Right Groups,

NGO, Lawyers, Coalition of Political Parties. For propaganda, he

boasted that he was in control of that and all would be deployed to

defend Salami from being disgraced out of office. He (Tinubu) counseled those who have benefitted from his largesse to tighten up the loose nuts. He said there’s a way they’ll do it and they won’t

trace it to anybody. He advised that they see some of his aides for

proper counseling. Amongst the aides were, Bolaji Idris Ariyoh, Bisi

Yusuf, Tayo Oduntan, H. O. Davies, Dele Alake and others.



43. On the defence of Salami, he said they had met with the needed organisations, chief among whom is Sowore of Saharareporters. He was also planning to establish another online electronic media. Another plan they also agreed on wasto be meeting regularly as at when Tinubu deemed fit at any venue he chose. In support of the course, Tinubu gave N5m each for their transport andagain donated another N200m to jump start the Northern agenda. He promised another N300m, if they do well.

I agree, this why I love what Achebe has done; tell it as it is, now this has led many of us to research our common history in order to guide our common future.
If the Biafran fla will not fly high, then let us sit down now and discuss how our "oneness" existence.

You cant be a child and command him not to cry

noblezone: And how do we learn to speak as a people?

Since after the war, compare the number of Igbo's killed else where in Nigeria (especially in the North) with the number of non Igbos killed in Igbo land.

I have a daughter who wants to become a medical doctor, I am willing to work hard to see her achieve her dream.
Then after 6 years of Primary education, 6 years of secondary education, 6 years of University education and I year at Medical School, she is likely to be sent to Borno to serve Nigeria, only for her to be prey in the hands of barbaric men who would naturally keep their own daughters in doors.

If the Biafran fla will not fly high, then let us sit down now and discuss how our "oneness" existence.

You cant be a child and command him not to cry.

noblezone: Hahahaha!

Bros, you ended up throwing tantrums!

The Biafran Nation is a reality, Nigeria has never worked, is not working and will never work.

The Biafran flag will fly high once more and this time to fall no more.

No new flag is flying in Nigeria. Let us all learn to work as a people.

CyberG: ibo stupidi.ty on display. Your tantrum of 1967 was treated and it won't be different today or tomorrow. A tantrum that you could not even afford after which you needed subsidy #20 pounds from Nigerian taxpayers, food, money and weapons from Nigeria and charity aid organizations. Useless ojuku run-away coward!

Calm down bro...we are all still Nigerians... this is not about anything but accepting the truth. No new flag will fly in Nigeria but we all need to look back and learn from history and adjust our sense of tolerance for other people. If this nation is divided today, the hatred for one another will rise, but if we learn to work togethr as a team and not as a region, ethnicity or based on religious lines, we cn still acheive greatness out of country Nigeria. God bless the federal republic of Nigeria.

noblezone: Personally, I dont blame Yoruba or Hausa.

I blame Lord Lugard and his partners in colonial conquests that fraudulently mis-amalgamated different nations into this failed state called Nigeria.

What I am asking is this, why cant we correct that wrong?
It is time.

Because some regions are used reaping where they did not sow...so to maintain this unGodly balance, they will keep subjugating the truth!!!

truth4meal: NOT THE ENTITY AGAIN ABI ITS AWO AND HIS CROONIES - HUMOUR ME

Pardon the typo, I was attempting to single out Awo as an entity and that his decision does not represent the views of most Yoruba people. Yes decision made by him and his cronies.

People are quick to point accusing fingers. Awolowo made his decisons in his capacity as entity and I dont think that decision represents the views of all yoruba people. So I be mused that our western brothers are taking offence. What Awo and his cronies did was wrong. Period.

Federal troops, killed, or stood by while mobs killed, more than 5000 Ibos in Warri, Sapele, Agbor, "New York Times, 10th January, 1968.

"It’s (mass starvation) is a legitimate aspect of war, " Anthony Enahoro, Nigerian Commissioner for Information at a press conference in (New York, July 1968)
"Starvation is a legitimate weapon of war, and we have every intention of using it against the rebels, "Mr Alison Ayida, Head of Nigerian Delegation, Niamey Peace Talks, Republic of Niger, July 1968) "

The Igbos must be considerably reduced in number" (Lagos Policeman quoted in New York Review, 21 December, 1967)
''One word now describes the policy of the Nigerian military government towards secessionist Biafra: genocide. It is ugly and extreme but it is the only word which fits Nigeria's decision to stop the International Committee of the red Cross, and other relief agencies, from flying food to Biafra" Washington Post (editorial) July 2, 1969).

''In some areas outside the East, Igbos were killed by local people with at least the acquiescence of the federal forces, 1000 Igbo civilians perished in Benin in this way"- (Max Edward - Reporter on the ground-New York Review, 21 December 1967).

''After federal forces take over of Benin, troops killed about 500 Igbo civilians after a house-to-house search with the aid of willing locals" (Washington Morning Post, 27 September, 1967).

"The greatest single massacre occurred in the Igbo town of Asaba where 700 Igbo male were lined up and shot as terrified women/children were forced to watch"
(London Observer, 21 January, 1968)

"Federal troops, killed, or stood by while mobs killed, more than 5000 Ibos in Wari, Sapele, Agbor" (New York Times, 10th January, 1968).

"There has been genocide on the occasion of the 1966 massacres, the region between the towns of Benin and Asaba where only widows and orphans remain, federal troops having, for unknown reasons, massacred all the men" - (Paris Le Monde, 5th April, 1968).

"In Calabar, federal forces shot at least 1000 and perhaps 2000 Igbos, most of them civilians" (New York Times, 18th January, 1968).

"Bestialities and indignities of all kinds were visited on Biafrans in 1966. In Ikeja Barracks (Western Nigeria) Biafrans were forcibly fed on a mixture of human urine and faeces. In Northern Nigeria numerous Biafran house-wives and nursing mothers were violated before their husbands and children. Young girls were abducted from their homes, working places and schools and forced into intimate intercourse with sick, demented and leprous men'' (Mr. Eric Spiff (German War correspondence Eyewitness, 1967).

"There has been genocide, for example on the occasion of the 1966 massacres , Two areas have suffered badly [from the fighting]. Firstly the region between the towns of Benin and Asaba where only widows and orphans remain, Federal troops having for unknown reasons massacred all the men.
According to eyewitnesses of that massacre the Nigerian commander ordered the execution of every Ibo male over the age of ten years" (Monsignor Georges, sent down on a fact-finding mission by His holiness the Pope reporting his finding in Vatican Rome, Le Monde, French Evening newspaper, April 5, 1968).

''650 refugee camps, contained about 700,000 haggard bundles of human flotsam waiting hopelessly for a meal, outside the camps, was the reminder of an estimated four and a half to five million displaced persons, the Kwashiokor scourge, a million and half children, suffer(ed) from it during January; that put the forecast death toll at another 300,000 children, More than the pogroms of 1966, more than the war casualties, more than the terror bombings, it was the experience of watching helplessly their children waste away and die that gave birth to, a deep and unrelenting loathing. It is a feeling that will one day reap a bitter harvest unless, " (Frederick Forsyth, British writer January 21st 1969) ",

I saw several hundred of Zombie-like creatures - men, women and children, lying, sitting or squatting in the midst of others who were dead. The living ones were completely reduced to skeletons and could not talk. I was seeing for the first time, kwashiorkor, Frankly, I took fright, I believe that any foreign troops from anywhere in the world occupying Ikot Ekpene or any other town in Biafra would have shown much more sympathy, "(Gen. Alex Madiebo, Ikot Ekpene, July 1968)

"One word now describes the policy of the Nigerian military government towards Biafra:- genocide. It is ugly and extreme but it is the only word which fits Nigeria's decision to stop the International Committee of the red Cross, and other relief agencies, from flying food to Biafra". The Nazis had ressurrected just here as Nigerian forces, Washington Post (editorial) July 2, 1969

"The loss of life from starvation continues at more than 10,000 persons per day - over 1,000,000 lives in recent months. Without emergency measures now, the number will climb to 25,000 per day within a month - and some 2,000,000 deaths by the end of the year. The new year will only bring greater disaster to a people caught in the passion of fratricidal war, we can't allow this to continue or those responsible to go free" Senator Kennedy appeals to Americans - Sunday, November 17, 1968 ",

I want to see no Red Cross, no Caritas, no World Council of Churches, no Pope, no missionary and no UN delegation. I want to prevent even one Ibo from having even one piece to eat before their capitulation. We shoot at everything that moves and when our troops march into the centre of Ibo territory, we shoot at everything even at things that do not move," (Benjamin Adekunle, Commander, 3rd Marine Commando Division, Nigerian Army to French radio reporter).

The war aim and (final) solution properly speaking of the entire problem, is to discriminate against the Igbos and in their own interest. Such discrimination would include above all the detachment of those oil-rich territories in the Eastern Region, in addition, the Igbos' freedom of movement would be restricted, to prevent their renewed penetration into other parts, leaving any access to the sea to the Igbos, is quite out of the question, "(Federal Nigerian Minister speaking to E. C. Schwarzenback, Swiss Review of Africa, February 1968).

"Let us go and crush them. We will pillage their property, violation their womenfolk, kill off their menfolk and leave them uselessly weeping. We will complete the pogrom of 1966" (The theme song of Radio Kaduna, government-controlled, 1967-1970).

"Unfortunately this [Gowon's] enlightenment at the top level does not penetrate very deep: a Lagos police officer was quoted last month as saying that the Igbos must be considerably reduced in number" Dr Conor cruise O'Bien , 21 December 1967 New York Review.

"Myself and The same UNICEF representatives went on to convey something of what lay behind this intransigence: "Among the large majority hailing from that tribe who are most vocal in inciting the complete extermination of the Igbos, I often heard remarks that all Nigeria's ills will be cured once the Igbos has been extaminated from the human map , " Dr Conor Cruise O'Bien (21 December, 1967, New York Review). - Onyema Uche.(Washington, Distric of Columbia), USA.

Investors capum! for north...

Food for thought. Pikin wen say em mama no go sleep no go sleep too. Lamentation part 1

chii8: strange though...bt i v noticed sth in 9ja of recent,pple video almost every damn tin on their way,both necessary and unnecessary ones.

Re: LASTMA Official's Death: Yinka Johnson (The Banker) Released by 5columnist: 7:31pm
Latsma's photographic evidence played against them this time around. During the investigation, Police requested for lastma's standard way of proofing an offence has been comitted to be brought forward. This evidences come in form of photgraphic or video evidence. So for all those who do not know and has found succour in their ignorance as to @who took the pictures@, here is your answer. Ode!

boyendowed: Maybe someone liked the car and took a picture of it.The person wasn't necessarily taking a picture of the deceased or the accused.

Re: LASTMA Official's Death: Yinka Johnson (The Banker) Released by 5columnist: 7:31pm
Latsma's photographic evidence played against them this time around. During the investigation, Police requested for lastma's standard way of proofing an offence has been comitted to be brought forward. This evidences come in form of photgraphic or video evidence. So for all those who do not know and has found succour in their ignorance as to @who took the pictures@, here is your answer. Ode!

Latsma's photographic evidence played against them this time around. During the investigation, Police requested for lastma's standard way of proofing an offence has been comitted to be brought forward. This evidences come in form of photgraphic or video evidence. So for all those who do not know and has found succour in their ignorance as to @who took the pictures@, here is your answer. Ode!

The Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) has signed two agreements with Royal Dutch Shell Plc and Chevron Corporation to transfer natural gas to the country’s power stations.

According to the Petroleum Minister, who was part of the deal, the agreements include the supply of over 70% of the total gas requirements to the domestic power industry in the country.

“We are now in a position where we can very rapidly replicate these agreements across all other power plants. Although it has taken a while to close the negotiations, the knock-on effect in terms of other agreements that can be immediately executed is phenomenal,” she said.

In a bid to increase power generation over fourfold to about 14,000 megawatts by 2013, Nigeria, holder of Africa’s largest gas reserves, has aimed to expand transmission and processing facilities to transport the fuel to the power plants.

http://thecitizenng.com/other-news/nnpc-signs-gas-transfer-deals-with-shell-chevron/

Find attached...pure blackmail

Wow... so true what Lewis said. Nigeria can get better. We in Africa were divided along colonial interest not divided along cultural synergies and this has formed part of our problems today; espcially in Nigeria where people will rather give jobs to people from their tribes or interest groups than those who are qualified for it. Federal Character laws affecting maximum productivity negatively because we need to keep a balance in governement across all regions. This is what has bred corruption in Nigeria. Our people never saw government as their collective channel to help the society but saw it as a channel to take back what the developed world took from them. We had our system which the all knowing colonial masters discarded and forced their system down our throat. This has bred resentment, thus anything that looks or feel like the white man's way of life, an innate unconscious part of our race want to destroy it. It is a quagmire for me. God bless Nigeria.

@Beaf, you are always on point...we have become blinded by the bites of boko haram and there is band wagon effect from it that presents Gej as weak but that is not the true representation of fact. Nigerians forgetc quickly why we are all in this mess today. Jonathan did not govern this country in the last 50 years. The north did. period. Gej is only cleaning up their mess and they are crying foul but violently and otherwise. God bless Nigeria.

Na wah but this is not confirmed... wow..Nigeria we hail thee.

;DInteresting piece... Guess we can see that Gej's decision to rename UNILAG was not daft.... Everything we politicize in Nigeria. SNC and co are already warming up for mother of all protest ;DInteresting piece... Guess we can see that Gej's decision to rename UNILAG was not daft.... Everything we politicize in Nigeria. SNC and co are already warming up for mother of all protest

http://www.thisdaylive.com/articles/mko-and-the-last-flight-to-johannesburg/117176/



I am sure thousands of Nigerians have various testimonies and reminiscences on their encounters with the late Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola, the acclaimed winner of the presidential election of June 12, 1993. Here is the story of my last encounters with the man of history.


It was a few minutes to flight time on May 9, 1994. As I ran towards the boarding gate to catch the last South African Airways flight to Johannesburg, I was told to take it easy as other passengers were still awaited and behind me. After handing over my boarding papers, I turned around and to my surprise, Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola was standing behind me waiting to board the same aircraft to Johannesburg for the inauguration of Nelson Mandela as President of a free South Africa.


Abiola was with his wife of blessed memory, Kudirat, my senior friend and Publisher of AFRICA TODAY Books and Magazines, Chief Ralph Uwechue, and my brother journalist, Cameron Daoudu, who writes for the London Observer. I hugged the Bashorun as I had not seen him for almost a year since the June 12, 1993 presidential election. We soon settled into the flight on which Bashorun, Kudirat and I were seated on the same row. Kudirat sat by the window.


First he upbraided and scolded me for not supporting his 1993 presidential bid despite our relationship. I also accused him of backing and funding my opponent, the late Chris Okolie in my senatorial bid in 1991. We made peace when he told the story of how he had to drive several hours by road from Ilorin to Lagos to attend my marriage to my ex-wife in Lagos City Hall, in August 1987. We discussed Nigeria and the unresolved political crises. We discussed Nelson Mandela and his impending presidency and what it meant for Africa. I then invited him (and he accepted) to attend and speak at our global conference on Change & Challenge in South Africa in Lagos, on June 8, 1994.


Soon after we landed at the Johannesburg International Airport, we were ushered into the VIP welcome area for foreign visitors to the Mandela inauguration. I was the first to go through the immigration. MKO and his delegation went through another immigration desk but I could hear him clearly tell the immigration officials that he was the President of Nigeria. As soon as he said that the immigration officials apologised for the oversight and asked for a few minutes to get their protocols right; the officials were visibly confused as Heads of State delegations were treated differently. As I tried to make my way out, the head of the team came to me and asked, “I can see you are also a Nigerian; is he the President of Nigeria?” Silence…


MKO and his delegation who were only about five steps away from me were listening to my every word… and I had only just reconciled with the man on the aircraft… How was I to respond to this? I quickly collected my thoughts and said to the SA official: “Yes, he was elected President of Nigeria… eh… but you may wish to also contact the Nigerian Embassy.” I made my way out into the bus to the Carlton Hotel in central Johannesburg, where invited guests were booked.

MKO and the delegation were given official cars to the Carlton Hotel – I later heard these were the official cars reserved for the then Head of State, General Sani Abacha, and his delegation. After checking into the Carlton Hotel, a quick bath and change of clothing, I made my way with a friend in a protocol bus (no cars for private guests were allowed to the venue) to Pretoria.


Entering the Union Buildings venue of the Mandela inauguration was mind-blowing. It was one moment in history that will remain etched in my memory forever. The first Nigerian I saw as I climbed those majestic stairs was Dele Olojede in his reporter tunic.

He was there reporting for the New York’s Newsday. The dias was even more intimidating. It was a roll call of global leaders and celebrities: from Fidel Castro to Colin Powell; from the late Yassar Arafat to Hilary Clinton. You name the celebrity and world leaders, they were present: kings, queens, actors, writers, icons et al.. Abiola and his team sat quietly among them… I could also see former President Olusegun Obasanjo and Emeka Anyaoku at different points in the audience.


Moments later, I saw the Nigerian delegation arrive. Babagana Kingibe, Abiola’s preside-ntial running mate and then Minister of Foreign Affairs, quickly spotted and walked towards me. After a handshake and a bear hug, he took me to greet General Sani Abacha who was with former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, former President Shehu Shagari and Admiral Alison Madueke (then in the Armed Forces Ruling Council). After which Kingibe asked where Abiola was seated. As I pointed towards the direction of Abiola, he hit my hand and said, “Haba! Please do not point towards him…!” The official Nigerian delegation was obviously shaken by the ‘unofficial’ Nigerian delegation!


We all watched South Africa’s powerful entry onto the world stage. I was struck that all VVIP dignitaries were seated together in the audience and the stage was reserved only for Nelson Mandela, F W de-Klerk and heroes of the anti-apartheid struggle like Oliver Thambo and Govan Mbeki. Many in that audience were moved to tears as Mandela took power and spoke eloquently.

At the end it seemed Abiola was transformed and determined to reclaim his mandate from Abacha and his fellow travelers. Cameron Daodu told me at the end of the ceremony that Abiola was now a changed man and would not be attending the Inauguration Banquet but instead would be heading back to London that night to re-energise his struggle. I was not surprised when a few days later, NADECO was formed.


I did not see Abiola after the inauguration and went ahead with plans for our international conference on ‘Change & Challenge in South Africa’ held at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Victoria Island, Lagos on June 8, 1994. On the eve of the event, I got Dele Momodu, my founding Editor at Leaders & Company Ltd to confirm if Abiola would still be keeping his promise to attend the event given the tense political climate at that time. Abiola confirmed that he would attend. On that fateful June day, Abiola showed up with Momodu and several others.

He took the Abacha regime to the cleaners, demanded his mandate to a standing ovation and challenged the military as never before… That was to be his last public appearance as a free man. After his speech he went underground only to re-appear on June 12 at Epetedo, Lagos on the anniversary of his election to declare himself President. The rest, as they say, is history.


For me, hosting Abiola began my collision with the Abacha regime. And only worsened when we began publishing THISDAY on January 22, 1995. The results were my harassment, detention and exile.


I returned from exile weeks after Abacha’s death. On July 7, 1998 when I learnt then UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, US official Susan Rice and others were in Abuja to secure Abiola’s release, I headed to Abuja. As I alighted from the aircraft, I got a call from Peter Igbinedion, former Managing Director of FAAN who immediately said, “Hold on for Baba.” Kingibe got on the phone and asked where I was. I said I had just landed at Abuja airport. He asked that I proceed urgently to Aso Rock clinic, near the Presidential Villa. Not sensing anything I made my way to Aso Rock Clinic where I saw Kingibe and Igbinedion standing with long faces in the company of Bisi Abiola, Doyin Abiola and Lola Abiola-Edewor. I did not need to be told much.


I went into the clinic and found the covered body of Abiola on the clinic bed and his slippers on the floor. Kingibe took me away and told me the new Head of State wanted to see me immediately. General Abdulsalami Abubakar sat in his living room with his military and security brass – a few of whom were my tormentors a few weeks earlier - and asked: ‘Nduka, how do we handle the media?’ I told the General, ‘There is nothing to handle! Just get on live television and tell the world everything…’. The meeting lasted a few minutes and we made our way out of the Abuja barracks where Abdulsalami was still residing. But the impact of that day may have changed our nation for good and given us the democracy we know of today.


Clearly, several of Abdulsalami’s colleagues were in no mood to hand over power to Abiola or a democratically elected government in a short time. Abiola’s death in custody changed all that. For one it gave Abdulsalami Abubakar the impetus to hand over power when he did on May 29, 1999, against the wishes of many of his colleagues. I tell this story as witness to history to demonstrate what I consider the nexus between Abiola’s untimely death and our Fourth Republic Democracy. And President Goodluck Jonathan was right in the circumstance to honour Abiola for his martyrdom. Many have expressed the view that whilst Abiola was deserving of honour, the name of the University of Lagos should not have been changed to Moshood Abiola University.


Now let us deal with the form and substance. Most agree with the substance of President Jonathan’s action that Abiola be honoured, but many do not agree with the form that the honour has taken; many more would have wished more consultations. Some – especially in the Unilag community - do not just wish to give up a part of the Unilag brand for MKO Abiola. As a collective, we have forgotten so soon the man who lost his life for Nigeria to have freedom (of choice) and keep the military in the barracks. Some even say you do not name iconic global universities like UNILAG and Harvard after individuals. Indeed Harvard University was named after John Harvard when he became that university's earliest benefactor in 1636.


Abiola was a great benefactor to major universities in Nigeria, especially the University of Lagos to which he gave N100 million in the eighties (about N15 billion in today’s Naira). James Buchanan Duke renamed Duke University after his father Washington Duke in 1904 while Cornell University was named after historian Ezra Cornell! Harvard, Duke and Cornell are amongst the world's top ranking universities as is John Hopkins University whose name was changed from the University of Baltimore to John Hopkins University in 1876.


Or is it the first University in New York City whose name was changed from Kings College to Columbia College (and later university) after 30 years of scholarship? What about Princeton University which started out as College of New Jersey? And Yale University which also started out as The Collegiate School in 1701 and renamed 17 years later after a Welsh businessman in India, Elihu Yale?


We can go on and on… Universities are not made by names, they become global centers of research and excellence through hard work and scholarship! What we need now is to promote research and scholarship not just in the renamed Moshood Abiola University of Lagos, but in all Nigerian universities so they truly can be centres of excellence and learning. What we need now is not to betray Abiola or blight his ultimate sacrifice, but ensure that we keep his legacies alive. What we need now is not to name stadia and buildings after Abiola, because stadia do not last forever as do great centres of ideas and learning like universities. For sooner or later structures are demolished in the face of architectural advances, sporting developments, and/ or growing demands of expanding cities.


What if Onikan Stadium, Lagos was named after the late Obafemi Awolowo: will it still be fit for purpose? I also agree with the many who say Abiola is not the only icon of our democratic struggle and so should not be the only one so honoured. To them I say there are many more anniversaries ahead for fallen heroes such as Shehu Yar'Adua to be honoured. But today is Abiola’s moment. Let us give him all his due. Imperfect as he was, he was truly the symbol of our Fourth Republic Democracy.

Tags: Backpage, Fourth Republic Democracy, MKO, Nduka Obaigbena, June 12, 1993.
[img]http://www.thisdaylive.com/articles/mko-and-the-last-flight-to-johannesburg/117176/

I am sure thousands of Nigerians have various testimonies and reminiscences on their encounters with the late Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola, the acclaimed winner of the presidential election of June 12, 1993. Here is the story of my last encounters with the man of history.


It was a few minutes to flight time on May 9, 1994. As I ran towards the boarding gate to catch the last South African Airways flight to Johannesburg, I was told to take it easy as other passengers were still awaited and behind me. After handing over my boarding papers, I turned around and to my surprise, Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola was standing behind me waiting to board the same aircraft to Johannesburg for the inauguration of Nelson Mandela as President of a free South Africa.


Abiola was with his wife of blessed memory, Kudirat, my senior friend and Publisher of AFRICA TODAY Books and Magazines, Chief Ralph Uwechue, and my brother journalist, Cameron Daoudu, who writes for the London Observer. I hugged the Bashorun as I had not seen him for almost a year since the June 12, 1993 presidential election. We soon settled into the flight on which Bashorun, Kudirat and I were seated on the same row. Kudirat sat by the window.


First he upbraided and scolded me for not supporting his 1993 presidential bid despite our relationship. I also accused him of backing and funding my opponent, the late Chris Okolie in my senatorial bid in 1991. We made peace when he told the story of how he had to drive several hours by road from Ilorin to Lagos to attend my marriage to my ex-wife in Lagos City Hall, in August 1987. We discussed Nigeria and the unresolved political crises. We discussed Nelson Mandela and his impending presidency and what it meant for Africa. I then invited him (and he accepted) to attend and speak at our global conference on Change & Challenge in South Africa in Lagos, on June 8, 1994.


Soon after we landed at the Johannesburg International Airport, we were ushered into the VIP welcome area for foreign visitors to the Mandela inauguration. I was the first to go through the immigration. MKO and his delegation went through another immigration desk but I could hear him clearly tell the immigration officials that he was the President of Nigeria. As soon as he said that the immigration officials apologised for the oversight and asked for a few minutes to get their protocols right; the officials were visibly confused as Heads of State delegations were treated differently. As I tried to make my way out, the head of the team came to me and asked, “I can see you are also a Nigerian; is he the President of Nigeria?” Silence…


MKO and his delegation who were only about five steps away from me were listening to my every word… and I had only just reconciled with the man on the aircraft… How was I to respond to this? I quickly collected my thoughts and said to the SA official: “Yes, he was elected President of Nigeria… eh… but you may wish to also contact the Nigerian Embassy.” I made my way out into the bus to the Carlton Hotel in central Johannesburg, where invited guests were booked.

MKO and the delegation were given official cars to the Carlton Hotel – I later heard these were the official cars reserved for the then Head of State, General Sani Abacha, and his delegation. After checking into the Carlton Hotel, a quick bath and change of clothing, I made my way with a friend in a protocol bus (no cars for private guests were allowed to the venue) to Pretoria.


Entering the Union Buildings venue of the Mandela inauguration was mind-blowing. It was one moment in history that will remain etched in my memory forever. The first Nigerian I saw as I climbed those majestic stairs was Dele Olojede in his reporter tunic.

He was there reporting for the New York’s Newsday. The dias was even more intimidating. It was a roll call of global leaders and celebrities: from Fidel Castro to Colin Powell; from the late Yassar Arafat to Hilary Clinton. You name the celebrity and world leaders, they were present: kings, queens, actors, writers, icons et al.. Abiola and his team sat quietly among them… I could also see former President Olusegun Obasanjo and Emeka Anyaoku at different points in the audience.


Moments later, I saw the Nigerian delegation arrive. Babagana Kingibe, Abiola’s preside-ntial running mate and then Minister of Foreign Affairs, quickly spotted and walked towards me. After a handshake and a bear hug, he took me to greet General Sani Abacha who was with former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, former President Shehu Shagari and Admiral Alison Madueke (then in the Armed Forces Ruling Council). After which Kingibe asked where Abiola was seated. As I pointed towards the direction of Abiola, he hit my hand and said, “Haba! Please do not point towards him…!” The official Nigerian delegation was obviously shaken by the ‘unofficial’ Nigerian delegation!


We all watched South Africa’s powerful entry onto the world stage. I was struck that all VVIP dignitaries were seated together in the audience and the stage was reserved only for Nelson Mandela, F W de-Klerk and heroes of the anti-apartheid struggle like Oliver Thambo and Govan Mbeki. Many in that audience were moved to tears as Mandela took power and spoke eloquently.

At the end it seemed Abiola was transformed and determined to reclaim his mandate from Abacha and his fellow travelers. Cameron Daodu told me at the end of the ceremony that Abiola was now a changed man and would not be attending the Inauguration Banquet but instead would be heading back to London that night to re-energise his struggle. I was not surprised when a few days later, NADECO was formed.


I did not see Abiola after the inauguration and went ahead with plans for our international conference on ‘Change & Challenge in South Africa’ held at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Victoria Island, Lagos on June 8, 1994. On the eve of the event, I got Dele Momodu, my founding Editor at Leaders & Company Ltd to confirm if Abiola would still be keeping his promise to attend the event given the tense political climate at that time. Abiola confirmed that he would attend. On that fateful June day, Abiola showed up with Momodu and several others.

He took the Abacha regime to the cleaners, demanded his mandate to a standing ovation and challenged the military as never before… That was to be his last public appearance as a free man. After his speech he went underground only to re-appear on June 12 at Epetedo, Lagos on the anniversary of his election to declare himself President. The rest, as they say, is history.


For me, hosting Abiola began my collision with the Abacha regime. And only worsened when we began publishing THISDAY on January 22, 1995. The results were my harassment, detention and exile.


I returned from exile weeks after Abacha’s death. On July 7, 1998 when I learnt then UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, US official Susan Rice and others were in Abuja to secure Abiola’s release, I headed to Abuja. As I alighted from the aircraft, I got a call from Peter Igbinedion, former Managing Director of FAAN who immediately said, “Hold on for Baba.” Kingibe got on the phone and asked where I was. I said I had just landed at Abuja airport. He asked that I proceed urgently to Aso Rock clinic, near the Presidential Villa. Not sensing anything I made my way to Aso Rock Clinic where I saw Kingibe and Igbinedion standing with long faces in the company of Bisi Abiola, Doyin Abiola and Lola Abiola-Edewor. I did not need to be told much.


I went into the clinic and found the covered body of Abiola on the clinic bed and his slippers on the floor. Kingibe took me away and told me the new Head of State wanted to see me immediately. General Abdulsalami Abubakar sat in his living room with his military and security brass – a few of whom were my tormentors a few weeks earlier - and asked: ‘Nduka, how do we handle the media?’ I told the General, ‘There is nothing to handle! Just get on live television and tell the world everything…’. The meeting lasted a few minutes and we made our way out of the Abuja barracks where Abdulsalami was still residing. But the impact of that day may have changed our nation for good and given us the democracy we know of today.


Clearly, several of Abdulsalami’s colleagues were in no mood to hand over power to Abiola or a democratically elected government in a short time. Abiola’s death in custody changed all that. For one it gave Abdulsalami Abubakar the impetus to hand over power when he did on May 29, 1999, against the wishes of many of his colleagues. I tell this story as witness to history to demonstrate what I consider the nexus between Abiola’s untimely death and our Fourth Republic Democracy. And President Goodluck Jonathan was right in the circumstance to honour Abiola for his martyrdom. Many have expressed the view that whilst Abiola was deserving of honour, the name of the University of Lagos should not have been changed to Moshood Abiola University.


Now let us deal with the form and substance. Most agree with the substance of President Jonathan’s action that Abiola be honoured, but many do not agree with the form that the honour has taken; many more would have wished more consultations. Some – especially in the Unilag community - do not just wish to give up a part of the Unilag brand for MKO Abiola. As a collective, we have forgotten so soon the man who lost his life for Nigeria to have freedom (of choice) and keep the military in the barracks. Some even say you do not name iconic global universities like UNILAG and Harvard after individuals. Indeed Harvard University was named after John Harvard when he became that university's earliest benefactor in 1636.


Abiola was a great benefactor to major universities in Nigeria, especially the University of Lagos to which he gave N100 million in the eighties (about N15 billion in today’s Naira). James Buchanan Duke renamed Duke University after his father Washington Duke in 1904 while Cornell University was named after historian Ezra Cornell! Harvard, Duke and Cornell are amongst the world's top ranking universities as is John Hopkins University whose name was changed from the University of Baltimore to John Hopkins University in 1876.


Or is it the first University in New York City whose name was changed from Kings College to Columbia College (and later university) after 30 years of scholarship? What about Princeton University which started out as College of New Jersey? And Yale University which also started out as The Collegiate School in 1701 and renamed 17 years later after a Welsh businessman in India, Elihu Yale?


We can go on and on… Universities are not made by names, they become global centers of research and excellence through hard work and scholarship! What we need now is to promote research and scholarship not just in the renamed Moshood Abiola University of Lagos, but in all Nigerian universities so they truly can be centres of excellence and learning. What we need now is not to betray Abiola or blight his ultimate sacrifice, but ensure that we keep his legacies alive. What we need now is not to name stadia and buildings after Abiola, because stadia do not last forever as do great centres of ideas and learning like universities. For sooner or later structures are demolished in the face of architectural advances, sporting developments, and/ or growing demands of expanding cities.


What if Onikan Stadium, Lagos was named after the late Obafemi Awolowo: will it still be fit for purpose? I also agree with the many who say Abiola is not the only icon of our democratic struggle and so should not be the only one so honoured. To them I say there are many more anniversaries ahead for fallen heroes such as Shehu Yar'Adua to be honoured. But today is Abiola’s moment. Let us give him all his due. Imperfect as he was, he was truly the symbol of our Fourth Republic Democracy.

Tags: Backpage, Fourth Republic Democracy, MKO, Nduka Obaigbena, June 12, 1993.
[/img]http://www.thisdaylive.com/articles/mko-and-the-last-flight-to-johannesburg/117176/

I am sure thousands of Nigerians have various testimonies and reminiscences on their encounters with the late Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola, the acclaimed winner of the presidential election of June 12, 1993. Here is the story of my last encounters with the man of history.


It was a few minutes to flight time on May 9, 1994. As I ran towards the boarding gate to catch the last South African Airways flight to Johannesburg, I was told to take it easy as other passengers were still awaited and behind me. After handing over my boarding papers, I turned around and to my surprise, Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola was standing behind me waiting to board the same aircraft to Johannesburg for the inauguration of Nelson Mandela as President of a free South Africa.


Abiola was with his wife of blessed memory, Kudirat, my senior friend and Publisher of AFRICA TODAY Books and Magazines, Chief Ralph Uwechue, and my brother journalist, Cameron Daoudu, who writes for the London Observer. I hugged the Bashorun as I had not seen him for almost a year since the June 12, 1993 presidential election. We soon settled into the flight on which Bashorun, Kudirat and I were seated on the same row. Kudirat sat by the window.


First he upbraided and scolded me for not supporting his 1993 presidential bid despite our relationship. I also accused him of backing and funding my opponent, the late Chris Okolie in my senatorial bid in 1991. We made peace when he told the story of how he had to drive several hours by road from Ilorin to Lagos to attend my marriage to my ex-wife in Lagos City Hall, in August 1987. We discussed Nigeria and the unresolved political crises. We discussed Nelson Mandela and his impending presidency and what it meant for Africa. I then invited him (and he accepted) to attend and speak at our global conference on Change & Challenge in South Africa in Lagos, on June 8, 1994.


Soon after we landed at the Johannesburg International Airport, we were ushered into the VIP welcome area for foreign visitors to the Mandela inauguration. I was the first to go through the immigration. MKO and his delegation went through another immigration desk but I could hear him clearly tell the immigration officials that he was the President of Nigeria. As soon as he said that the immigration officials apologised for the oversight and asked for a few minutes to get their protocols right; the officials were visibly confused as Heads of State delegations were treated differently. As I tried to make my way out, the head of the team came to me and asked, “I can see you are also a Nigerian; is he the President of Nigeria?” Silence…


MKO and his delegation who were only about five steps away from me were listening to my every word… and I had only just reconciled with the man on the aircraft… How was I to respond to this? I quickly collected my thoughts and said to the SA official: “Yes, he was elected President of Nigeria… eh… but you may wish to also contact the Nigerian Embassy.” I made my way out into the bus to the Carlton Hotel in central Johannesburg, where invited guests were booked.

MKO and the delegation were given official cars to the Carlton Hotel – I later heard these were the official cars reserved for the then Head of State, General Sani Abacha, and his delegation. After checking into the Carlton Hotel, a quick bath and change of clothing, I made my way with a friend in a protocol bus (no cars for private guests were allowed to the venue) to Pretoria.


Entering the Union Buildings venue of the Mandela inauguration was mind-blowing. It was one moment in history that will remain etched in my memory forever. The first Nigerian I saw as I climbed those majestic stairs was Dele Olojede in his reporter tunic.

He was there reporting for the New York’s Newsday. The dias was even more intimidating. It was a roll call of global leaders and celebrities: from Fidel Castro to Colin Powell; from the late Yassar Arafat to Hilary Clinton. You name the celebrity and world leaders, they were present: kings, queens, actors, writers, icons et al.. Abiola and his team sat quietly among them… I could also see former President Olusegun Obasanjo and Emeka Anyaoku at different points in the audience.


Moments later, I saw the Nigerian delegation arrive. Babagana Kingibe, Abiola’s preside-ntial running mate and then Minister of Foreign Affairs, quickly spotted and walked towards me. After a handshake and a bear hug, he took me to greet General Sani Abacha who was with former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, former President Shehu Shagari and Admiral Alison Madueke (then in the Armed Forces Ruling Council). After which Kingibe asked where Abiola was seated. As I pointed towards the direction of Abiola, he hit my hand and said, “Haba! Please do not point towards him…!” The official Nigerian delegation was obviously shaken by the ‘unofficial’ Nigerian delegation!


We all watched South Africa’s powerful entry onto the world stage. I was struck that all VVIP dignitaries were seated together in the audience and the stage was reserved only for Nelson Mandela, F W de-Klerk and heroes of the anti-apartheid struggle like Oliver Thambo and Govan Mbeki. Many in that audience were moved to tears as Mandela took power and spoke eloquently.

At the end it seemed Abiola was transformed and determined to reclaim his mandate from Abacha and his fellow travelers. Cameron Daodu told me at the end of the ceremony that Abiola was now a changed man and would not be attending the Inauguration Banquet but instead would be heading back to London that night to re-energise his struggle. I was not surprised when a few days later, NADECO was formed.


I did not see Abiola after the inauguration and went ahead with plans for our international conference on ‘Change & Challenge in South Africa’ held at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Victoria Island, Lagos on June 8, 1994. On the eve of the event, I got Dele Momodu, my founding Editor at Leaders & Company Ltd to confirm if Abiola would still be keeping his promise to attend the event given the tense political climate at that time. Abiola confirmed that he would attend. On that fateful June day, Abiola showed up with Momodu and several others.

He took the Abacha regime to the cleaners, demanded his mandate to a standing ovation and challenged the military as never before… That was to be his last public appearance as a free man. After his speech he went underground only to re-appear on June 12 at Epetedo, Lagos on the anniversary of his election to declare himself President. The rest, as they say, is history.


For me, hosting Abiola began my collision with the Abacha regime. And only worsened when we began publishing THISDAY on January 22, 1995. The results were my harassment, detention and exile.


I returned from exile weeks after Abacha’s death. On July 7, 1998 when I learnt then UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, US official Susan Rice and others were in Abuja to secure Abiola’s release, I headed to Abuja. As I alighted from the aircraft, I got a call from Peter Igbinedion, former Managing Director of FAAN who immediately said, “Hold on for Baba.” Kingibe got on the phone and asked where I was. I said I had just landed at Abuja airport. He asked that I proceed urgently to Aso Rock clinic, near the Presidential Villa. Not sensing anything I made my way to Aso Rock Clinic where I saw Kingibe and Igbinedion standing with long faces in the company of Bisi Abiola, Doyin Abiola and Lola Abiola-Edewor. I did not need to be told much.


I went into the clinic and found the covered body of Abiola on the clinic bed and his slippers on the floor. Kingibe took me away and told me the new Head of State wanted to see me immediately. General Abdulsalami Abubakar sat in his living room with his military and security brass – a few of whom were my tormentors a few weeks earlier - and asked: ‘Nduka, how do we handle the media?’ I told the General, ‘There is nothing to handle! Just get on live television and tell the world everything…’. The meeting lasted a few minutes and we made our way out of the Abuja barracks where Abdulsalami was still residing. But the impact of that day may have changed our nation for good and given us the democracy we know of today.


Clearly, several of Abdulsalami’s colleagues were in no mood to hand over power to Abiola or a democratically elected government in a short time. Abiola’s death in custody changed all that. For one it gave Abdulsalami Abubakar the impetus to hand over power when he did on May 29, 1999, against the wishes of many of his colleagues. I tell this story as witness to history to demonstrate what I consider the nexus between Abiola’s untimely death and our Fourth Republic Democracy. And President Goodluck Jonathan was right in the circumstance to honour Abiola for his martyrdom. Many have expressed the view that whilst Abiola was deserving of honour, the name of the University of Lagos should not have been changed to Moshood Abiola University.


Now let us deal with the form and substance. Most agree with the substance of President Jonathan’s action that Abiola be honoured, but many do not agree with the form that the honour has taken; many more would have wished more consultations. Some – especially in the Unilag community - do not just wish to give up a part of the Unilag brand for MKO Abiola. As a collective, we have forgotten so soon the man who lost his life for Nigeria to have freedom (of choice) and keep the military in the barracks. Some even say you do not name iconic global universities like UNILAG and Harvard after individuals. Indeed Harvard University was named after John Harvard when he became that university's earliest benefactor in 1636.


Abiola was a great benefactor to major universities in Nigeria, especially the University of Lagos to which he gave N100 million in the eighties (about N15 billion in today’s Naira). James Buchanan Duke renamed Duke University after his father Washington Duke in 1904 while Cornell University was named after historian Ezra Cornell! Harvard, Duke and Cornell are amongst the world's top ranking universities as is John Hopkins University whose name was changed from the University of Baltimore to John Hopkins University in 1876.


Or is it the first University in New York City whose name was changed from Kings College to Columbia College (and later university) after 30 years of scholarship? What about Princeton University which started out as College of New Jersey? And Yale University which also started out as The Collegiate School in 1701 and renamed 17 years later after a Welsh businessman in India, Elihu Yale?


We can go on and on… Universities are not made by names, they become global centers of research and excellence through hard work and scholarship! What we need now is to promote research and scholarship not just in the renamed Moshood Abiola University of Lagos, but in all Nigerian universities so they truly can be centres of excellence and learning. What we need now is not to betray Abiola or blight his ultimate sacrifice, but ensure that we keep his legacies alive. What we need now is not to name stadia and buildings after Abiola, because stadia do not last forever as do great centres of ideas and learning like universities. For sooner or later structures are demolished in the face of architectural advances, sporting developments, and/ or growing demands of expanding cities.


What if Onikan Stadium, Lagos was named after the late Obafemi Awolowo: will it still be fit for purpose? I also agree with the many who say Abiola is not the only icon of our democratic struggle and so should not be the only one so honoured. To them I say there are many more anniversaries ahead for fallen heroes such as Shehu Yar'Adua to be honoured. But today is Abiola’s moment. Let us give him all his due. Imperfect as he was, he was truly the symbol of our Fourth Republic Democracy.

Tags: Backpage, Fourth Republic Democracy, MKO, Nduka Obaigbena, June 12, 1993.

Musiwa you appear to be a money bag, expressive and wary about everything. Whilst some of your views may not be coherently expressed, I think you have a good capture of events using your maps.

I cracked my MTN modem and put a glo sim in it because MTN is crab crap shit.... 4king south african useless company.

lies

The poster is a liar, just in Onitsha as write. A mobil police officer shot a driver and there was a bit of chaos nothing more. All of you fanning discord in this country, the day you get what you are asking for it may be regrettable.
Jobless fools!!!

Na wa oooo, o today don turn yesterday. Twisted Lagos Journalist who asked silly questions at the set-up meeting.

Subjective Nigerians, I wonder the type of change you all are calling for, mitcheeeeww!!!