₦airaland Forum

Pastor pastor

Adeboye Sacks Popular Pastor For Remarrying 10 Years After Divorce
August 07, 2009 14:18 (4 hours ago), 668 views

By Paul Dada

One of the renowned provincial pastors of The Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), Pastor Ituah Ighodalo, has been asked to quit the church.

P.M.News learnt that the pastor of the Christ Church Parish of the RCCG, in Gbagada, a suburb of Lagos, which is one of the most flourishing parishes of the church in the area, was compelled to quit because he got married a second time.

The General Overseer of RCCG, Pastor Enoch Adeboye, was said to have asked Ighodalo to resign because of this development.
•Ighodalo, the sacked Pastor


A source in the church denied that Ighodalo was sacked, adding that Pastor Adeboye advised him to resign because he had to remarry, contrary to Biblical injunction since his former wife is still alive.

Ighodalo was earlier married to Lucy-Ann Summer, also a Chartered Accountant like himself, whom he divorced. He later got married to former Miss Lux, Ibidunni Ajayi in 2007.

His first marriage was said to have been contracted abroad and when they could not produce any child, and his wife refused to return to Nigeria to join him. After he became born again, they broke up.

The Redeemed Church does not support remarriage, except when one’s spouse is deceased.

Ighodalo, whose first wife is not dead, reportedly waited for more than 10 years before taking Ibidunni to the altar.

His getting married again, P.M.News was told, has been encouraging other pastors of the Redeemed Church to also desire to divorce their wives and remarry. And this did not go down well with Pastor Adeboye

Ighodalo was said to have announced to his congregation that he was quitting the church.

However, P.M.News learnt from another source that the popular pastor resigned when he could no longer cope with the politics being played in the church.

It was gathered that some of his envious colleagues, who were not comfortable with his closeness to the GO, as Pastor Adeboye is called, were flexing muscles with him.

“This, at a point, led to his transfer to another parish. But his congregation at the Gbagada Parish kicked against the transfer and clamoured for his return, which prompted his recall. He had to quit eventually when the pressure from those who don’t want him in Gbagada was taking its toll on him,” said our source.

When P.M.News contacted Ighodalo on phone, he described the report that he had left the church as false.

He stated that he was still a pastor in the Redeemed Christian Church of God and declined further comments when asked about the circumstances surrounding his present predicament.

On 26 April this year, Ighodalo granted an interview to ThisDay newspaper where he spoke  on why he divorced his first wife.

Ighodalo said he married a fellow accountant, Lucy-Ann Summer whom he said he met “while I was going up and down” in 1995.

He disclosed that Ann refused to join him in Nigeria and after much persuasion failed, she left. “Because the expectations from the marriage were not met, she met someone else that met those expectations…,” the pastor added.

Ighodalo later met another lady, Ibidunni Ajayi, then a Youth Corps member. The courtship lasted over four years, even though he proposed to Ibidunni after 18 months of friendship.

According to the newspaper, Ibidunni and Itua tied the nuptial knot on 26 February 2007 and was  followed by the traditional wedding three days later in Ibadan, Oyo State.

Police arrest 7 suspected militants in Ibadan
By Adebayo Waheed
Friday, August 7, 2009
OYO State Police Command, on Thursday, arrested seven people suspected to be militants, at Ring Road, Ibadan, with one of them said to have dressed in an army uniform.


This, it was learnt, made the people to suspect them as they were said to have looked like some of the armed robbers who attacked three banks in Ogbomoso on Wednesday.


It was gathered that the need to avert what happened in Ogbomoso, and the attack on an old generation bank in the area early this year, made the residents to become suspicious of their movements.


According to source, the movements of the suspects were suspicious and this led to their arrest by policemen who were on patrol.


When the Nigerian Tribune visited the area, it was learnt that the suspects were moving around the area without any specific destination when the people raised the alarm leading to their arrest.


A senior police officer, who was involved in the arrest of the suspect, confirmed that they were militants from the Niger Delta area.


He said that the suspects had been transferred to the Monitoring Unit of the Police Command for further interrogation.


When contacted, the Police image maker, DSP Olabisi Okuwobi, confirmed the arrest of the seven people, including the one who dressed in military uniform.


DSP Okuwobi, who refused to give more details, said the suspects were being interrogated.


Meanwhile, the police in the state have declared that 469 expended cartridges and 200 rounds of AK47 ammunition with four magazines were recovered from the scene of the Wednesday robbery incident in Ogbomoso.

yommyuk:
In Nigeria We probably have the most number of Graduates in the world. But have we got to show for it

China and India have the highest number of graduates. I think even USA will have higher number of graduates (BS, MS, PhD and their equivalents) than Nigeria

294 Ekiti workers may go to jail over fake certificates
From BOLU-OLU ESHO, Ado-Ekiti
Friday, August 7, 2009



More Stories on This Section
Ekiti State Government has disclosed that salaries of 294 workers in the state civil service have been suspended over presentation of fake certificates to gain appointment into the state civil service.

Addressing newsmen in Ado-Ekiti on Thursday, the state Head of Service (HOS), Mr. Olufemi Adewumi, disclosed that the state had been losing over N7.2 million annually to workers who entered into the service with fake and forged credentials.

Adewumi disclosed that the state government suspected that there were “a lot of irregularities in the payment of salaries in the public service” and a private consulting firm was commissioned by the state government to conduct staff auditing exercise.

Having submitted its interim report, the auditing firm wrote that a total number of 294 workers were discovered to have gained appointment into the state public service with fake certificates.
According to the HOS, “ one hundred of this figure are secondary school teachers while the remaining 194 are from the Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs).”
On the reception of the interim report, the state government set a committee to verify the allegations of the auditing firm.

Adewumi said: “This committee has invited all officers alleged to have used forged certificates to defend themselves. The committee’s assignment is on-going. No report has been submitted yet by the committee.”
Among other offenders discovered were some officers who were “being overpaid because they had been illegally moved above their normal salary steps resulting in great loss to the government, receiving salaries in multiple pay points; overstay in service as well as those who falsified their dates of birth and dates of first appointment.”

Dismissing the rumour that the auditing exercise was meant to witchhunt some workers due to their alleged attitude during the April 25, 2009 governorship re-run election in the state, the HOS said the exercise had commenced late last year, noting that the exercise was not selective and cut across all levels.
Explaining further, Adewumi said the salaries of the 294 workers were stopped, saying “we can’t be paying them until they prove their innocence.”

He, however, noted that there is every possibility that not all the alleged workers would be fired, noting that some of them may eventually prove their innocence. He noted that “nobody has been asked to withdraw from the public service. Nobody has also been asked to refund any money yet. Verification exercise is still ongoing.”

Nevertheless, among the punitive measures to be taken by the state government were refunding of all the money collected from the purse of the government, dismissal and, ultimately, prosecution.

Good riddance to the religious bigots. No amount of human rights violation can obviate the evil that these people represent. May they rot in hell.

Boko Haram: How 3 pastors were beheaded eyewitness
From TIMOTHY OLA, Maiduguri

Thursday, August 6, 2009

One of the victims of last week’s attack by the Yusufiya sect in Borno State has given a shocking account of how the Islamic extremists killed three pastors who were captured along with other victims on the second day of the insurgence. The victim was among those held hostage in Yusuf’s enclave.


Speaking exclusively to Daily Sun in Maiduguri, the eye witness who preferred anonymity disclosed that the three pastors were beheaded on the instruction of the sect leader, Mohammed Yusuf shortly after bringing them out of his inner chamber.


“The pastors alongside one Ibo man were asked to change their faith to Islam like they did to other people taken as hostages. I think there was an argument by one of the pastors which gave the others some level of confidence to also resist accepting Islam.


“The Yusufiya men who were armed on that Tuesday afternoon were not comfortable with the pastors and they took one of them to the sect leader in his inner chamber. They came out later to the courtyard within the compound and cut their heads one after the other and thereafter, shouted allah akbar in wild celebration accompanied with several gun shots,” the eye witness disclosed.


He said the hostages numbering about 50 within the area of the execution of the pastors and another fair complexioned man which he could not identify, were gripped with fear as non could foretell the outcome of their stay at the enclave of the fundamentalists. He was however lucky to escape as he was freed in the night with others with a warning not to mix with kafrici (infidels).


Corroborating the account of the killing, a Senior pastor with Good News Church, Wulari Maiduguri Rev. Baba Gata Ibrahim told Daily Sun in an interview that a pastor in his church, Pastor George Orjih was beheaded on the instruction of the Boko Haram leader because the clergy man refused to accept Islam.

“An eye witness who was also captured by the Islamic militants gave us details of how the pastor was killed. He told us they were persuading him to accept Islam and he said over his dead body. He was even said to have preached Christ to Mohammed Yusuf and that reportedly angered the sect leader who then as he ordered that the pastor and others be killed immediately,” he disclosed.


The late Pastor George Orjih was said to have arrived Maiduguri last week from Jos where he was doing his Masters programme in Theology. Described as a fearless, hardworking, and intellectually sound, his care for the welfare and well being of his family allegedly contributed to his capture and eventual death.

“He was mindful of his family and their welfare. He was really out of the house but thought to go back again. That was how he was captured by the Boko Haram before he was killed. It was the very week, in fact the following day he returned from school where he was doing his Masters in Theology that he was arrested,” the senior pastor added.


He urged the government to provide adequate security for Christian in the state.

Also delivering a sermon during the funeral rites for late Rev. Sabo Yakubu, slain COCIN Church pastor, the speaker, Rev Bulus Azi urged Christians to emulate the pastors who were killed because of their refusal to betray their faith. Quoting from the bible in Revelation 7: 9-15, the regional chairman of the church told Christians to prepare to die anytime as their calling demand.

One sure strategy toward a Nigerian presidency of Igbo extraction. The signs are showing and if it takes all Igbo to belong to PDP to achieve that, so be it. Em! I beg where is AD?

Didn't Gani Fawehinmi once sue Tinubu to court for certificate forgery? The man na proper Gbajue man.

http://maxsiollun./my-book/

Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture (1966-1976) – “The Best Book on the Period So Far”
After a long hard slog, my book is finally available.

The book can be purchased from: http://www.amazon.com/Oil-Politics-Violence-Nigerias-1966-1976/dp/0875867081/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1243780456&sr=1-1



“What is the book about?” I hear you say. Well, read on….

Review One: By Ohsee of Toronto, Canada.

In the West, considerations of truth and objectivity in history are seen in some quarters as marks of a lack of sophistication. In Nigeria, however, they are matters of life and death. People there die as a result of history forgot, of lessons not learned. Many people die.

Such questions loom large in Nigeria’s violent political history of the first two decades after independence. The most problematic have been, what really happened during the first two coups and the resultant civil war? It is here that Nigerians need to know the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, because such reliable knowledge has proved useful in the past. But most Nigerian histories of those turbulent times, are often clouded by the malodorous presence of ethnic chauvinism and hatred of the Other, and the need for self-aggrandizement.

Many readers despaired of ever seeing an unbiased history from Nigerians themselves, and sought such objectivity from outsiders who often had little understanding of the subtleties of the Nigerian political milieu.

Thus Mr. Siollun’s book about the first four coups (1966-1976) must be considered something of a miracle. Unlike prior writers on the topic from that country, the Nigerian-born historian successfully checked at the door the ethnic biases he surely must have, in order to combine the dispassionate objectivity of the outsider with the nuanced knowledge of the insider. The result is a truly insightful book that is highly accessible to the general reader. The book also has enough new information to serve as a starting point for future investigators who wish to tackle some of the issues in greater detail.

Mr Siollun, whose essays about the first two coups are familiar to those who visit Nigerian websites, has tackled the four coups sequentially, and shown how they are related in terms of personnel involved and lessons to be learned. For instance, some of the participants in the second coup—such as Babangida, Abacha, Yaradua, and Buhari—dominated Nigerian coup-making culture for thirty years. Mr. Siollun shows how failing to punish murderous putschists can and did come back to bite coup beneficiaries in the arse, since “unpunished coup plotters will re-offend. The coup plotters behind Nigeria’s military regimes were repeat offenders—often with fatal consequences for themselves. They were men who lived life on the edge, snacked on danger and dined on death. For them, coup plotting was in the blood.”

Mr. Siollun’s summary of the pre-coup political situation is concise and lucid, and looks at the events in new ways. For instance, most people probably do not see the Nzeogwu coup as the second attempt at overthrowing the Balewa government by force. While many followers of Nigerian history may know that Awolowo—leader of the Action Group, one of the opposition parties in the First Republic—was jailed for treason in 1964, few are aware that it was not a trumped up charge, and that three decades later, Action Group General Secretary, S.G. Ikoku, confirmed that there was a genuine AG plot to topple the federal government.

Mr. Siollun is at his strongest where he skillfully cuts away the myths that have grown weed-like around the more controversial of those 1966 events. One of the more pernicious of these is the lie that the January 15 1966 coup was an effort at Igbo domination organized by the Igbos. Mr. Siollun demonstrates that there is a very strong case for seeing January 15 as an UPGA (United Progressive Grand Alliance) coup, or in other words, a second attempt by the South or southern political parties to wrest power from the North. By examining the national character of the Igbos, and the stereotypes that grew around their business activities, he carefully shows us the historical process via which the Igbos became the national scapegoat; we see how one section of the country practiced what he calls “transferred malice,” where the Igbos were singled out for punishment during troubles in which they only played a bit part.

In this absorbing and fascinating work, there is a good deal of new and startling information: who knew that in private moments, the genial Ironsi, the first military ruler, liked to refer jokingly to his fellow Igbos by the pejorative Northern term “Nyamiri?” We learn of the enormous family pressures on Northern officers and men after January 15 demanding vengeance for the Northern officers killed. The blood relationships between Northern People’s Congress (NPC) politicians, and some of the July 1966 plotters are revealed—Inua Wada, defence minister in the Balewa government during the First Republic, was Murtala Muhammed’s cousin, for example. We begin to understand the Machiavellian Ibrahim Babangida—military president from 1985 to 1993—better when we find out his closest friends were among the Dimka coup plotters of Feb 1976, a coup in which those very friends marked him for liquidation. We learn that Gen. Obasanjo wept when the poisonous chalice of leadership would not pass him by. Such brief character and biographical sketches of principal players inject life into the narrative, and make the historical protagonists more than just names on a paper.

The book of course has its flaws, some quite minor and perhaps fixable in later editions. The footnoting seems somewhat haphazard and sparse. To some, this may be considered a benefit, but it could be frustrating to the reader or researcher who wants to learn more by exploring sources. And one of the more vexatious things is that the footnoting, like Carlyle’s History, “is silent where you most wish her to speak.”

More egregious are the omissions and failures to explore some controversial areas. We do not know the extent of Lt. Col Adekunle Fajuyi’s involvement in January 15 even though Mr. Siollun was involved a few years back in a debate about it with someone on the Internet who went by the moniker “Arthur Unegbe”. Perhaps there is nothing to know or find out, but Mr. Siollun’s complete silence—no discussion of rumours, or analysis of possibilities—is troubling. Also surely we could learn from a brief exploration of the contradictions in the public statements of Gowon’s apologists and the actions of the man that suggest some foreknowledge of the July horrors? However, in light of the importance and intelligence of this work, it would be churlish to carp about these matters.

I admit to being skeptical before reading this work, expecting the typical tendentious and ethnically jaundiced approach that colours most Nigerian commentaries on the coups of 1966. What Mr. Siollun has given us rather is a deft, measured, and just examination of those tragic events, all done in very accessible prose. All Nigerians owe him a debt of gratitude. I wish I could find a way to get a copy into the hands of every educated Nigerian.

The book can be purchased from: http://www.amazon.com/Oil-Politics-Violence-Nigerias-1966-1976/dp/0875867081/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1243780456&sr=1-1

Review Two: by Iwedi Ojinmah for Nigerian Village Square

Once in while there comes a book that makes us either sit up straight or reflect on our lives… past and present. It is even more appreciated and of importance when such a book is a serious one and about a subject matter, that even 4 decades after it engulfed Nigeria in arguably Africa’s most vicious war pitching suspicious cousin against each other , it is still rife with so much controvesy and emotional debate that one can seriously question if true National reconcilation has not remained deferred.

Max Siollun, has produced such a wonder in Oil Politics and Violence: Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture (1966-1976) Algora Pub Hardcover : $33.95 Softcover $23.95

Right out the gates the English born Nigerian but US based Professor, separates himself from the rest of the pack of historians that have feebly tackled early Nigerian Politics with his pronounced objectivity and absolutely impeccable research. In a detailed chronological sequence of events he locks the door on many a propagated myth and exposes among others how for instance the Igbo’s became political scapegoats not by choice but by default. He also amazingly shows how for the better part of 3 decades it was pretty much “old wine in new bottles” as the same vagabonds in power continued -just like some morbid spoke of a wheel- to keep in place Nigeria’s wobbly and corrupt coup culture.

Each of the 268 pages is saturated with such intricate fact that you often have to pinch yourself back into reality to realize again that all this stuff really did occur, and is not the draft of an up till now unknown Shakespearean tragedy. The man really names names and one has to virtually munch on a mint to supress the subsequent but delicious bite.

Things Fell Apart and Have Never Been the Same Since

However while his book will serve hopefully as salve on the deep festering wound inflicted on Nigeria, it does not address the more dangerous and ever present infection that lingers on still robbing her of her full potential; because it summates just ten years out of almost 45 years. Since there is an undeniable thread linking the past to the present and vice versa ; we salivate at the possibility……NO I take that back …, “ we implore” the absolute need of a part 2 that will continue to explore the murky dysfunctional rot that is Nigerian Politics. The story after 1976 must also be examined with as equal objectivity and openness and till then we will remain hungry at the table like guests denied of a spectacular entrée after being treaded to array of amazing o’dourves….pounding our forks and just like Twist – asking for more.

The book can be purchased from: http://www.amazon.com/Oil-Politics-Violence-Nigerias-1966-1976/dp/0875867081/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1243780456&sr=1-1

Yar’Adua’s cabinet in tatters
By Ocherome Nnanna
Monday, August 3, 2009
ONE of the reasons for the poor performance of the Federal Government under President Umaru Yar’ Adua showed itself last week Wednesday after the Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting.


Reports had it that as many as eight ministers flouted a standing presidential order that ministers whose memos were discussed and approved at the weekly meeting should stay back and address the media.


The President left for Brazil last week Tuesday on a two-day official visit. Vice President Goodluck Jonathan presided over the FEC meeting of last week Wednesday.


The media did not, however, indicate whether ministers had always complied with the order until Yar’ Adua travelled out. If that was the case, one would conclude that these ministers do not have much regard for the delegated authority of the Vice President.


It becomes a case of when the top cat is away the rats play. The main issue of interest here is that ministers feel free to disregard instructions of the President. Whenever you see line managers doing this sort of thing, it means the man at the top is not fully in charge.


People will flout directives whenever they feel they can get away with it.


That as many as eight ministers whose memos were treated at the meeting walked away without briefing the waiting corps of reporters was a sign that the directive had been flouted for some time without the President saying or doing anything about it.


There were two curious dimensions to it which should be of particular interest to Nigerians.


Number one was that two prominent members of the so-called Katsina Mafia – the Minister of Agriculture and Natural Resources, Alhaji Abba Sayyadi Ruma (along with his Minister of State, Mrs. Fidelia Njeze); and the Minister of Finance, Dr. Mansur Mukhtar (also along with his Minister of State, Mr. Remi Babalola), shunned the briefing even though their memos were entertained at the Council. The Minister of National Planning, Dr. Shamsideen Usman, also walked away, though he was involved.


Among the others who also did not comply were Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, Obong Ufot Ekaette; his Minister of State, Elder Godswill Orubebe and Minister of Transportation, Alhaji Ibrahim Bio.


Ruma, Mukhtar and Usman are said to be among the members of Yar’ Adua’s inner circle. Ruma is reported to be eyeing the Katsina Government House in 2011 and sticks closely to the President like white on rice as an expression of his loyalty to the President.


But no sooner did the President depart to Brazil than Ruma ignored his directive.


Yar’ Adua has made several efforts to get his ministers to let the public know what his generally perceived non-performing government is doing. Three months ago, he gave a directive for ministers to open up to the media.


Only a couple of ministers tepidly complied. But everyone has gone back behind their iron curtains since then. The media are ready but the ministers are not available.


The second worrying aspect of the ministerial drama last week was what happened between the Minister of Information and Communication, Mrs. Dora Akunyili and her colleague, Alhaji Bilbis Inkra, the Minister of State.


Inkra reportedly abandoned Akunyili when she started her weekly briefing.


Due to scanty information at her disposal, the reports said she was hard put to provide adequate information about funding of projects outside her ministry.


You would know by now that Akunyili incurred Inkra’s cold shoulder when she engaged him in a needless power struggle because she sees Inkra as her junior colleague, which he is not.


There is a lot of petty jealousy and power struggle going on. As a result, many programmes that should be on-stream are hanging.


I wonder what these ministers have to hide. Why are they withholding information even when on two occasions the President has ordered them to tell the public what the government is doing? Is the President really in control? Does he know what is really going on inside his government? Is he really able to lead?


If so, why are the sheep under his keep wandering in all directions?


Baban Mangoro in Abia


GOVERNOR Murtala Nyako of Adamawa State (fondly hailed by his supporters as Baban Mangoro because his farm produces mangoes in great quantities) recently visited Abia State to be with his colleague, Governor Theodore Orji for a couple of days.


While there, he commissioned a number of projects and shared ideas on governance with his amiable host. I understand that T. A. will in due course reciprocate the visit.


Reports have it that these state helmsmen cultivated a close tie as a result of frequently sitting close together at governors’ forums (T. A. is always flanked on the left by his Adamawa peer and on the right by his Zamfara colleague due to the alphabetical order of sitting).


Due to the sudden rise in ethnic tensions in the country in recent months, it was gratifying that the two governors who belong to different political parties are closing ranks.


Coming at a time when the Sultan of Sokoto, His Eminence Sa’ad Abubakar III led a powerful delegation of Northern traditional rulers to meet their Igbo counterparts headed by HRM Cletus Ilomuanya, the Chairman of South East Traditional Rulers in Owerri, one finds it very gratifying.


We hope these visits will result in greater economic, political and social cooperation between these two groups of Nigerians with a chequered history of conflicts and alliances. Let the ties be strong and constructive. Let these visits continue and go beyond mere official pageantry.

Yar'Adua's appointments call for concern, says CAN scribe

Secretary General of Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) in the 19 northern states and Abuja, Elder Saidu Dogo spoke to SAXONE AKHAINE in Kaduna on appointments by President Umaru Yar'Adua's Government in political offices, Federal Character and other national issues. Excerpts:

ASSESS the implementation of federal character as reflected in the appointments made by President Umar Yar'Adua?

Some of the appointments under Yar'Adua call for concern. When we look at major appointments, we discover a lopsidedness in favour of the core North. Recently, he picked somebody from the North a core Muslim, to be the Governor of Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). He picked a Minister of Finance, Minister of Petroleum and there is the Economic Adviser, the Minister of Economic Planning, the Chairman of Revenue Mobilisation and Allocation, and others. These people come from the North and are core Muslims. This does not reflect justice and equity and we are not being fair to ourselves as if we are to do things this way. When you remove justice and fair play in your dealings as a leader, then the whole thing can be seen as a way of life in a Banana Republic.

We have the Middle Belt, and the core North. I can say it with confidence that for the first time in the history of Nigeria, the Middle Belt is marginalised in these appointments. When we go back to the states, and zones for example, we se that in the South-South, all previous heads of state, made sure that if the petroleum minister is not from Niger Delta, the Group Managing Director (GMD) of the NNPC would come from that place, to balance the equation. Today people have brought sentiments into national affairs and picked the Minister of Petroleum, the GMD of NNPC, Governor of CBN and every other person from the core north. No one will be happy with that because there is no justice and fair play. Now how do we rationalise the policy by this administration to set up the Petroleum University in the North. Former president, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo actually approved that the institution should be established in Warri, Delta State. The President is relocating this university to Kaduna. These are the kind of policies people are supposed to be sensitive on, people should take the happenings in the country into consideration and not to do things that will bring fire and commotion to the nation.

You believe that the President has lessons to learn from the problem of Niger Delta?

I wonder if he is in control. It is unfortunate for any President not to take into cognisance the sentimental issue of the Niger Delta and just do things in terms of appointments, relocating or citing projects without due consideration. So, if that is the issue, then definitely the country will be worst for it. A President should first consider the larger interests of the nation first, and then policies should be tailored towards such considerations. The reverse is the case in Nigeria.

Do you accept the conclusion that agitators especially in the Niger Delta have a case in the light of the failure of governments to deliver good governance?

We have different interest groups in this country; it is not only the militants. There is the Arewa group, Ohanaeze, OPC and so on. And when the groups begin to agitate, then we will see that it is not only the Niger Delta that can take up arms. There is the struggle by OPC and the Middle Belt who feel marginalised. Any group that feels marginalised has the right to agitate; it is not the exclusive territory of the Niger Delta to agitate.

On the issue of marginalisation why has the CAN not really protested at the national level?

The CAN challenged some of the policies of the government. During the 10th anniversary of democracy in Nigeria and the second year of Yar'Adua in Government CAN challenged the President on problems facing Nigerians. The Presidency was not happy with that. We are in the North now are looking at the totality of the injustices being meted against Nigerians, mostly the Christians. We are collating data on appointments and the citing of projects, and we are coming out with a position on what we see. What we are doing is to get empirical details to fully support our stand. We are researching further to get more facts on how Christians are marginalised in the North, where the situation is worst.

Is the government doing enough for the people?

We have cried out because of the many injustices that have taken place. Soon after Yar'Adua assumed office, we met him and he was impressed, because we have a peculiar situation in the North. The Christians in the North actually are the ones being suppressed more than any other group in the country. We said Christians are northerners and there is no other place for them than in the North. We told him that he should call the governors in the North, sit down and iron out the problems to ensure there is peace in this nation. He promised that after he must have consolidated he would see to our issue. Up till this moment he has not called us and then we resolved to go to the Northern Governors' Forum (NGF) and the chairman allowed us to address the governors in Kaduna. We presented the problems that Christians encounter in the North, and proffered solutions for peaceful coexistence not only in the North, but Nigeria general.

Let us look at the recent appointments in the Army. One cannot say that the Armed Forces consist of 80 of Muslims from Kano. The Army actually determines the survival of democracy in the country and now, you brought about 60 per cent of officers posted to key major positions, all from Kano. That tells us that all is not well. On and on you can go on and talk about the lopsidedness. So what is the agenda? People are actually suspicious. Nobody is happy because in policy making, they should take into account that Nigeria is a multi-ethnic nation and once you are doing anything you should take cognisance of this factor.

The truth is this, if Yar'Adua is in control, all these things would not happen. We agree that the man actually has problems. He is not healthy for instance. So, the reality of the situation is that the man seems not to be in control of the policies being generated and executed. In fact, we have witnessed that there is more corruption in the country than ever before. Today, the surest thing to do is to get into Government and you are rich. Any country that engages in such practices definitely will be heading towards crisis. Unless God intervenes, Nigeria will be in serious crisis. The looting is too much and people are seeing it, it is too glaring. It is unfortunate.

The ministries at the end of the year; deliberately hold on to money allocated to them and at the end of the year they share it. Do you think the people should expect development for the country? I have said it that only righteousness exalts a nation.

That man is from Akwa Ibom. The name is very clear.

Friday, July 24, 2009

Ogbonnaya Onovo is new IG of Police
By Ben Ukwuoma (Lagos) and Madu Onuorah (Abuja)

PRESIDENT Umaru Musa Yar'Adua has approved the appointment of Deputy Inspector-General (DIG) of Police, Ogbonnaya Okechukwu Onovo, as the new Inspector-General of Police (IG).

A statement from the Presidency yesterday disclosed that Onovo is expected to resume today.

Onovo, who is 56 this year, has four years more to attain the mandatory retirement age of 60 years. But if service years become the criterion, Onovo will retire at 59 years, when he would have clocked 35 years in service.

An indigene of Enugu State and a son of a law enforcement officer, Onovo was born on February 7, 1953. He received his secondary school education at Izzi Boys High School, Abakaliki and Mary Knoll College, Ogoja, between 1965 and 1972. From there, he proceeded to the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, graduating in 1976 and receiving a Bachelor of Science degree in Political Science with specialisation in International Relations.

Onovo enlisted in the Nigeria Police on August 1, 1977, starting on the rank of Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP).

Between 1978 and 1984, he was deployed to Port Harcourt, Rivers State capital, Nigeria, where he served the police in various capacities, including Divisional Crime Officer, Administrative Officer, Okrika Police Station; as well as Unit Commander, Second-in-Command to Squadron Commander, and substantive Squadron Commander of the Police Mobile Force in this zone.

Onovo was promoted Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) in January 1981; Superintendent of Police (SP) in October 1984 before his redeployment to Owerri, Imo State capital.

Between 1984 and 1986, Onovo served as Divisional Crime Officer and Commander of Surveillance in Owerri before he was promoted to the rank of Chief Superintendent of Police and transferred to Lagos, where he was Staff Officer in the Force Secretary's Office in June 1987.

In 1989, Onovo became Assistant Force Secretary in the Force Headquarters, Lagos, and attained the rank of Assistant Commissioner of Police in March 1990.

In 1992, he was posted to Edo State Police Command to serve as a Deputy State Police Commissioner (Second-in-Command) and, in 1994, to Adamawa State Police Command to serve in the role until his elevation to the substantive rank of Commissioner of Police (CP) in April 1997.

As a Commissioner of Police, he headed the Ogun State Police Command until December 1998, when he was appointed Chairman, National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA).

Onovo's effort at the NDLEA prompted the U.S. Department of State's 2000 International Narcotics Control Strategy Report (INCSR), issued on March 1, 2001, to disclose that "Nigeria did take a significant step in November 2000 by transferring into U.S. custody four fugitives wanted on serious narcotics and narcotics-related charges, including two who are on the President's List of Significant Foreign Narcotics Traffickers under the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act."

From the NDLEA, Onovo was deployed to the Police Academy in Kano as Commandant in May 2000. He served in this position until his promotion to the rank of AIG in May 2001.

As an AIG, Onovo headed the Research and Planning Department at the Force Headquarters and also served as Force Secretary until February 2002.

Following another upgrade to the rank of Deputy Inspector-General (DIG) in March 2002, Onovo was initially designated the Second-in-Command to the Inspector-General of Police (IGP) in the Force Headquarters. However, between 2003 and 2006, another official re-assignment of tasks placed him in charge of the Criminal Investigations Department, from which he was subsequently moved, in November 2006, to his last designation as the DIG in charge of Administration.

Onovo has attended several professional, development and leadership training courses with the Police and other Federal Government and international agencies.

These include the Cadet ASPs Course; Detective Course; Junior Command Course; Middle Management Course; Senior Management Course; National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS) Course; and International Humanitarian Law Program in San Remo, Italy, among others.

IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO
KKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWEEEEEEEEEEEEEEENNNNNNNNNNNUUUUUUUUUUU
Ooooooooonnnnnnnnooooooovvvvvvooooo kwenu

blacksta:
So why the hell are u celebrating a failed individual? but u say federal character. I would prefer a more suitable person irrespective of where they come from someone who who will do the job better.

Why do you refer to Onovo as a failed individual? Do you have any reason for that position, or you simply want to condemn him when he has not even assumed the position? Why do you think he is not suitable?

Asha2,

I choose my title as I like and if you do not like it, you can take a plunge. I have no apologies and I really do not care what you think and who you think you are. I will also like to advise you to mind your business. You do not have to respond to my posts, you know?

Asha 2 (aka Asha 80),

You have always been stupid and hollow. I just wanted to let you know this otherwise your gibberish above is hardly worth any response

Blacksta

It is a matter of fulfilling the federal character thing and I am happy about that. What is good for Yoruba/hausa-Fulani is good for Igbo. When Tafa and Ehindero where there, crime did not reduce in Yorubaland as well.

Yar’Adua picks Onovo to succeed Okiro as Police IG
By Kingley Omonobi
Monday, July 20, 2009

ABUJA — Strong indications emerged, weekend, in Abuja that at the retirement of Mr. Mike Mbama Okiro as the 13th Inspector General of Police, his number two and Deputy Inspector General of Police in charge of Administration, DIG Ogbonna Onovo would be named the next Inspector General of Police by President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.


President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua picks DIG Ogbonna Onovo as next Inspector General of Police


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The expected appointment of Onovo, according to Presidency sources, followed Yar’Aadua’s insistence that due process should be followed in the appointment of senior qualified officers with track records of performance to head sensitive positions.

Moreover, it was gathered that the presidency is comfortable with DIG Onovo’s simple, non controversial and business-like attitude which were noticed from close quarters when he worked with the office of the National Security Adviser as Deputy Inspector General in Charge, Force Criminal Investigations Department (FCID).

Another factor that worked in favour of Onovo is said to be the matured manner and equanimity, with which the erstwhile number two to former IGP, Sunday Gabriel Ehindero, took the appointment of Sir Mike Okiro as IGP in 2007, following the retirement of Ehindero, even though he was a course mate of Okiro at NIPSS and when every permutation had pointed to him (Onovo) as the next IGP.

Yar’Adua is said to have been further impressed with the excellent cooperation and loyalty Onovo showed to Okiro despite losing out to him, and with kind words about Onovo coming from Okiro himself, it is his conviction that DIG Onovo, who has enhanced his knowledge after working closely with Tafa Balogun, Sunday Ehindero and Mike Okiro, and with three years left to serve in the force, should be well experienced enough to be the next IGP.

Onovo had held among others the following positions: Deputy Commissioner of Police, old Bendel state, Deputy Commissioner and later Commissioner of Police, Adamawa state for eight months, Commissioner of Police, Ogun State, Chairman, National Drugs Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), Assistant Inspector General of Police {Force Secretary}, Deputy Inspector General, FCID and presently Deputy Inspector General of Police, Administration.

The senior officer, who is 56 this year has four years more to attain the mandatory retirement age of 60 years. But if the year of joining the force comes into question, DIG Onovo will be retired on the attainment of 59 years, when he would have clocked 35 years in service.

However, severe pressure is said to be mounting on President Yar’Adua to ditch Onovo and go for what some describe as the new breed in the police force. With some former but powerful governors and top PDP echelons amongst them, a former Governor, proposing the Deputy Inspector General of Police in charge ‘Operations’, Mr. John Ahmadu or the Deputy Inspector General in charge of Works, Udom Ekpe Udom, as the next IGP.

Their argument is that in view of the fact that policing of today and tomorrow needs young and dynamic officers capable of matching the sophistication of new dimension crimes have introduced, DIG Ahmadu who supervised the security arrangements for the volatile Ekiti governorship re-run elections which reproduced Engr. Segun Oni, could reproduce the commendable feat in a bigger capacity in future.

They further cite the police report that emanated after the Ekiti election which spared nobody, including local political gladiators like Senator Ayo Arise and Senator Femi Kila (PDP Chieftains) of contributing to the few violence and confrontations that threatened the Ekiti re-run elections, as ample evidence of John Ahmadu’s ability to be neutral in sensitive assignments.

Before his appointment as DIG Operations, Ahmadu who is an alumnus of the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS); served as Assistant Inspector General in Charge, Zone 10, Sokoto, Commissioner of Police, Delta state during the first tenure of Chief James Ibori, who had a first knowledge of the capabilities of Ahmadu as a police officer.

DIG Ekpe Udom on his part, who hails from Cross Rivers state, has been the Commissioner of Police, Delta state, Oyo state and briefly CP, Lagos, before his appointment as AIG, Zone 5 and later AIG Force Secretary, before his appointment as Deputy Inspector General, ‘C’ Department.

For the north, which believes that the entire South with particular reference to the South-West and South-South have had their fill as IGP, beginning with the appointment of Mr. Musiliu Smith as IGP under former President Obasanjo, to the appointment of Mr. Tafa Balogun, Sunday Gabriel Ehindero and now Mike Okiro, their message to Yar’Adua is that one of their accomplished officers and AIG zone 2, Lagos, M.D. Abubakar, should be appointed the next IG or in the alternative, DIG Uba Ringim, who is in charge of ‘E’ Department should be appointed.

AIG M. D. Abubakar in particular, is said to be enjoying the backing of the Emirs and the traditional institution from the north headed by the Sultan of Sokoto, some senior traditional rulers from even the South West and South-South, not only because of his knowledge of policing, but because of his hardwork and ability to achieve excellent results.

In particular, as someone from an area considered as part of the sultanate, Zamfara state, the north believes that failure to seize this opportunity could become costly especially as they believe that M. D. Abubakar is well liked both inside and outside the police force. AIG Abubakar who is an alumnus of NIPSS, has served as Deputy Commissioner of Police, Lagos state command as well as CP, and was also one time AIG, Zone 1, Kano

Authoritative sources, however, insists that despite all the pressure, President Yar’Adua on whose table the buck stops, wants the atmosphere of the 2011 general elections to be devoid of tension, controversy and that due process should be followed and that from what he has seen, the person that can do it is Ogbonna Onovo.

Continuing the source said, “A physical example of President Yar’Adua’s insistence that due process be followed in such appointments, is the recent appointment of Mr. Steve Oronsaye as the new Head of Service of the federation. He took over as HOS, as the next most senior officer to his predecessor, Mrs. Amma Pepple, who herself took over from her predecessor as the next most senior even though she had only about six months left to serve in the civil service.

Experience of how the tenure of Mr. Sunday Gabriel Ehindero’s tenure as IGP was extended even after he attained the 35 mandatory years in service and the unrelenting focus and commitment with which the present IG, Mr. Mike Okiro is performing his duty, is pointing to the picture that those forecasting an extension for Okiro could have their way.

Suddenly, the IG is laying more housing foundations, introducing new crime fighting strategies and crime fighting equipment like the electronic vehicle recovery system and boosting the public private partnership (PPP) with various private initiatives.

Recently, no less a person than Dr. Wale Babalakin, (Mr. PPP), Chairman, Committee of Pro-Chancellors of Universities, told a gathering at the launching of a magazine POLIS, that he was looking forward to working with Mr. Okiro to put in place a 24-hour security service that would make the Lagos Ibadan road the safest in the country.

bilymuse:
[size=18pt]@ Afaukwu
can you please provide us with the link for varification[/size]

I can provide the link if it is for verification, but not varification. So much for intelligence

Negro you are blowing hot air and no substance. Bring up your facts and lets thrash them one after the other. I know you could be NOWA himself masquerading. We are here talking of the rot that hausa and Yoruba have, in the main, visited on nigeria of today and you want to divert the present agitation by taking us 40 years back. Lets see how far you can go.

THe poster is an ignoramus. There have been killings of southerners in the north before the 1966 coup. There was the Maitatsine (spelling?) riot in 1957 where Igbos were killed. Besides, there was a Yoruba among the 1966 coup plotters.

Lagos: Woman gives N3m lottery cash to beggar
07.17.2009
Friday, July 17, 2009

A woman who won the national sports lottery has given all her prize money to a street beggar an hour after being given the cheque, a website said.




Rosemary Obiakor, 46, of Lagos, won more than three million naira in the National Sports Lottery, said a report culled from the website.

When asked what she planned to do with the money after she was presented with her cheque in a ceremony on local TV, Mrs Obiakor said she'd give it to a "lucky beggar".

"I have heard a lot of stories about how people win the lottery, and they get broke in the short run and come across a lot of misfortune. I am scared, and so I'll give it to a lucky beggar on the street," she told TV reporters.

She collected her cheque, cashed the money and gave the money to a female beggar who was sitting by the street side with her two-year old baby.

When Mrs Obiakor and a team of lottery executives handed the beggar a bag full of banknotes, she screamed with delight, and hugged them all.

She thanked her benefactor profusely and promised to start a food retail business immediately.

Before she went away with her money, the new 'millionaire' gave handfuls of money to other beggars on the street.

Backsta:

Not so fast. It says were once , meaning in the past. Deal with the present situation: are we one now?

How Yoruba and Igbo became different languages
Submitted by Namio
Jul 16, 2009
How Yoruba and Igbo became different languages

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Saturday Tribune Sunday Tribune
Thursday 16th July, 2009

Arts and Reviews

How Yoruba and Igbo became different languages
Updated: Tuesday 14-07-2009

Cover of the bookA review of Bolaji Aremo’s book, How Yoruba and Igbo Became Different Languages, by Adewale Oshodi.

No one who has read Bolaji Aremo’s new book, How Yoruba and Igbo Became Different Languages, would be left in any doubt that Igbo and Yoruba were at some time in the past the same language and that the Yoruba and the Igbo were members of one and the same ethnic group.

The revelations are simply staggering!
The main text of the book, some 200 pages, and published by SCRIBO Publications Ltd, Ibadan, is divided into six chapters. As would be expected, Chapter One is a general introduction that provides brief notes on Yoruba and Igbo and their native speakers. The chapter also discusses the main objective of the book: to report the findings from a study aimed at searching (through books and among fluent speakers) for examples of words that are similar in sound and meaning in both Yoruba and Igbo and could, therefore, give further support for the claim by linguists that the two languages descended from the same ancestral language.

The next three chapters list, often with very interesting and informative “clarificatory” notes, the hundreds of examples the author has found of Igbo/Yoruba cognates, i.e Igbo and Yoruba words that are similar in sound and meaning by reason of having been inherited by the two languages from a common Igbo/Yoruba parent language.

The list is divided into rough and ready subsections: Body Parts, etc; Common Medical Conditions, Medications, etc; Relations and Usual Members of the Community; and so on. It is intended that by considering the examples, the reader will be able to form a good impression of how the languages have diverged over time. And the items listed include: agba (or akpÍ, akpå)/agbÍn (= ‘chin’), awÍ /ewu (= ‘grey hair’), aga (or Ëga)/agan (= ‘barrenness, infertility, a barren woman’), Ígwå/oogun (= ‘medicine, poison, charm’), dimkpa/ igiripa (or giripa) (= person in prime of manhood, strong man, man of strength and courage’), Ëra (or Íra, Íha, Ísa)/ara (or ira (CY)) (= ‘the citizenry, the people, the masses, the public’), onye/ eniyan (or Íniyan(CY)(= ‘person, anyone, someone’), agå/ ¹kun (= ‘tiger, leopard’), enyin/ erin (= ‘elephant’), anwå /oorun (= ‘sun, sunlight’), ifufe (or ifufu)/af¹f¹ (or efuufu) (= ‘wind, breeze, air’), ogbodo/ogberi (or ogbere (CY)) (= ‘person not yet initiated into a masquerade or similar secret cult , a novice’), and akårËkÍ /iharihÍ (or ihaahÍ) (= ‘charred part of food which adheres to the pot or sauce pan’). Very many examples, and not a few from even the deeper recesses of traditional life!

Chapter Five discusses some observations that are more or less of general interest concerning the examples. Perhaps the most important of the observations (at least from the historical point of view) is the one relating to the finding that the Central Yoruba (CY) variants of the cognates (used in such Yoruba towns as Ile-Ife, Ilesa, Ado-Ekiti and Akure) are generally much closer in form (and sometimes in meaning as well) to the Igbo cognates than their standard Yoruba counterparts are. Could it then have been the case, the author wonders, that the aboriginal population of the Central Yoruba area had in prehistoric times migrated from Igboland? Or could it have been the case that it was the first settlers in Igboland (in the Northern Igbo area) that had migrated from the Central Yoruba area? The questions are left, and rightly too, to historians to try and ponder.

At the end of Chaper Five, attention is drawn to the similarities between the age-old cultures of the Yoruba and the Igbo that may be inferred from many of the examples.

Thus, for instance: “In their homes (ulÍ/ile (or ule (CY)), the back-garden or yard (mgbala/agbala), the mud bed or mud seat (ÍkpåkpÍ/ pepele ( or upepe (CY)) and the drainage hole (Ínå ntu/ojuto (CY)) are among the regular features. The common tools and implements include: agbada/agbada (= ‘flat frying pot’), agbe/agbe (= ‘gourd’), akpara/ap¹r¹ (= ‘basket’), anyËke/aake (= ‘axe’), mkpÍ/ipÍn (or åpÍn (CY)) (= ‘calabash or wooden ladle’), mpata/Ítita (CY) (= ‘stool’), ågba/igba (or ågba CY)) (= ‘calabash’), udu mmiri/odu omi (= ‘large water pot’). (p 196)

The final chapter, a very short one, summarises the work, and states the quite obvious conclusion that there is overwhelming evidence from the examples supporting the linguists’ claim that Igbo and Yoruba are sister languages, i.e languages that have descended from the same common ancestor. The chapter is rounded off with a suggestion that similar studies be carried out on the various other Nigerian languages which, according to the linguists, are members of the same family. And why that suggestion at this point in the history of Nigeria as a nation? In the author’s view: “…it should be good – reassuring – to be reminded in quite concrete terms that in spite of what many would regard as “the mistake of 1914”, speakers of our different, mutually unintelligible languages today were originally speaking one and the same language, and that for us, there has always been a sure basis for national unity which could be nurtured by justice and fairness everywhere in the land”. (p 203)

In short, Bolaji Aremo has written an important book, in his usually simple, readable style. Already an author of considerable repute, he has once again produced a work of outstanding scholarship, one that should prove of abiding interest to linguists, historians and, indeed, the general public.

© 2004 - 2009 African Newspapers of Nigeria plc. publishers of Nigerian Tribune, Saturday Tribune, Sunday Tribune

She is of Nigerian descent and she will remain so.

Will remain so? Not sure about that. His father might be one of the die-hard Biafran apologists and he decides where he and his family belong; not you,

Igbo people sef

Enugu gets Nollywood village soon
From PETRUS OBI, Enugu
Friday, July 17, 2009


•Photo: Sun News Publishing
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As part of activities to mark the celebration of the centenary of Enugu , the state government has announced plans to build a Nollywood village and thereby make the state centre of movie production in the country.

Speaking on the 100 years of Enugu , Chairman of the Centenary Committee and former Minister of Information and Culture, Chief Nnia Nwado said the committee was fully committed towards using the celebration to renew Enugu City .
Said he; “We don’t just want to have a week of celebration and dancing, we want to use it as a renewal of Enugu and repositioning of Enugu and to announce to the world what the new Enugu is.

“We want Enugu to be known not just for coal; we want Enugu to be known as the centre of Nollywood. We are going to start a Nollywood village from the proceeds that we get from the Centenary celebrations so that the film production in Nigeria will take its firm root in Enugu . We want Enugu to be known as a holiday resort because of its cleanliness and its good roads.

We want Enugu to be known for the friendliness of its people, their hospitability; we want it to be the melting point of the South East and the South-South; the place that gave birth to all the states around here and still prepared to give homes to them. “And the government in its land policy will be allocating land to non Enugu indigenes so that Enugu continues to retain its character as the cosmopolitan headquarters of Eastern Nigeria .

“We are going to have a Mmanwu festival which we usually have it here every year but this one is going to be different; and we are going to compartmentalize Enugu into Ogui, Ogbette, Asata, New Haven, and each area would come with its best Mmanwu and all the senatorial zones in Enugu State be encouraged to also bring their own so that we will have really something of pictorial significance.
“We hope to have a beauty contest in which we will have Miss Enugu in the course of the carnival. And like I said, all these will enable us to promote the home coming of our people in Diaspora.